Gretchen: My favourite theory of evidentiality â which I donât know if I actually believe this, but Iâd like to believe it a lot â is that weâre developing a system of evidentiality using acronyms on the internet.
Lauren: Oh, okay! Share your theory with me.
Gretchen: Iâm not committed to this theory, but I like the idea of it. And maybe someday itâll be true. I think the example that Iâm gonna use â because itâs a theory that I talked about on Tumblr five years ago and I still think it has some potential. The Tumblr-appropriate example that I had was âTheyâd make a terrible coupleâ because people talk about shipping a lot on Tumblr. I think you can say this with varying degrees of certainty or belief or emotion or knowledge or something. I donât know if they quite qualify as evidentials because none of them mean, âI heard thatâŚâ or âI saw thatâŚâ but you can say something like âTbh, theyâd make a terrible coupleâ or âImo, theyâd make a terrible coupleâ or âIirc, theyâd make a terrible coupleâ or âOmg, theyâd make a terrible couple.â This at least adds something â âTo be honestâ or âIn my opinionâ or âIf I recall correctlyâ or âOh my god.â This at least adds some sort of flavor to this. Again, this is very hypothetical theory and Iâm not sure if itâs a realâŚ
Lauren: Well, theyâre definitely adding epistemics, so thatâs more about the certainty stuff we were talking about. But certainty could be a gateway to evidence if we continue to use them.
Gretchen: Okay. So, weâre like the toddler version of evidentials where weâre putting certainty on?
Lauren: Potentially. This is potentially a gateway to evidence.
Gretchen: I like this.
Lauren: We just need to create a bunch of acronyms that are like âIsyâ â âI saw yesterday.â
Gretchen: âIhtâ â âI hear that.â
Lauren: Yeah. Thatâs a good one.
Gretchen: I donât know if these are gonna catch on â âIstâ â âI see that.â
Lauren: âIttâ â âI think that.â
Gretchen: âIitâ â âI infer thatâ?
Lauren: Oh, yeah.
Gretchen: I mean, thereâs âTil,â âToday I learned,â but that doesnât commit to the source of the information.
Lauren: No.
Gretchen: Hmm. Okay. Weâve got some ways to go before internet acronyms become evidentials.
Excerpt from Episode 32 of Lingthusiasm:Â You heard about it but I was there - Evidentiality
Listen to the episode, read the full transcript, or check out more links about syntax, semantics, language and society, and words.Â
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Like many analysts of evidentials, Floyd declares the link between information source and validation to be fairly straightforward; unlike most, he provides a theoretical basis to explain this link. Working within the framework of cognitive linguistics, which views semantics as intricately linked to the experiences and cultural background of speakers, Floyd argues that evidentials are a type of âgrounding predicationâ in which speakers and listeners construe situations using, and as a result of, the linguistic means at their disposal. Construal affects are of particular relevance to evidential systems because they affect how deictic expressions are used and understood. Evidentials inherently express distinctions of subjectivity and objectivity because they link the observer in a perceptual situation with the event or entity observed, grammatically placing the speaker in one way or another âwithinâ the conceptualization. Evidentials are thus both subjective and deictic in nature: the speakerâs experience serves as one reference point for the proposition, reflecting information âspecifically about the experiential justification a speaker has for making a statementâ (Floyd, 1999:46). Evidentials can imply epistemic values, Floyd says, because they are notions that express different relationships of directness (based on the speakerâs source of information) and proximity which, taken together lead to epistemic distinctions. Floydâs view is supported by the cross-linguistic tendencies observed for evidential systems, that they almost invariably code the speakerâs (rather than a nonspeakerâs) participation or commitment and are hierarchical in nature.
New edited volume: Evidential Systems of Tibetan Languages (Gawne & Hill)
Evidentiality is one of my favourite features of language. English has different grammatical forms of verbs for tense (past, present and future), but some languages also have different grammatical forms depending on the source of  knowledge about an event. If you saw something, heard someone talk about it or known it as a common fact, youâll use different forms of a verb in some languages. In fact, about a quarter of the worldâs languages do this. the family of Tibetan languages are one such group of languages. A lot of the details of these systems is still poorly understood. In 2014 Nathan Hill and I ran a workshop on the topic, and weâre pleased to announce that there is now an edited book on the topic.
This book contains chapters that describe the evidential systems of particular languages, including Lhasa Tibetan, Emigre Tibetan, Purik Tibetan, Denjongke, Dzongkha, Amdo Tibetan, Zhollam Tibetan and Pingwu Baima. There are also chapters that focus on historical development of evidentiality in the area, or on specific features, I have one on egophoric evidentials, Nathan has one on the perfect experiential and thereâs one on the different uses of the verb snang in different varieties. Thereâs also a typological overview of Tibetan evidentiality from Nicolas Tournadre. The book should be available from research libraries!
Bonus facts:
It only took around three years from workshop to publication, which is pretty speedy in academia. Weâre pretty thrilled that we get to share this work.
I wrote the index for the book. Itâs the first index Iâve ever done, and quite possibly the last. It was a difficult (but rewarding) task, and gave me some interesting insights into the book.
