I’m so proud of people living with chronic health conditions. That shit is HARD. Idk who needs to hear this, but if no one else has said it: I’m proud of you. You’re sticking it out through so much pain and grief. That’s no small feat.
Every small thing you do for yourself health adds up. The grief is heavy and it comes from a place of love. The grief knows the pain is wronging you.
I’m proud of you. I hope on the good days you can be proud of yourself.
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Happy Pride Month for everyone who celebrates this June! ICT did a great article on Two Spirit powwows that I definitely encourage giving a read. Here's a couple of excerpts:
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Yet another new study debunked the basis for the anti-trans sports bans. It was never about sports but for creating legal avenues for exclusion and abjection. This is one of the largest analyses ever conducted, involving 52 studies and 6,485 trans people. Read the study here.
hey don't cry. Wood bison were declared extinct in the 1920s, but a small herd was found in 1957 in Canada. There are now 7,000 wood bison, and herds have been established in both Alaska and Russia. Those programs were so successful that the UK reintroduced wood bison into the woodlands in Kent and that herd is flourishing!
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Happy fucking pride Jonathan was murdered for being queer AND native It was a hate crime His death wasn’t by natural causes Jonathan Joss being queer and also native is a big thing as to why he was targeted in a hate crime That’s being left out of this conversation by non natives esp white non natives right now We know why They erasing that part of this During pride and indigenous month no less too His queerness and being indigenous are linked in this
“Why was he living in Texas In the South We didn’t he move to a blue state?” He was a Comanche Native in Texas He was already fucking home I know what white people are doing in posts like these But natives queer people Black people disabled people and people of color also live in the fucking south Where is that meme about white people acting like the north doesn’t also have bigotry cuz they have pizza ovens Happy fucking pride Remember that bipoc and qtipoc exist
Hey, I’m Silla. You can call me that, or by my username or a shortened version of it, that's okay.
✦ Trigueñe (means mixed race, with emphasis on AfroIndigenous heritage), Taíno and Puerto Rican
✦ She/they, 34, Biawiasa, Engaged
✦ Boitius |Taíno spirituality
✦ Enrolled in a yukayeke
✦ Chronic illnesses include Gastroparesis (chronic vomiting syndrome as a result), Bipolar type 2 (my emotional scale ranges from depression to suicidal idealization. I don’t get manic highs or grand delusions, those are BP Type 1 symptoms), Sickle cell anemia, Bloodphobia (my own blood, I’m fine with others)
✦ Deeply interested in Indigenous Caribbean history, justice, archives, material culture, regalia, symbolism, and the complicated realities of reconnection and identity in the modern world.
This blog is personal first. You’ll mostly find:
• archives/history rabbit holes
• Indigenous and Caribbean topics
• regalia and adornment projects
• disability/chronic illness posting
• aesthetics and side quests
• occasional strong opinions
• everyday life mixed in between
Fun About Me Things
✦ ♎ ☀️ ✦ ♏🌑& ⬆️
✦ Multilingual (Spanish, English, Intermediate Portuguese, Some Arawak/Taíno, and a couple of other languages)
✦ Avid reader (I enjoy memoirs, non-fictions, fiction, fantasies, horror and occasionally sci-fi)
✦ Avid media consumer (I love movies, TV shows, binging, and video games)
✦ Artist (I dabble in so much, painting, candle making, writing, teaching myself piano and guitar, occasional sculpting (not my favorite))
✦ Favorite color is Phthalo Green, Ice cream is Mint Chocolate chip, and Anime character is Sailor Pluto
✦ I have a very pronounce front tooth gap
✦ Started reading & practicing witchcraft at 8 years old. I don't label myself a witch for two reasons, one being because I am focusing on my indigenous spirituality, the other is I found the overall community to be racist and unfriendly to non-white practices (I have a permanent ban from Spells of Magic for tearing the founder, Lark, posts about why children aren't "legally" allowed to learn witchcraft/non Christian spirituality to legal sherds point by racist and unsupported point. She took it personally and I have no regrets about it. Don't be racist, don't intentionally lead people to believe something is illegal with no legal basis or proof)
✦ My day job is as a litigation paralegal
Note on Taíno posts
My longer-form Taíno essays and more structural educational writing live on a separate blog. I have never claimed to be an educator, nor tried to. So anything meant to put out as assistance to the community at large I will be posting on the second tumblr (Areyto Naboria), because I do want to promote community.
This space is more informal — a place to think out loud, share interests, document projects, and exist as a whole person instead of a perfectly curated “educational resource.”
