adhdyke

But why not simply call it socialism, rather than adding the ‘Chinese characteristics’? History is important: the desire to express this reality dates back to the Zunyi Conference of January 1935. Held at the early stages of the Long March, the expanded conference of the Politburo finally brought to a head simmering tensions between Mao’s circle and the Moscow-appointed leadership’s effort to impose the model of the Russian Revolution on China. In light of recent military disasters resulting in the need to evacuate the Jiangxi-Fujian Soviet, the former were removed by popular vote and replaced with Mao and other comrades. At last, they were able to enact a revolutionary approach that was sensitive to the specific conditions in China. Not long after this crucial event, Mao began to speak of China’s ‘own laws of development’ and ‘its own national characteristics’. In fact, there is ‘no such thing as abstract Marxism, but only concrete Marxism [juti de makesizhuyi]’, by which Mao meant Marxism that is ‘applied to the concrete struggle in the concrete conditions [juti huanjing] prevailing in China, and not Marxism abstractly used’. Mao urged that the whole Party needed to address the question of ‘the sinification of Marxism [Makesizhuyi zhongguohua]—that is to say, making certain that in all its manifestations it is imbued with Chinese characteristics [Zhongguo de texing], using it according to Chinese peculiarities [Zhongguo de tedian]’ (Mao 1938a, 658–659; 1938b, 538–539; see also 1944, 191–192; 1959, 109). Or, as Mao put it somewhat more poetically a few years later: ‘The “target” is the Chinese revolution, the “arrow” is Marxism-Leninism’ (Mao 1941a, 801; 1941b, 22).

This emphasis on Chinese conditions runs all the way from the strategy of ‘using the countryside to surround the cities [nongcun baowei chengshi]’ to the socialist market economy of the Reform and Opening-Up. Alongside these historical realities are specific philosophical developments in light of dialectical materialism, with which I engage in more detail in Chapter 3. But there is an important consequence of this emphasis on China’s specific conditions for the development of socialism. In the same way that the development of a ‘China Model’ for a proletarian revolution and the subsequent construction of socialism is not dependent on foreign templates or models, so also does China not seek to impose its approach on others. I will have more to say on this question in later chapters, but the fundamental approach of the ‘China Model [Zhongguo moshi]’ is that China will lead by example and urge others to develop approaches suitable to their own conditions (Xu 2010). But is it really socialism? Stress too much the specific characteristics and one risks losing touch with the core Marxist principles and methods. Thus, it always needs to be remembered that socialism with Chinese characteristics ‘is socialism, and not some other -ism’ (Xi 2013a, 22; 2019b, 1).

Saying "Not all rap music is about violence, here are alternatives" is not helpful, because the violent music ALSO has meaning.

When Biggie Smalls postures about his gang connections and packing heat, he isn't doing it because wow violence is so edgy, it's a powerful statement. Youth in urban areas where gang activity is heavy are often treated as lesser than by default, especially compared to black people the same age from a wealthy background. There's a reason that the "wholesome and respectable" black-lead entertainment of that era was stuff like the Cosby Show, with doctor-lawyer parents, or Family Matters, with a cop dad. There's a reason why the big joke of Fresh Prince is someone with a more unstable upbringing moving in with one of these model black sitcom families.

Standing up and saying yeah, I came from the mean streets, I was molded by this violence and yes, I did what I had to do to survive in a world that refuses to acknowledge my existence as meaningful or worthy of protection. I protected myself, I made my own way, and fuck anybody who tries to stand in the way of that.

Refusing to demonize that environment and wearing it like armor in a way that protects from the authority that wants you to see them as sub humans incapable of only violence and hatred, and saying HEY. I'm here, I lived this, and there is love and there is pain and there is ART in this.

That is powerful. That is the essence of gangster rap.

It isn't about hurting people for fun, it's about holding a mirror up to a society that does the hurting and then calls you a monster for what it's made you. Its about validating the experiences of the disenfranchised and biting back at authority. It's about turning a pain that the world say you deserve being one of those people from those places into POETRY. Into ART.

And thats why it matters.

Nonchalantly bringing up the act of violent resistance while discussing a fun evening she had with her friends, local mom Rebecca Peters casually mentioned Wednesday to her son Miles that her bunco group had thrown Molotov cocktails at ICE the previous week. “Yeah, me and the bunco gals lit a few liquor bottles on fire and tossed them at ICE agents the other day, and I won $5 in our game!” said Peters, adding that her “lucky roll” of three sixes was the “highlight” of a lively Friday spent drinking mojitos and immolating masked federal immigration officers.

this was 6 months after Britain went to war with Nazi Germany, a time during which he was vocally pro-war. but 14 months before, he had been explicitly against war with the Nazis. he was ready to engage in anti-war activities (printing anti-war pamphlets...) even against the law.

George Orwell was a British colonial cop, snitch and BBC propagandist. his ties to the CIA are the reason the CIA acquired the rights to an animated movie version of Animal Farm, and financed its production.

this is a man who saw fascism in Nazism's enemies first, and in Nazism last. this is a man who understood, in his bones, the power of words, who wrote to a large audience to justify his neutrality towards Hitler.