From the De Gruyter Mouton site:
This edited volume brings together work on the evidential systems of
Tibetan languages. This includes diachronic research, synchronic
description of systems in individual Tibetan varieties and papers
addressing broader theoretical or typological questions. Evidentiality in
Tibetan languages interacts with other features of modality,
interactional context and speaker knowledge states in ways that provide
important perspectives for typologists and our general understanding of
evidential systems. This book provides the first sustained attempt to
capture this complexity and diversity from both a synchronic and
diachronic perspective.
Reference:
Gawne, Lauren & Nathan Hill (eds). 2017. Evidential Systems of Tibetan Languages. Berlin, Boston: De Gruyter Mouton. Trends in Linguistics. Studies and Monographs [TiLSM] 302
Lingthusiasm Episode 32: You heard about it but I was there - Evidentiality
Sometimes, you know something for sure. You were there. You witnessed it. And you want to make sure that anyone who hears about it from you knows that youâre a direct source. Other times, you werenât there, but you still have news. Maybe you found it out from someone else, or you pieced together a couple pieces of indirect evidence. In that case, you donât want to overcommit yourself. When you pass the information on, you want to qualify it with how you found out, in case it turns out not to be accurate.Â
In this episode of Lingthusiasm, your hosts Lauren Gawne and Gretchen McCulloch get enthusiastic about how we come to know things, and how different languages let us talk about this. Some languages, like English, give us the option of adding extra adverbs and clauses, like âIâm sure thatâ or âI was told thatâ or âmaybeâ or âapparentlyâ. In other languages, like Syuba, indicating how youâve come to know something is baked right into the grammar. We also talk about what this means for how kids learn languages and how English might evolve more evidentials.Â
Click here for a link to this episode in your podcast player of choice or read the transcript here
Announcements:
This monthâs bonus episode is about talking to animals! Making animals learn human language has not generally worked out as well as people have hoped, but the attempts are still very interesting! Support Lingthusiasm on Patreon to gain access to the animals episode and 26 previous bonus episodes.Â
Merch update!
Have you ever browsed the "Insert Symbol" menu just for fun? Do you stay up late reading Wikipedia articles about obscure characters? Or do you justâŚsomehowâŚknow a little bit too much about Unicode?
Introducing the new ESOTERIC SYMBOLS scarves!Â
We've hand-picked and arranged in a pleasing array our favourite symbols from the editing, logic, music, game piece, punctuation, mathematics, currency, shapes, planets, arrows, and Just Plain Looks Cool sections of Unicode!
Including fan favourites like: the interrobang â˝ multiocular o ęŽ the old school b&w snowman, the pilcrow Âś the one-em, two-em AND three-em dashes And yes, the classic Unicode error diamond with question mark itself ďż˝
We're also very excited to announce that all our scarf designs (IPA, trees, and esoteric symbols) are now available on mugs and notebooks, for those who prefer to show off their nerdery in household object rather than apparel form.Â
By popular demand, we've made LITTLE LONGITUDINAL LANGUAGE ACQUISITION PROJECT onesies and kiddy tshirts available for everyone! Available in Mum's, Dad's, Mom's, and without possessor marking (because it turns out that there are a LOT of kinship terms).Â
Here are the links mentioned in this episode:
Evidentiality (Wikipedia)
Lamjung Yolmo copulas in use (Laurenâs PhD thesis)
Batman should learn how to speak an evidential language (Lauren on School of Batman podcast)
World Atlas of Linguistic Structures chapters on evidentiality (77, 78)
Internet abbreviations as discourse particles
Evidential acquisition in Turkish and Tibetan
Fantastic Features We Donât Have in the English Language (Tom Scott video)
Gretchenâs live-tweet of Ann Leckieâs The Raven
You can listen to this episode via Lingthusiasm.com, Soundcloud, RSS, Apple Podcasts/iTunes, Spotify, YouTube, or wherever you get your podcasts. You can also download an mp3 via the Soundcloud page for offline listening.
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Lingthusiasm is on Twitter, Instagram, Facebook, and Tumblr. Email us at contact [at] lingthusiasm [dot] com
Gretchen is on Twitter as @GretchenAMcC and blogs at All Things Linguistic.
Lauren is on Twitter as @superlinguo and blogs at Superlinguo.
Lingthusiasm is created by Gretchen McCulloch and Lauren Gawne. Our senior producer is Claire Gawne, our production editor is Sarah Dopierala, our editorial manager is Emily Gref, and our music is âAncient Cityâ by The Triangles.
This episode of Lingthusiasm is made available under a Creative Commons Attribution Non-Commercial Share Alike license (CC 4.0 BY-NC-SA).
Transcript Episode 32:Â You heard about it but I was there - Evidentiality
This is a transcript for Lingthusiasm Episode 32: You heard about it but I was there - Evidentiality. Itâs been lightly edited for readability. Listen to the episode here or wherever you get your podcasts. Links to studies mentioned and further reading can be found on the Episode 32 show notes page.
[Music]
Gretchen: Welcome to Lingthusiasm, a podcast thatâs enthusiastic about linguistics! Iâm Gretchen McCulloch.