Being mixed, Indigenous, Caribbean, disabled, and online (this isn't my first tumblr blog, in fact if you know your online Taíno tumblr community lore- you have most definitely hear of me, I am infamous- feel free to ask), this means I’ve seen how quickly people reduce identity into performance, purity tests, or public interrogation. I’m not interested in participating in that culture.
If you’re here in good faith, welcome.
DNI - (Do not interact with me if you are the following)
Much like my blog's bio states, Bigots, Fascists, Zios, Pretendian hunters, and anyone treating Indigenous identity like a public cross-examination- do not bother me.
We will not see eye to eye and I am not interested in having conversations with someone committed to misunderstanding me.
Bigots includes TERFS, racists, colorists, featurists, sexists, sizists, classists, homophoes, Genderists, ageists, and pretty much anyone who gets their kicks exercising their privileges to disenfranchise, erase, and disadvantage others.
Unidentified Taíno artist, Kuisa [Purification implements], c. 1200–1500, bone, approximately 22 cm high (El Museo del Barrio, New York). Speakers: Dr. Lee Sessions, Permanent Collections Associate Curator, El Museo del Barrio and Dr. Tamara Calcaño, University of Puerto Rico. Warning: this video contains a discussion of vomiting in a ritual context but may be upsetting to some viewers. Transcript is under cut.
Transcript:
[music]
0:00:05.0 Dr. Tamara Díaz Calcaño: We’re here at the Museo del Barrio in New York looking at an emetic spatula from the Taíno culture.
0:00:11.8 Dr. Lee Sessions: These were made by the Taíno people, the Indigenous people of the Caribbean, [who] have been inhabiting the region since at least 1200 and descended from people who are in the region much before that. There are many people who identify as Taíno in the Caribbean who practice many of the old rituals and ceremonies, and keep the practices alive.
0:00:31.5 Dr. Díaz Calcaño: While Taíno culture was deeply affected by the arrival of the Spanish in the region, the cultural practices and the visual culture of the Taínos has continued to be present in Puerto Rico and in the Greater Caribbean.
0:00:45.7 Dr. Sessions: Even in renaming these implements kuisa, we are trying to use Taíno words to prioritize Taíno language in how we’re naming these materials that are from around 1200.
0:00:58.5 Dr. Díaz Calcaño: The emetic spatula we are looking at was part of the cohoba ritual, where the bohique or the behique, the spiritual leader in the Taíno culture, and the cacique, the political leader, would partake in inhaling the cohoba seeds which were powdered to be able to obtain the psychedelic qualities of these seeds. So in part of the ritual, they could communicate with ancestors, deities, and also interpret omens that were important for the Taíno culture and the particular history or situation of a set community.
0:01:31.1 Dr. Sessions: These would have been used to purge the stomach before the ceremony, so you would use the kuisa to purge, and then the behique grind up the cohoba seeds in a mortar and pestle, and then the user would inhale through a small straw. It’s a way to connect with the ancestors, to connect with the spiritual realm, with the many layers of reality behind the reality that we see. Often the behique would use it to obtain information about how to heal someone who was ailing in the tribe, or the cacique would use it to obtain guidance from the ancestors about a political issue.
0:02:09.0 Dr. Díaz Calcaño: They purged themselves related to the notion of purifying the body, so they could better access the psychedelic qualities of the cohoba seeds with an empty stomach. The emetic spatulas used in these rituals, like the one we have here at the museum, were usually made of a softer material, usually bone, it was a common to also use manatee ribs as the material with which these spatulas were carved. And they could also be quite decorated. They could be carved with intricate designs. And the one we are looking at has a humanoid face with great eyes that were carved and that probably had some sort of insert in a different material. You have a large nose and a wide grinning mouth, we can see all the teeth. The arms are pulled up to the chest, and right under the hands, we can see what seems to be almost like a swollen belly. And then the rest of the spatula is that more abstracted lower body.
0:03:01.5 Dr. Sessions: Because these kuisa are used in this spiritually significant ceremony where you’re accessing the world beyond, where you’re accessing your ancestors, they would often be carved with spiritually significant imagery, they would almost become kind of a guide to the underworld themselves. So this figure might have represented a cacique, someone who was participating in the ritual, it might represent some kind of other guide figure who would take the user through the other world.
0:03:30.4 Dr. Díaz Calcaño: It was very common in the design of the material culture of the cohoba ritual to add references to either important ancestors, deities. The cacique, and the behique himself are often also figures very present in the objects related to the ritual of the cohoba. So indeed, the figure carved on this kuisa could very well be a references to a cacique or a behique.
