In old hoodoo and Latin folk records, the first instruction was never action. It was containment. Emotion was acknowledged, then set aside. Because feeling revealed the imbalance but law determined the response. The work was never done in heat. It was done after clarity returned, when the field could be read clean. There were rules about proximity. Rules about what could remain attached to you. Rules about what must be placed elsewhere so it would stop interfering. Some things were grounded. Some were sent back to where they originated. Some were denied entry without confrontation. The elders taught that when order is restored, nothing needs to be chased. Nothing needs to be threatened. Nothing needs to be named. What does not belong cannot stand. That is why the work endured. It moved through law, not emotion, law does not explain itself. When divine order moves in, what was never meant to remain doesn't leave, it fades.
Inspired by traditional hoodoo and folk law as documented by Catherine Yronwode, Paper in My Shoe
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Today's entry comes from the University of Victoria, where someone earned a PhD in the School of Indigenous Governance, which I had never heard of but appears to be where ordinary academic standards go to be ceremonially sacrificed.
The dissertation is titled, "Mnidoo-mkwendamwin: Beading and Restitching with Ancestral Threads of Memory." And before the dissertation even begins, we of course get a mandatory land acknowledgment.
The abstract opens with a typo. It says, quote, "This work was created to go beyond the study cultural mnemonic devices." It appears to be missing the word 'of' there, but maybe proofreading is an oppressive colonial construct as well.
But it gets better, or worse, however you look at it. The author says the dissertation documents how to make, quote, "ancestral knowledge encodements" through "indigenous beadwork, textile, other fiber arts." It seems to be missing the word 'and' there as well. So that's two typos, and we haven't even moved beyond the first sentence yet
It then explains that beading is, quote, "indigenous resurgence" explored through the author's intersecting lenses of being a, quote, "chronically ill neurodivergent two-spirit Mississauga Nishabi Lucanan artist and scholar."
The abstract also says that, quote, "the body, mind, spirit, land, and material expressions of culture" are only viewed as separate entities "due to colonization."
This dissertation is based on so-called "indigenous knowledges." But while cultural traditions, stories, and art can be personally meaningful, when universities start treating them as co-equal with scientific knowledge and dismiss skepticism as a form of colonial oppression, we've left the realm of serious scholarship entirely and dove headfirst into mystical woo-woo.
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This work was created to go beyond the study cultural mnemonic devices and into the realm of documenting how to make ancestral knowledge enc
Abstract
This work was created to go beyond the study cultural mnemonic devices and into the realm of documenting how to make ancestral knowledge encodements that synthesize research through Indigenous beadwork, textile, other fibre arts. Beading is Indigenous resurgence that connects me to my ancestors, and this research delves into what that means in a grounded wholistic way through my intersecting lenses of being a chronically ill neurodivergent Two-Spirit Mississauga Nishnaabe Lucbanin artist and scholar. Conceptualizations around the body, mind, spirit, land, and material expressions of culture are often thought of as separate entities due to colonization, so a foundational part of this work examines approaches to Indigenous ideas of wholeness in community and identifies what forms of decolonization and resurgence can facilitate reconnection with the spiritual. Beads come together and interplay with one another in similar ways that gained wisdoms do within the research process. While the overall design that is created through knowledge is powerful and important, so is every stitch that makes that design come into being. Each relative who collaborated on this dissertation brought a prismatic array of experiences and played a powerful role in shaping the trajectory of the ancestral knowledge encodement of this work in the Ngwaagan Regalia (2025). Throughout the dissertation are ancestral knowledge encodementsโcreated through historical inspiration, depictions of relatives, tea-visits with kin, and narratives shared by family and community members. The encodements created and embedded into this written dissertation take the forms of photographs, historical images, digitally stitched collages, digital mixed media illustrations, paintings, and diagrams. I have chosen to honour this tradition of weaving in the threads of previous generations and connecting it to those in the future through integrating ancestral mkwendamwinan (memories) in the same way that I am including contemporary conversational dbaajmownan (stories).
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Art is not science. Any form of "knowledge" which is inaccessible to all but an anointed, special few is not "knowledge."
โFactโ is not anybodyโs experience; it states the experience of no one in particular. โฆ By definition, then, if we take the empirical rule (no personal authority) seriously, revelation cannot be the basis for fact, because it is not publicly available. Similarly, attempts to claim a special kind of experience or checking for any particular person or kind of personโmale or female, black or white, tall or shortโare strictly illicit. โฆ if you make different rules for black and white checkers, you are not doing science. โฆ if the way you are checking works only for people with a sympathetic attitude, or if your results are not replicable by others in a reasonably regular fashion, you are not doing science. โฆ If the way you are seeing and explaining works only for the religious, you are breaking the rules.
โ Jonathan Rauch, "Kindly Inquisitors"
Fire was never decoration - it was infrastructure placed at the center of transformation. It wasn't there to symbolize change, but to make it possible: to burn, carry and translate reality.
If you feel called, pause today with a small flame and just to sit long enough to notice what shifts when attention and fire meet.
Taรญno Cosmology: How the Realm (World) is Generally Understood, Not Just What Was Believed
When we talk about Taรญno cosmology, it is important to be precise about what that actually means.
This is not a fully preserved system we can reconstruct in complete detail. Instead, this article is discussing the core of it, a partial understanding built from archaeology, early colonial accounts, modern scholarly interpretation and individual family oral histories.
Cosmology, in this sense, refers to how a society understands:
the structure of the world
the relationship between humans and non-human forces
and the ways meaning is organized through land, objects, and experience
For Taรญno societies, these ideas are not preserved as a single written system. They are inferred through material culture, recorded descriptions, and patterns that appear across the different sources listed.