Lauren: Iâm Lauren Gawne. And today, weâre getting enthusiastic about indicating how we know things, which is âevidentiality.â But first, we want to take this opportunity to remind you that we currently have 27 bonus episodes on our Patreon with new bonuses coming every month.
Gretchen: Yes! You can go there and listen to new bonus episodes like animal communication, how the internet is making English better (a recording from our live show in Melbourne), and do you adjust the way you talk to match other people, and more â all help keeping the show going, keeping the show ad-free, and giving you almost twice as much Lingthusiasm to listen to.
Lauren: We also have brand-new merch for you to adorn yourself with, or to adorn your office with, or adorn your classes with.
Gretchen: We have made a scarf and a few other objects with some of our favourite weird and esoteric symbols from editing symbols, math symbols, music symbols, punctuation marks, and more. Itâs like the International Phonetic Alphabet scarf but with other weird symbols that you may enjoy.
Lauren: Weâve also made a baby onesie that says, âlittle longitudinal language acquisition projectâ for all of you who are embarking on or have family members and friends embarking on their own long-term little longitudinal language acquisition projects.
Gretchen: You can check out the photos on our website at lingthusiasm.com/merch or link in the show notes to see photos of those items and where you can get them.
[Music]
Gretchen: So, if I say something like, âOh, my god! Harry got a new broomstick!â
Lauren: This is obviously the world in which we are both associate professors at Hogwarts School of Witchcraft and Wizardry.
Gretchen: Theyâve introduced a linguistics course, what can I say? They brought us in to teach it.
Lauren: Iâm so excited. That is definitely news. Harry has a new broomstick. Did you see the new broomstick? Is that how you know? Is why that why youâre tellingâŚ
Gretchen: Definitely one thing I could say would be, âYes! Yes, I saw it! Itâs great. Itâs a Nimbus 2000.â But another thing I can also say was, âNo. But I heard him flying on it, and it sounds fancier than his old one.â
Lauren: Right. In that case, you havenât seen it, but youâve heard it. So, you know that thereâs a new one.
Gretchen: Yeah. I know itâs a new one. Broomsticks have a distinctive sound â who knew? They definitely do. Or I could say, âNo. But Hermione told me.â
Lauren: Obviously.
Gretchen: Because she knows everything.
Lauren: Because she knows everything â yeah.
Gretchen: Or I might say, âNo. I didnât see it, but I saw the packaging for it.â I knew that heâd gotten it. Or I could say, âNo. I didnât see it, but he left his old one in his room while he was at Quidditch practice, so I inferred that he mustâve gotten a new one.â
Lauren: Right. And in this case, your evidence is not as direct. You havenât got absolute proof. He may have just decided his was broken and he was gonna borrow a spare one.
Gretchen: Right. Or maybe he got sick or something. Something could have definitely come up. Or I could be even less certain and say, âNo. But I read it in the tea leaves,â or, âI saw it in a dream.â
Lauren: You must be very good at divination.
Gretchen: What can I say? Itâs one of my many talents. Or I might say, âNo. I didnât see it, but Harry gets a new broom every year â or every book â and so Iâve inferred that he must be getting a new one as well this year.â
Lauren: Right â based on kind of inferred evidence of habitual reality.
Gretchen: Yeah. Normally, he gets a new broomstick. Harry got a new broomstick again.
Lauren: All of these are different sources of evidence. You have different evidence to show that you believe this claim to be true. But you donât necessarily say that overtly. When people gossip, they do that all the time. All the time someone will be like âOmg! This thing happened.â And youâll be like âOh, my god! Did you see that happen?â And then theyâll be like âUh, no. I just heard about it.â
Gretchen: Yeah. âDid you know that this personâs been stealing all of the cookies from the cookie jar?â Like âWait, no, did you see them?â âNo, but they had crumbs on their shirt.â âOh! Maybe that was this person.â
Lauren: Guilty.
Gretchen: Guilty as charged. I saw them sneaking out of the room with a suspicious look on their face. I like this Harry Potter example because it sets up a world where we can have this kind of gossip and we can make these kinds of inferences. But we do this all the time.
Lauren: And when we do give more evidence, when we explain how we know it, like in all of those examples, in English we just have to add an extra phrase or some extra words. But this isnât the case for all languages. There are some languages where itâs actually part of the grammatical system. You have to choose a grammatical form that explains how you know the information in the sentence that youâre saying.
Gretchen: In the same way that, in English, we need to choose a time when something happened anytime you say something. I canât just say, âHarry get a new broomstick,â to mean, âHe got one,â or âHe will get one,â or âHe has one now,â âHe is getting one currently.â I have to pick between which of those kinds of getting he wants to. But in some languages, while you can specify the time by using words like âyesterdayâ or âtomorrowâ or ârecentlyâ or âa long time ago,â you donât have to. In English, you have to specify when something happened.
Lauren: It would be a bit like if we got a new suffix on a verb like âgot.â So, itâs something like âHarry got-saw a new broomstickâ or âHarry got-heard a new broomstick.â And you have to use that.
