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under the dictatorship of alberto fujimori, USAID funded peru's "family planning" program, which was used to sterilize 300,000 indigenous women, often through deception or in exchange for basic necessities such as food or medical care
A system of incentives and sanctions reinforced the policy: healthcare providers received cash or in-kind payments for each sterilized woman, while promotions, demotions, and the allocation of medical equipment were tied to the fulfillment of sterilization targets and quotas. The program was also implemented through mass campaigns. DEMUS reported large-scale operations aimed at recruiting women for tubal ligation, including so-called “ligation festivals,” which promoted sterilization as a path to happiness and often offered food or money as incentives.
Deceptive practices were widespread. Many women were misinformed about the nature of the procedure or told it was minor. In other cases, they were offered debt forgiveness related to childbirth or abortion in exchange for agreeing to be sterilized. Within a broader context of poverty and exclusion, sterilization often became a transactional means of accessing healthcare or food, services the state was already obligated to provide.
source
not coincidentally, US president george h.w. bush's administration was very pleased with the mass privatization fujimori's regime was implementing
anyway there's also this. which i cant wait to see people try to explain away.
You actually just have to accept that it is possible for people in your social group to be abusers even if you are not literally Jeffrey Epstein and in fact even if you have no money and all of the odds stacked against you.
It is true that money and power enables abuse on a grand scale, but the converse is not true— having no money and no power does not make abuse less likely. I think many of us know this from experience. There is no special moral quality to being poor or being oppressed. Oppressed people abuse each other all the fucking time, in families and relationships and friendships. People of color abuse each other. Women abuse each other. Gay people and trans people abuse each other.
Cesar Chavez raped the women and girls of the labor rights movement throughout his career, using worker solidarity as a bludgeoning tool to ensure their silence.
If you say “people in my group don’t do this, it’s the powerful men that do it” then you harm yourself in several ways.
1. You signal to your social circle that you do not hold them to any standard of behavior. You have preemptively pledged loyalty, which means that if they behave objectionably, any objection on your part will mean a betrayal of your community.
2. You mark yourself as socially permissive. People in your social group know that you are, at baseline, unwilling to accept or act on allegations against them. To be frank, this makes you very easy to take advantage of, whether in service of abusing someone else or abusing you directly.
And you harm other people by telling a lie. What about all of the people who have been abused by a person within this oppressed group? They have it reiterated that their abuse cannot be spoken about, for the sake of solidarity.
Everybody on this earth has the potential to do immeasurable harm to another person just as they have the potential to do good. You can— and in fact I would say you must— advocate and fight for the rights of your people without making yourself into a useful tool for bad actors within your community.

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In this critical situation, it was as if the Communist Party, with Mao as its “helmsman,” lost its sense of direction. The harsh critique of the Soviet Union went from a debate on how to continue the construction of socialism in a post-revolutionary society to a theory of the principal contradiction in the world, the so-called “Three World Theory.” In 1974, Mao defined the three worlds as follows:
I hold that the U.S. and the Soviet Union belong to the First World. The middle elements, such as Japan, Europe, Australia and Canada, belong to the Second World. We are the Third World…The U.S. and the Soviet Union have a lot of atomic bombs, and they are richer. Europe, Japan, Australia and Canada, of the Second World, do not possess so many atomic bombs and are not so rich as the First World, but richer than the Third World…All Asian countries, except Japan, belong to the Third World. All of Africa and also Latin America belong to the Third World.
According to Mao’s theory, there are two superpowers, the United States and the Soviet Union, which constitute “The First World,” fighting each other to obtain world domination. In this makeup, China regarded the Soviet Union as the aggressive party. The Soviet Union was no longer just a revisionist bureaucratic state. The Soviet Union had not only restored capitalism, but it had also become “the most dangerous and aggressive social-imperialist power in the world;” so dangerous that the “Third World” had to ally with the “Second World”—Western Europe, Japan, and even the United States—to neutralize “Soviet imperialism” and avoid a nuclear war.
Based on the reasoning that “my enemy’s enemy is my friend,” China supported anti-Soviet forces worldwide, often in cooperation with the U.S. and reactionary forces. China was one of the first to recognize the government of Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet following the coup against the Socialist Allende government. China, together with the CIA, supported Mobutu in Zaire, and Jonas Savimbi’s National Union for the Total Independence of Angola in the civil war against the People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola, which was backed by Cuba.