For the purpose of this article, I am referring to it as a worldview instead of a belief system. It can be limiting to frame Taรญno cosmology only as a โreligionโ or fixed set of beliefs, so I am not going to. Many Indigenous Caribbean systems are better understood as relational worldviews, where:
spiritual and physical worlds are not fully separated
objects, land, and beings can carry relational meaning
and knowledge is expressed through practice, place, and material engagement
Once again - this does not mean we can fully reconstruct those systems. It means we have to be careful not to force them into categories that may not fit and to keep in mind that every community may not fully commit or agree on all aspects.
One of the most consistent themes across interpretations and practices is that Taรญno cosmology is often described in relational terms rather than abstract doctrine. Meaning theres priority to the relationship over abstraction.
Instead of a strict โsystem of beliefs,โ what appears is:
connection between people and ancestral forces
interaction between material objects and meaning
and a landscape that holds significance beyond utility
Because cosmology is often popularized in simplified ways, it is important not to:
flatten Taรญno worldview into a single unified doctrine
assume all symbolic meanings are fully known or decoded
or project modern spiritual categories onto fragmented historical evidence
What survives is partial, and different sources may not always align.
Iโm explicitly stating all this before getting into it because the more you learn, the more you engage with different sectors of the Taรญno community online- you are going to see disagreements on this and MANY authority-esque peoples stating things that are true for their yukayekes but not for others.
You also have to bear in mind the heavy influence of Christianity in the Caribbean. As a result, there are many communities trying to adopt the Taรญno Cosmology through a Christian lens, or trying to practice it as a Christian, which often results in them referring to Cemรญโnos as โhelpersโ or other demeaning and minimizing references instead of it being a scared object one should respect because its an extension of a deity or oneโs own ancestral spirit. Many contemporary practitioners understand cemรญs as more than symbolic objects and may describe them as embodiments, manifestations, imbuements, or extensions of spiritual and ancestral relationships. Many struggle to respect Taรญno cosmology/spirituality with the same respect they provide to modern religions. Its best to always listen and consider all of these factors when discussing the cosmology and spirituality.
Taรญno Cosmology Basics
The most basic place to start is that the world isnโt singular. One of the most widely taught contemporary Taรญno cosmological models organizes existence into multiple realms. In the Caney tradition (should note, they didnโt โinventโ this model. It is widely believed and has been widely passed down in oral tradition. They are simply the best online resource and most open about discussing it,) these are often described as :
Turey (the Sky Realm)
Ku (the Earth or Middle Realm)
Koa Bay (the ancestral or spirit realm, as referred to as โCoaโ)
Different yukayekes and spiritual lineages may describe these realms differently or recognize additional realms, but the three-realm framework is one of the most commonly encountered introductions to Taรญno cosmology within contemporary practice.
Image is from the Caney Circle community, depicting the medicine wheel within the realm cosmology (https://www.caneycircle.org/legends/). This particular community is VERY open with their beliefs and you can interact with the Chief Behike online. Heโs VERY active and open to discussion and including reconnecting peoples.
This is the most basic accepted cosmology. We acknowledge that there are refences and oral histories that include MORE realms than these, that are more complex. Thatโs valid. As seen above there's more to the cosmology, but we're just discussing the general core of it. Should you join a yukayeke, you can talk with your Behike directly and discuss. I am not a Behike, and thus will not have this conversation beyond the basic accepted shared cosmology.
Taรญno discourse
A specific explanation I have heard for the variance in realm discussions is that some yukayekes connect to different energies and thus have access to specific realms others donโt or cannot. This is also the how and why many in the Caribbean practicing Yoruba spiritualities cross into Taรญno cosmology and practice both.
This is just a general conversation Iโve seen passed around, but I feel it helps others to understand why I keep saying calling it just a belief system isnโt fully encompassing the realities of what Taรญno spirituality is, can be, and is accepted as.
Back to cosmology discussion
The most basic cosmology worldview is widely accepted because it is a) paired down to the very core, and b) it can mirror Christian ideology enough making it very easy to pass down in oral histories and making it most likely to be accurate in regards to preservation.
Contemporary Taรญno communities are not limited to archaeology and colonial texts. Many communities maintain oral teachings, ceremonial practices, and cosmological interpretations that function as living traditions in the present. These should not automatically be treated as interchangeable with sixteenth-century historical evidence, but neither should they be dismissed simply because they are contemporary Indigenous knowledge.
If you wish to learn more- seek open Taรญno spiritual communities, yukayekes, and ceremonial communities.
Citations Below
Selected References (for further reading, sources for the information discussed in this post)
Ramรณn Panรฉ โ An Account of the Antiquities of the Indians
Josรฉ R. Oliver โ Caciques and Cemรญ Idols
Antonio Stevens-Arroyo โ Cave of the Jagua
Mercedes Lรณpez-Baralt โ El mito taรญno: Lรฉxico de cosmologรญa antillana
Irving Rouse โ The Taรญnos: Rise and Decline of the People Who Greeted Columbus
William F. Keegan โ various works on Taรญno archaeology and social organization
The Oxford Handbook of Caribbean Archaeology for archaeological context.
NOT Taรญno Specific References (But applicable for your own knowledge and understanding of indigenous spiritualities as worldviews rather than as belief systems)
Gregory Cajete โ Native Science: Natural Laws of Interdependence
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Reclaiming The Words That Were Taken By Colonizers
for fun:
โYou wrote me a lovely letterโ
is the exact same word as
โyou tattooed something on meโ
because our language is event-based (verb-based to you). we say โyou wrote a lovely something to meโ; we would only add that it was a letter for clarification.
word structure:
you-lovely-writing-for/to/at/on-me
my very favorite tidbit:
the root word for tattoo always contains the adjective lovely - a tattoo is always a lovely writing because language is where ancestral knowledge hides to survive