Gretchen: That could mean, âI saw that he got itâ or âI heard that he got it.â
Lauren: Yeah. Itâs not a particularly attractive â I feel like we could definitely find a nicer way of putting that into our grammar if we wanted to, but thatâs a very crude example.
Gretchen: I feel like Iâd like to make some sort of shortened version of âapparentlyâ because I think I use âapparentlyâ a lot for like âIâm not really confident about the source of this evidence.â
Lauren: âHarry got-apps.â
Gretchen: Yeah. Like âperâ â âHarry per-got a new broomstick,â which could short for âapparentlyâ or something.
Lauren: I like that youâre putting it as a prefix instead of a suffix.
Gretchen: I donât think we have enough prefixes, grammatically, in English. I want some more prefixes.
Lauren: No, youâre right.
Gretchen: I donât think thatâs how grammar works, but itâs okay.
Lauren: So, it can be a prefix. It can be a suffix. It could be a completely different form of the verb. In some languages, theyâre particles. But theyâre part of the grammar instead of being a word that you choose. This happens across â the most inflated claim Iâve heard is that 25% of the worldâs languages have some form of grammatical evidentiality.
Gretchen: Wow!
Lauren: A lot of those languages are very small language families and groups spoken in the Amazon, and in the Tibetan area, across Papua New Guinea, and the Balkans â are kind of the four big areas people talk about. But you also find quite a few languages from North America. Very occasional languages in, say, Australia also have at least one grammatical evidential.
Gretchen: Yeah. I donât think I speak any languages that have evidential markers. But the European languages donât have to have them and those are most of the languages that I speak.
Lauren: No. Theyâre missing out, those European languages.
Gretchen: Youâve done some research on evidentials, right?
Lauren: That is correct. My PhD thesis was all about evidentials in a Tibetan language spoken in Nepal called Yolmo. I was interested in understanding what different types of options they had for evidentiality but also how people choose to use them strategically in conversations â so how people use them in that kind of gossipy context. Tibetan languages are interesting because, as well as all those categories we talked about in terms of the evidence for Harryâs new broomstick, thereâs also an evidential form that Harry could use if he got a new broomstick.
Gretchen: âI got a new broomstick myself (I know it because it happened to me)?â
Lauren: Yeah. He wouldnât have to use something like âI saw myself get a new broomstick.â That would be quite unusual.
Gretchen: It would be kind of weird â yeah.
Lauren: And in fact, he can use it. But if he used the form thatâs the equivalent of âI saw it,â it would be kind of like an English form of âOh, I see I have a new broomstick!â Itâs new information. Itâs a bit unexpected.
Gretchen: Could you do that in something like âHarry got me a new broomstickâ? And so Iâm directly involved in this â I can see that he got it for me?
Lauren: Yeah. Because itâs an event you participated in. In some Tibetan languages itâs really specific who youâre allowed to talk about using this form. Itâs a bit more flexible in Yolmo. But it means that people have these options between something that they perceive either by sight or taste or smell or something that they know from their personal experience. Thereâs also a form that you can use if youâre less certain, which is less about evidence and more about just how certain you are. And one of my favourites, which is not used that often, but itâs one thatâs like âinformation that is so obvious everybody knows it.â
Gretchen: Like âItâs daytimeâ or something?
Lauren: âHarry Potter is a wizard.â
Gretchen: Right. Okay. Everyone knows this. They donât have to say, âJ.K. Rowling told me that Harry Potter is a wizard.â
Lauren: Yeah. A lot of the examples that I got from people are things like âsugar is sweet,â âlemons are sour.â
Gretchen: Right.
Lauren: Just, like, âThis is such obvious, general facts about the world.â
Gretchen: Or, âThis is the town we live in.â
Lauren: Yeah.
Gretchen: Everyone knows weâre in this town.
Lauren: But even then, thatâs not a kind of â I donât wanna say the âuniversalâ because thatâs a dangerous word â butâŚ
Gretchen: Itâs not self-evident?
Lauren: Itâs not as self-evident as something like âTea is tasty,â which is taken as a generally given fact. They also have a little particle that you can use to say that something is reported from somewhere else. And thatâs just âlĂł.â When it comes to telling stories, when youâve heard stuff from people, it would just be so efficient if you could just have a little âlĂłâ at the end when youâre telling gossip.
Gretchen: Yeah. Because then you know this is still the story and you know that youâre not taking credit for knowing it yourself directly.
Lauren: Yeah. Youâre just passing on the gossip. So, those are the forms that I was looking at. I was looking at how people used them in things like reporting stories from other people but also in how you ask questions.
Gretchen: How do you use evidentials to ask questions?
Lauren: It varies across different languages. Sometimes, you just use a base form or a neutral form or a question form. But in Tibetan languages, you use the form of the evidential that you think someone is gonna answer with. So, if I was gonna ask you, âDid Harry get a new broom?â if you went to Quidditch practice a lot, I might ask you using the one for âDid you see this directly?â âDid you see Harry got a new broom?â
Gretchen: Right. Whereas, otherwise you might say, âDid you hear whether Harry got a new broom?â or âDid you hear that Harry got a new broom?â âDo you think thatâŚ?â âCan you infer thatâŚ?â
Lauren: Yeah. Or itâs that time of year where Harry always breaks his broom and someone buys him a new one, I might use the âDid Harry get a new broom as per the standard pattern of behaviour?â
Gretchen: Right. I mean, you can kind of do this if you really want to in English. You can say, âDo you suppose Harry got a new broom again?â or âDo you reckon Harry got a new broom?â But itâs not obligatory â yeah.