0:03:56.6 Dr. Sessions: When you look at the object from the side, you can see it has a gentle curve, which probably would have come from the material that it was made from, from some kind of rib bone. But also the curve would have helped the object function. It would have made it easier to use to purge yourself before the ceremony.
0:04:16.0 Dr. Díaz Calcaño: We look at the purging spatula from the side. And from behind, we see that it has perforations which may relate to it being worn during this ceremony almost as a pendant or as a necklace. Which also I think highlights the physicality of the object itself, how it could not only have been a practical object in the ritual, but it may have also functioned as an important adornment in the ritual itself.
On Cemí and Taíno Spirituality: An Opening Orientation
I want to talk about spirituality, but to do so I recognize the need to talk about specific deities, and in order to do that we need to talk about and have an understanding of Cemínism/Zeminism (for continuity and understandability, I will be using the academic “Cemí” spelling with a “C”, but please keep in mind, Zemí is valid as well recognized academically and in the tribal nation, I just don’t want confusion).
There is no single term that fully captures this the Taíno spiritual system in its original context, and even the use of words like “religion” or “spirituality” can be limiting. What is being described is not a separate sphere of life, but an integrated way of understanding relationships—between people, land, ancestors, realms, and the forces that sustain existence.
Within the Cemínism framework, cemís are central.
Cemí are not easily defined in singular terms. They may be understood as ancestral presences, spiritual beings, forces of nature, or the material forms through which those presences are engaged. In short- objects imbued with a presences. Cemís may be represented through a carved object or natural form; they can also be encountered through place, memory, or practice- most notable examples are sacred places, some are sacred because they are imbued. These distinctions are fluid, and often depend on context (Pané, 1498/1999; Oliver, 2009). Because of this, cemís are not distant or abstract. They, the objects, exist within relationship— imbued with a presence that is carried through lineage, expressed through environment, and recognized through interaction rather than belief alone.
In the most basic of terms - a cemí is molded to one’s own perception of a deity or ancestral spirit, it is imbued by it and represents the relationship between a community/family/person and said deity or ancestral spirit. It is a physical vessel or embodiment of spiritual power.
The basic anatomy of what a cemí represents:
The Embodiment/Object: It is believed that the physical object actually contains the spirit or essence of a deity or ancestral spirit. NOT that it is the deity or spirit directly (no deity can be contained, nor should anyone seek to that’s viewed as malevolent and world harming behavior).
The Materials: They are crafted using a wide variety of materials, including wood, cotton, stone, shell, clay, and even bone, which were often carved or molded to reflect incarnations, visions or dreams to the deity and ancestral spirit. Sometimes clothing and accessories are crafted to adorn the cemí, as additions (see after sources for photos of some preserved documented cemís).
The Function: Acting as intermediaries, these objects are used to communicate with the spirit world, seek guidance, influence, and ensure the community's (or persons) prosperity, health, protection, etc. The concept is deeply relational, serving as a direct, tangible link between the physical world and the sacred unseen.
(Jiménez (2021), Doyle (2020))
To put this into context, the most common cemís that come to mind are of those of Yúcahu (there are other spellings, far too many to individually list on this post), Atabey, and Guan Ban Sech. For many these names invoke a Cemí to come to mind, but one of the most common ones in connection to Atabey is the Coquí. You can’t drive on the road anywhere in a major city with a Puerto Rican population without coming across a Taíno Coquí symbol, weather it’s on someone’s car, flag, or tattooed on their body. While there are different beliefs around the Coquí- some view it as the symbology for luck, being safe guarded, others as an extension of Atabey’s Fertility incarnation, the nurturing care of a mother. There are some that just view it a symbol of pride and origin. Regardless of the individuals view- they are have the core reasoning of a relationship with nature, safety, and Puerto Rico as an island, and it has been a cultural Cemí carried through lineage and recognized through interaction rather than belief alone for loner than any academic can pin point. See how cemís can be more than merely an object?
With all this say, let me disclaim - It is also important to acknowledge that not all aspects of this knowledge are meant for public or generalized discussion. Some teachings, ceremonial practices, and interpretations are held within specific communities, families, or initiated spaces. What is shared here reflects information that is more widely documented or openly discussed, and should be understood as partial, relative, and foundationally basic rather than comprehensive.
Much of what is commonly known about Taíno spiritual life comes from two sources, early colonial records and cultural knowledge passed through family and communities across the Caribbean. Archeological and anthropological accounts, while valuable, were written through external perspectives and are often incomplete. As a result, contemporary understanding is shaped not only by these texts, but also by oral tradition, community knowledge, and ongoing cultural practice (Curet, 2014; Keegan & Carlson, 2008).