Lauren: Yeah. The important thing about evidentials is not that itâs impossible to do this in English, itâs just because itâs baked into the grammar â
Gretchen: Right. You have to do it.
Lauren: â it crops up all the time. The cool thing is, because you have to use the evidential that you think someoneâs gonna use in their answer, you basically have to do this kind of context-reading prediction of what evidence you think theyâre gonna have, or what would be the best evidence to have for asking a particular question and getting particular information.
Gretchen: You end up taking on their perspective of âWhat do I assume that this person likely knows?â or âHow do I assume that this person gets their information?â
Lauren: Yeah. And the person doesnât have to answer â if they donât have that level of evidence, theyâll reply with something else. But itâs a nifty interactional trick if you think about it.
Gretchen: Do you have to use the one thatâs the most certain of the pieces of evidence that you think they have?
Lauren: No, you use the one that you think is the best fit.
Gretchen: The most likely â okay.
Lauren: Yeah. Certainty is complex because for a lot of things you might think that having direct â that direct âI sawâ evidence is the best. But there are some situations where it would be rude to presume that I have that direct evidence. So, for example, if someone asked me if you were hungry â they said, âIs Gretchen hungry?â â it would actually be rude for them to ask if I had direct evidence because the only direct evidence you have is your personal feeling of hunger. They would ask me using the reported-speech form or the less-direct form.
Gretchen: Like âDid Gretchen tell you she was hungry?â or âDo you infer Gretchen is probably hungry because you know itâs been five hours since she ate?â
Lauren: We have this idea that more direct evidence is good. It was interesting when we were building that list of examples, you were ordering them instinctively in a way that you saw as more-evidence, and more certain, and more direct from âI saw itâ to â
Gretchen: Yeah. Whereas, youâre the one thatâs done the evidential literature, and I was like âI just feel like these should go in an order.â
Lauren: That order pretty much matches up with what a lot of the literature says in terms of a hierarchy of evidence being better or higher-quality or something. But if you actually look at the interactional choices people make when theyâre chatting, sometimes itâs better that you donât use something thatâs more certain or more direct because itâs rude or presumptive.
Gretchen: Yeah. Can you use this type of thing to be polite as well? If I say, âI wonder if you could possibly open the window?â itâs not that Iâm actually wondering about your ability to open the window, itâs more that Iâm trying to make an indirect request. Can you use evidentials like that?
Lauren: Thereâs definitely times where itâs more appropriate to ask questions or to state things using more-direct evidence and there are times where itâs better to state things using less-direct evidence. And in that case, politeness does come into it.
Gretchen: This seems like the kind of question that people probably ask is âWell, if you have evidentials, does that mean that people canât lie?â But surely people could use an evidential they donât actually have evidence for if they wanna lie, right?
Lauren: Yeah. I guess, you could potentially try and send people off track by using an inferred evidential when you actually witness something or vice versa. People can definitely use them. Just because they mark the source of evidence doesnât mean you have to always use the one that you definitely have evidence for.
Gretchen: If I say that I saw you stealing the cookies from me, that doesnât actually mean that I actually saw it, it just means that Iâm saying that I saw it.
Lauren: Yeah. Or thereâs an anecdote in my thesis where I talk about going to a wedding with a bunch of people when I was doing field work. As they were going around servicing â at a wedding you traditionally â like any wedding across the world, itâs the do you want the chicken or the fish? You feed people a lot of meat. And you feed them a lot of booze. And itâs a big party. And one of the women, who was being very silly and joking around, and whenever they came around would say, âShe eats meat,â and would use the reported form to suggest that I had said that I eat meat. Theyâre like, âOh, yeah. She eats meat. Oh, yeah, she drinks heaps,â which as a teetotaling vegetarian â they know Iâm a teetotaling vegetarian because they find it very funny. So, putting these words in my mouth was a big, hilarious joke for them. But they didnât honestly believe that Iâd said that.
Gretchen: Right, right, right. They were using that to make fun of you, as you do.
Lauren: Yeah. The other really nifty example I have is there was a time where I agreed to something by nodding my head, which everyone understood. And then later someone was like âOh, she said âYesââ â reported speech.
Gretchen: Right. Whereas, the literal word you said wasnât âYes,â butâŚ
Lauren: Itâs not a verbatim, court of law, âThis is exactly that you said.â Itâs a general intent reporting.
Gretchen: Are there cognitive effects of having evidentials? Do people remember source of information better or something?
Lauren: I still personally havenât seen a study that really convinces me of that. But thereâs some really cute studies in children and how children acquire evidentiality. Theyâve done this in Turkish and Tibetan, and the general indication is children can start using them relatively young, from like 3 or 4 years of age, but often when theyâre really young, they havenât entirely figured out what the evidentials are doing in terms of what theyâre marking. They tend to use them to indicate that theyâre more or less certain. Certainty is definitely tied up in things. If you saw Harry had a new broomstick, you would feel more certain about it than if there was some rubbish outside.
Gretchen: The packaging or whatever.
Lauren: The kind of â in the corridor. Because that packaging could technically belong to someone else even if no one else really rides broomsticks in that dormitory. But then, just because you have that direct evidence, it could still be wrong. Harry could be borrowing someone elseâs new broomstick. The literature on evidentiality often mentions that certainty is an inferred part of using particular evidentials, but it doesnât have to be. Children tend to latch onto this certainty idea when they first start using them and then they kind of refine what theyâre doing with them.
Gretchen: Thatâs so cute. It reminds me of how children acquire numbers and time durations and stuff.
Lauren: Ah, yeah. We talked about that in our time episode.
Gretchen: Yeah. We talked about that children know that an hour is longer than a minute, but they donât know that one hour is longer than two minutes because maybe thatâs more.
Lauren: Two is a bigger number than one.
Gretchen: Exactly. Or three minutes might be longer than two hours because â oh, god. I dunno! They have some sense of the magnitudes, but they donât have exact computations to get them.
Lauren: Because children see their parents and other adult users of the languages using these evidentials in situations that seem more certain because itâs right there. Thatâs how they start using them.
Gretchen: And children are often missing out on the type of social information that weâve acquired to be like âWell, actually I can infer this because I have this social information about what the package looks like that this comes in,â or âI know who knows whoâs talked to who,â or something like that. Children are often missing this social information sometimes.
Lauren: Thatâs a lot to keep in your head even as an adult.
Gretchen: How does a language start getting evidentials? Where do they tend to come from? Are they other words that get shortened, or are they words that formally meant something to do with time or something else, or where does evidentiality come from in a language?
Lauren: One of the really great things about studying evidentiality in the Tibetan languages is that Tibetan has a pretty comparable literary history to English. Itâs also unsurprising, then, that it has a similarly monstrous relationship between letters and sounds as English does.
Gretchen: The older the writing system, the less logical it is. Itâs just true.
Lauren: So many silent letters. And so thatâs really handy because we can see in old, written Tibetan from 800, 900 years ago that there werenât these evidential forms. There were some older forms that have acquired evidential meaning. In other languages where we have the ability to trace it because of a literary history or because related languages have a similar form without evidentials meaning, one of the very common things that happens is a word that means something like âseeâ or âperceiveâ becomes â and especially for the reporting of speech evidence, a word that meant âsayâ or âtalkâ â becomes the grammatical form.
Gretchen: Right. Okay. That makes sense.
Lauren: For example, the Yolmo form is âlĂłâ â that is from an older form that meant âto say.â And then a new verb that means âto sayâ has come into the language.
Gretchen: Kind of like how we might talk about hearsay evidence, which literally comes from the words âhearâ and âsayâ and becomes an adjective instead.
Lauren: Yeah. Thatâs a really great example. A lot of the time it is taking from other words. And then sometimes, for example, the form that means that you know something from your own personal experience in Tibetan languages â the personal, the ego evidential â was a neutral, just general, good-old copula, but because these other forms came in, it created this paradigm that one got pushed there and that meaning was created for it.
Gretchen: Because it was like âWell, this used to be the normal way of saying something, but then if you donât say âhearâ or âtellâ or âsee,â then the neutral one becomes the really strong formââ?
Lauren: It takes on that, yeah, very specific meaning.
Gretchen: Thereâs regions that tend to have evidentials in the Amazon, and Tibetan languages, Papua New Guinea, and the Balkans, are these because thereâs a bunch of related languages in these areas that have evidential markers or do they spread from one language to another even if they arenât necessarily related historically?
Lauren: Thereâs a few things that happen. One thing is that evidentiality does seem to be one of those things that goes across language families pretty well. If your neighbours are speaking an unrelated language but you speak it because you live in a multilingual society, which as we know is the norm across the world, you might be like, âAh, thatâs a really handy thing. Iâm gonna borrow that into our language.â There are some really nice examples of borrowing across languages. Sometimes, itâs a form. We know that by Middle Tibetan a lot of these evidentials were starting to come into place and so a lot of the modern Tibetan languages spoken across Tibet, and India, and Nepal kind of have evidentiality because of this historic relationship.
Gretchen: And they borrow the specific words â or they borrow the idea of it but use their words â or some combination thereof?
Lauren: Yeah. Some of them itâs an evolution from an older language that had evidentiality. For some of them itâs contact that relates to it. But also we know that languages can develop evidentiality relatively quickly. Itâs something once you kind of start with that category â so weâve seen families where it evolves multiple times in different languages in the area. One reason thatâs given for this as a hypothetical is that evidentiality tends to arise in small communities where people care about keeping track of information and knowledge and ownership of knowledge.
Gretchen: Right. I guess that makes sense, especially if youâre asking someone, âHave you seen this?â or âHave you heard this?â you donât know what to expect from that person, which requires a lot of prior context. Whereas, if you interact with a lot of strangers, you donât necessarily have that context for everybody.