This is where variation becomes important.
Taíno-descendant communities exist across different regions of the Caribbean and its diaspora, and their approaches to cemís can reflect those environments. In some areas, there may be a stronger emphasis on agricultural relationships and land-based practices (ie. like personal gardens, keeping of ancestral trees, dances, etc), in others, a more pronounced connection to coastal or riverine environments (ie. Meditative swimming, Water/River Cultures, etc), and some even blend with other spiritual beliefs (ie. Afro-indigenous communities have a similar practice, cemís crossing into Orisha spaces happened naturally), one’s environment shapes how certain presences are understood and expressed- and under the practice of cemínism it is all valid.
Even within the same region, differences can emerge between families or communities. These variations may influence how cemí are named, how they are approached, or how relationships with them are maintained. Rather than indicating inconsistency, these differences reflect continuity—adaptation over time in response to place, history, and lived experience (Oliver, 2009).
As a cultural example, if you’ve ever read the memoir “My Broken Language”, by Quiara Alegria Hudes; she describes her mother’s spiritual garden dotted with stone lines, carved sculptures, 4 directional sections, and specific plants planted per section. An outsider reads it, takes in the environment described, it might be new to them and they continue. Someone with an even basic understand of Caribbean indigenous beliefs or living cultural experience in the Caribbean though, they read it and can recognize the stone dividing lines as cibas, the sculptures likely cemís of Taíno and Orisha presences, the divided section being the wheel, and even the specific plants reflecting the Taíno cardinal directions. When you have the lived experience of culture, you can fill the blanks, understand without a full course explanation which means authors like Ms. Hudes can share semi closed practices in this form, and it works. Those outside get a glimpse, those with context get validation and recognize the meaning.
In general there is no single, fixed system that can fully represent Taíno spirituality as it exists today, but cemínism is such a central part that it has undeniably been carried through lineage, expressed through history, and recognized thoroughly culturally, regardless of personally held beliefs.
For those beginning to learn, it may be helpful to approach this not as a system to be mastered, but as a set of relationships to be understood gradually. Definitions may shift with time, exposure, and while building community with others. Meanings may deepen over time. What is learned in one space may be expanded or reframed in another. It is all a process.
Selected References (for further reading)
Pané, R. (1498/1999). An Account of the Antiquities of the Indians. (J. J. Arrom, Ed. & Trans.). Duke University Press.
Oliver, J. R. (2009). Caciques and Cemí Idols: The Web Spun by Taíno Rulers Between Hispaniola and Puerto Rico. University of Alabama Press.
Dr. Jiménez, Maya (2021). Taíno zemís and duhos, Smarthistory, The Center for Public Art History.
Doyle, James A. (2020). Arte Del Mar: Art of the Early Caribbean. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art.
Curet, L. A. (2014). Caribbean Paleodemography: Population, Culture History, and Sociopolitical Processes in Ancient Puerto Rico. University of Alabama Press.
Keegan, W. F., & Carlson, L. A. (2008). Talking Taíno: Caribbean Natural History from a Native Perspective. University of Alabama Press.
This essay contains citations to academic research for your understanding.
Photos of Documented Cemís
Taíno artist, Zemí (cacique side), c. 1510–1515 (Museo Nazionale Prehistorico ed Etnografico “Luigi Pigorini,” Rome, Italy; photo: Lorenzo Demasi)
Taíno, Deity Figure (Zemí), 13th–15th century, sandstone, Dominican Republic (The Metropolitan Museum of Art)
Taíno artist, Spatula, c. 10th–15th century, manatee bone, from the Greater Antilles, Caribbean (Cleveland Museum of Art)
Taíno artist, Zemí (mask side), c. 1510–1515 (Museo Nazionale Prehistorico ed Etnografico “Luigi Pigorini,” Rome, Italy; photo: Lorenzo Demasi) [This is my favorite, it has a whole out fit and movable mask]
Taíno artist, Three-Cornered Stone (Trigonolito), 13th–15th century C.E., limestone, from the Dominican Republic (The Metropolitan Museum of Art)
Taíno artist, Cotton cemí; Museum of Anthropology and Ethnography Turin (A Taíno Idol's Origin Story)
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Talking about Taíno identity today requires care, because it intersects with Indigenous rights.
This is not a simple historical question of what it is or was, but rather it is a living one—shaped by colonial disruption, incomplete records, and ongoing processes of cultural continuity and revitalization across the Caribbean and diaspora.