Lauren: Yeah. And youâre very concerned about not intruding on someoneâs knowledge or marking out very clearly how you know things, so you donât make assumptions about peopleâs knowledge and what they know and what they donât know. Some people have hypothesised thatâs why it occurs a lot in smaller languages â even though itâs 25% of the worldâs languages that have evidentials, it tends to not be those bigger languages because by the time you get to being a larger language where lots of people who are strangers are interacting, they donât care as much about knowledge state and ownership of knowledge.
Gretchen: So, if youâre English or Mandarin or Arabic or something, youâre like, âWell, thereâs lots of people who speak these. Theyâre spoken in big metropolises. You canât have every shopkeeper know what everyoneâs interior state is when theyâre coming in to buy bread,â or something?
Lauren: Yeah. I think it can kind of explain why it happens in smaller languages, but I also feel like itâs shortchanging the potential of large languages. Tibetan is not a small language. Itâs spoken by millions of people. It has a long, written tradition. So, I think itâs not the whole picture.
Gretchen: And because they seem to spread from language to language, that also suggests that maybe theyâre easier to adopt. My favourite theory of evidentiality â which I donât know if I actually believe this, but Iâd like to believe it a lot â is that weâre developing a system of evidentiality using acronyms on the internet.
Lauren: Oh, okay! Share your theory with me.
Gretchen: Iâm not committed to this theory, but I like the idea of it. And maybe someday itâll be true. I think the example that Iâm gonna use â because itâs a theory that I talked about on Tumblr five years ago and I still think it has some potential. The Tumblr-appropriate example that I had was âTheyâd make a terrible coupleâ because people talk about shipping a lot on Tumblr. I think you can say this with varying degrees of certainty or belief or emotion or knowledge or something. I donât know if they quite qualify as evidentials because none of them mean, âI heard thatâŚâ or âI saw thatâŚâ but you can say something like âTbh, theyâd make a terrible coupleâ or âImo, theyâd make a terrible coupleâ or âIirc, theyâd make a terrible coupleâ or âOmg, theyâd make a terrible couple.â This at least adds something â âTo be honestâ or âIn my opinionâ or âIf I recall correctlyâ or âOh my god.â This at least adds some sort of flavor to this. Again, this is very hypothetical theory and Iâm not sure if itâs a realâŚ
Lauren: Well, theyâre definitely adding epistemics, so thatâs more about the certainty stuff we were talking about. But certainty could be a gateway to evidence if we continue to use them.
Gretchen: Okay. So, weâre like the toddler version of evidentials where weâre putting certainty on?
Lauren: Potentially. This is potentially a gateway to evidence.
Gretchen: I like this.
Lauren: We just need to create a bunch of acronyms that are like âIsyâ â âI saw yesterday.â
Gretchen: âIhtâ â âI hear that.â
Lauren: Yeah. Thatâs a good one.
Gretchen: I donât know if these are gonna catch on â âIstâ â âI see that.â
Lauren: âIttâ â âI think that.â
Gretchen: âIitâ â âI infer thatâ?
Lauren: Oh, yeah.
Gretchen: I mean, thereâs âTil,â âToday I learned,â but that doesnât commit to the source of the information.
Lauren: No.
Gretchen: Hmm. Okay. Weâve got some ways to go before internet acronyms become evidentials.
Lauren: I feel like we have a potential grammatical spot ripe for potential evidential development. I personally think we have another rich source of evidentials on the internet, which is something we all take for granted as a basic piece of architecture on the internet, but a hyperlink is, really, a lot of the time used to provide evidence for something you say â especially in journalistic use of hyperlinks.
Gretchen: Oh! I think I like this.
Lauren: If you say something like, âThese two celebrities were seen out yesterday, but theyâd make a terrible couple,â and it might link to something thatâs an article that says why theyâd make a terrible couple. Thatâs your evidence right there.
Gretchen: Or you can do the extra-strong version of that, which is âTheyâd make a terrible coupleâ but each of those words is linked separately to a different article.
Lauren: More evidence is stronger.
Gretchen: Thatâs like, I have four pieces of evidence â five pieces of evidence â one per word. Or âThis company has been involved in many scandals,â and each of those words is separately linked to a scandal. And you just see that, and you donât have to click on those, and youâre like âI know there have been a lot of scandals.â
Lauren: Or even if itâs just linked once, you feel more comfortable. I never click on hyperlinks in news stories, but I feel more assured that the journalist has evidence for things.
Gretchen: Yeah. I think I sometimes do this, especially if Iâm making some sort of statement, maybe, thatâs not as much of an opinion. But if Iâm saying something like âEvidentials are a type of grammatical marker blah blah blah,â and I link the word âevidentialsâ to the Wikipedia article on evidentials, Iâm like âOkay. Iâve done my due diligence. If someone wants to find out more information, they can.â You donât just have to believe me. You can go look it up on Wikipedia.
Lauren: Yeah. Itâs not the same because it does actually provide all that context. An evidential form just kind of lets people know what the status of the evidence is. But I think itâs interesting how we relate to them as online content.
Gretchen: Thatâs very interesting. You could argue that the academic citation is maybe another kind of evidential in that case because if I wanna say, âEvidentials are found in 25% of the worldâs languages. Gawne (2015) says thisâ â I donât know if you say it.
Lauren: Actually, you would cite âAikhenvald 2004â but⌠Yes, youâre correct.
Gretchen: Okay. So, â(Aikhenvald 2004) Evidentials are found in 25% of the worldâs languages,â and then even if I donât actually go read Aikhenvald 2004, I know that this has been asserted in conjunction with that person.
Lauren: Yeah. Itâs the âI have read thatâ evidential.
Gretchen: Yeah. Yeah. The other thing is, once you know about evidentials, I feel like you start noticing them everywhere.
Lauren: I definitely notice in English gossip. Iâm always like âBut how do you know that?â Iâm always looking for them. Or I always notice when people do explicitly mark them.
Gretchen: Yeah. Once I started learning about them, I noticed myself saying âapparentlyâ a lot because I wasnât going to commit to the source of that. I noticed evidentials recently â or the English non-grammaticalised type of evidentials â in this book called The Raven Tower by Ann Leckie.
Lauren: Which is a great book. I read it on your recommendation and enjoyed it so much.
Gretchen: Excellent! The conceit of this book â this book is narrated by a tower, which is also a god. Anyway, itâs fantasy. And the thing about the magic system in this world is that if the object gods in this world say something, it has to be true because if itâs not true, then they will be automatically required to use their power to make it true.
Lauren: This is definitely a world where you donât wanna lie with an evidential.
Gretchen: Yeah. And if thatâs not possible, then the god dies.
Lauren: Awks.
Gretchen: Yeah. Itâs not a world where you have this strict âYou canât lie,â itâs like âYou can lie, but youâre in trouble if you do.â The human characters can lie, but the magical characters use speaking to create their magic. If you wanna make something true, you can just speak it true, which is kind of cool. But you also have to be very careful when youâre telling stories or something to qualify how you know something.
Lauren: Because you donât wanna accidentally have not enough evidence and make something true.
Gretchen: Exactly. You donât wanna accidentally say something thatâs too ambitious, you know? So, this character spends a lot of time â the tower narrating the story, sometimes the tower will say, âThis is a story I have been told. Hereâs this blah blah blah story story.â With that frame, then they donât have to do that much hedging.
Lauren: You know what? This is world that would be ripe for evidentials.
Gretchen: Exactly. It would be so much more economic because then they wouldnât have to do all of this hedging in longer form, they could just add it onto the verb and there you go. Sometimes, they ask things in terms of questions rather than saying, âYou found this strange?â â because they address specific other characters â âYou found this strange?â or âYou mustâve found this strange?â
Lauren: Thatâs making a lot of presumptions.
Gretchen: Because they donât know whether the other character found it strange â yeah. Instead, they can ask it as a question, âWas it strange for you to hear this?â In the mind of reader, itâs like, âOkay. Well, it was probably strange.â But in terms of what the characterâs actually asserting it shows up as, âOkay. Youâre not asserting it because now itâs a question.â
Lauren: I would love to see this book translated into Tibetan.
Gretchen: Great! How do we make that happen? If you too would like to imagine what The Raven Tower might be like if the evidentials were more explicitly spelled out, I also did a live Tweet with some snippets from the book. You can follow along with that. Weâll link to that.
[Music]
Lauren: For more Lingthusiasm, and links to all the things mentioned in this episode, go to lingthusiasm.com. You can listen to us on Apple Podcasts, iTunes, Google Podcasts, Spotify, Soundcloud, or wherever else you get your podcasts. And you can follow @Lingthusiasm on Twitter, Facebook, Instagram, and Tumblr. You can get IPA and esoteric symbol scarves, ties, and other Lingthusiasm merch at lingthusiasm.com/merch. I tweet and blog as Superlinguo.
Gretchen: I can be found as @GretchenAMcC on Twitter, my blog is AllThingsLinguistic.com. To listen to bonus episodes and help keep the show ad-free, go to patreon.com/lingthusiasm or follow the links from our website. Recent bonus topics include animal communication, internet linguistics, and linguistic accommodation. Canât afford to pledge? Thatâs okay too. We also really appreciate it if you can recommend Lingthusiasm to anyone who needs a little more linguistics in their life.
Lauren: Lingthusiasm is created and produced by Gretchen McCulloch and Lauren Gawne. Our audio producer is Claire Gawne, our editorial producer is Sarah Dopierala, and our editorial manager is Emily Gref, our music is Ancient Cities by The Triangles.
Gretchen: Stay lingthusiastic!
[Music]
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Exploring the 'Gossip Tense' in Turkish Language and Its Implications in Journalism
The Intriguing âGossip Tenseâ in Turkish Language
In a captivating social media trend that has caught the attention of linguists and gossip enthusiasts alike, a post circulating on X highlights the so-called âgossip tenseâ in the Turkish language. As its name suggests, this linguistic feature is utilized in Turkish to engage in gossip or discuss events that the speaker has not personallyâŚ