In contemporary Indigenous rights discourse, especially in international frameworks like the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (which recognized a large degree of today's Taíno yukayekes and communities as authentic), identity is not defined solely by colonial documentation or uninterrupted institutional recognition. Instead, Indigenous identity is generally understood through a combination of:
self-identification
community recognition
historical continuity
cultural connection
Importantly, these frameworks also recognize that colonial systems often disrupted the very records used to measure continuity. Notice that they indicate "community recognition" instead of "National", "Federal" or even "International", because it is the community that self-identifies.
Taíno identity today exists in a range of expressions across different communities and individuals. Some people trace ancestry through family knowledge, oral history, or regional memory (which fulfills, self-identification, cultural connection, and historical continuity). Others engage in cultural revitalization through language, history, or spiritual reconstruction (ie. cultural connection and community recognition. Should be noted that revitalization is often treated as making up or taking from other cultures instead of what it is which is the intentional recovery of knowledge disrupted over time. Every culture participates in revitalization, as it is central to growth while maintaining culture and history). Some participate in communities that actively identify as Taíno in the present day (self-identification and community recognition).
These expressions are not all identical, and they should not be treated as interchangeable—but they are all part of how Taíno presence, the Nation, in individual communities and individually as a whole, is understood in the modern world.
A necessary distinction
It is important to separate three things that are often blended together when people discuss Taíno identity and culture:
- historical Taíno societies, documented through archaeology and early colonial records. Can referred to as Classical Taíno/Arawak Culture.
- cultural continuity, which may appear in fragmented, adapted, or indirect forms. Often in reference to as surviving families/communities.
- contemporary Indigenous identity, which can include revitalization of historical Taíno societies and self-identification today through cultural continuity even if it in the barest of forms.
Confusing these categories leads to oversimplified conclusions—either erasure (“it ended”) or overstatement (“it remained unchanged”). Both extremes miss the reality, and are unrealistic expectations of any Indigenous peoples. Taíno survival should not be reduced to a single model.
Indigenous survival is not always visible through continuous institutional records, in fact is nearly never the case, because colonial systems were not designed to preserve Indigenous continuity or recognition.
But survival is also not something that exists only in abstract reconstruction. Instead, it is best understood as:
disrupted continuity
ongoing cultural recovery
and present-day identity formation
All existing at once, in different ways, across different communities, and at various stages. This is the process nearly all indigenous communities experience (even the notable exceptions, like The Māori of Aotearoa, still aren’t exceptions to colonial disruption and recognition legal battles), but is often more harshly criticized in smaller communities and those indigenous cultures directly impacted by Spain’s Empire.
We can’t leave of the affect of language, the way we talk about Indigenous peoples affects how own existence is understood.
Phrases like “disappeared,” “extinct,” or “vanished” are not neutral—they come from historical narratives that often erase complexity in order to simplify colonial histories and make them more palatable and agreeable to its audience.
At the same time, it is also important not to flatten all contemporary expressions of identity into a single uninterrupted line of tradition. Doing so assumes that if a culture has survived, it must have done so in a perfectly continuous, unchanged form—like a straight line that can be traced cleanly from past to present. In reality, very few cultures exist that way, and Indigenous histories are especially shaped by disruption, adaptation, and uneven transmission due to colonial systems.
For Taíno identity specifically, this matters because colonial violence did not only affect people—it also disrupted the conditions under which cultural knowledge has been recorded, passed down, and made visible to outsiders.
Both erasure and oversimplification distort the reality. Indigenous identity in general is not something that can be measured only through historical visibility. It is also shaped by how people understand themselves, connect to heritage, and continue cultural memory in the present. Holding space for that complexity is part of respecting Indigenous peoples.
Taíno identity today exists at the intersection of historical disruption, cultural memory, reconstruction, and contemporary self-identification.
It is not a claim that everything remained unchanged, that is simply unrealistic and unwarranted for anyone to ask of any given culture.
It is not a claim that nothing survived, because science and anthropologists keep confirming details on various oral stories and practices maintained and shared regionally and by various families/communities across the Caribbean.
It is an acknowledgment that Indigenous presence in the Caribbean was not cleanly erased, even if it was deeply disrupted and made less visible over time. One may not agree with how we exist, but existing is not the debate itself.
Moment of silence to the whole lands, whole languages, whole cultures, whole peoples that did not survive the terror of European colonialism and bless all those who have and continue to survive it’s long standing impact and oppression all of the world.