However, there was no evidence that the Soviet Union was the most aggressive power in the confrontation with the U.S. in the mid-1970s. Already at this point, the Soviet Union was under economic, political, and military pressure from the United States, trying to keep up in the arms race. China made its national conflict with the Soviet Union into the global principal contradiction. Claiming that the Soviet Union was richer than the countries in the “second world” was incorrect—the Soviet Union belonged to the semi-periphery of the world-system. Neither was the Soviet Union an imperialist power in its relationship with Eastern Europe and the Third World, at least not in any economic significance. The Soviet Union was already in a defensive mode in the mid-1970s, culminating in its collapse 15 years later.
-Torkil Lauesen, The Long Transition Towards Socialism And The End Of Capitalism Pgs. 222-224
that's the usamerican celebrating 4th of july, get them
The reality of being Indigenous in so called Canada
• Indigenous women and girls make up 50% of human trafficking victims, while only making up about 2% of the population.¹
•If the territory of Nunavut was an independent country it would have the highest suicide rate in the world (135 per 100,000, which is 10x the canadian average)²
•Despite Calgary having a fairly low crime rate the Calgary Police kill more people than any other police force in Canada. In 2018 CPS killed more people than the police forces of Winnipeg, Vancouver, Ottawa, Toronto and Edmonton combined. ASIRT, the provincial police watchdog, has never charged an officer for these murders. If you control for population, the rate of civilians killed in Calgary by police is 8 times higher than in New York City. ³
•Between August 30th and December 14th 2024, 15 Indigenous people were killed by police in Canada. 15 people in under 4 months. Because Canada does not collect data on victims of police violence it's difficult to know exact numbers, but it's estimated that Indigenous people make up 16% of police killings, while only making up 4.1% of the population. Indigenous people are killed by police at a rate 10x higher than white canadians.⁴
•28% of people federally incarcerated are Indigenous. This number is as high as 40% in women's prisons. Indigenous women are incarcerated at a rate 12.5x higher than non Indigenous women. ⁵
•29 reserves in Canada are under drinking water advisories. Some of these advisories have been in place for more than 25 years. ⁶
•53.8% of kids in the foster care system are Indigenous. In the province I live in (Alberta) that number is more than 70%. ⁷
• 7% of non Indigenous Canadian children live in poverty. 38% of Indigenous children in Canada live in poverty. ⁷
Canada is not America-lite. Canada is not America's polite northern neighbour. Canada has its own brutal colonial history, and sits on forcibly occupied Indigenous land.
Against a peculiarly Western allergy to the pleasure of the text SUMANA ROY
In the essays my students write, I have begun to notice a common pattern. They are structured almost like Aesop’s fables. A moral seems necessary at the end — a kind of wrapping up, whichever way one chooses to look at it, like a prayer of gratitude after a meal, or an antacid tablet to aid the digestive process. Occasionally, I notice this in their poems as well, how the concluding lines must justify the existence of the lines preceding them. I have begun calling it “moralitis.” Without a text’s display of morality, we seem to be at a loss about how to justify its existence.
I offer these summaries as an outsider. I wasn’t born in America or England, and I wasn’t a participant in, or even a contemporary observer of, Anglophone literature departments. I am a postcolonial citizen reading the white world reading.
I notice what has been well-documented: How the creation of “area studies,” its support coming from espionage funds of the American government, led to the incorporation of literatures from these unknown cultures into white literature departments. I use “white” in the most matter-of-fact, self-evident way, without anger. That was what it was, a crowd of white writers, primarily male, squatting on syllabi for decades. They had written about things that struck their fancy: elephants, women, mountains, wars, a cup of tea, a day in the life of an unremarkable person. The syllabus-makers had legitimized their wandering. It was all right, the white writer could write about anything.
The expectation of the nonwhite writers was different. They were to be tour guides to their cultures, burdened with satisfying the intellectual curiosity of the white world. As Amit Chaudhuri wrote in his essay “I Am Ramu,” published in n+1, “The important European novelist makes innovations in the form; the important Indian novelist writes about India. This is a generalization, and not one that I believe. But it represents an unexpressed attitude that governs some of the ways we think of literature today. … The American writer has succeeded the European writer. The rest of us write of where we come from.”
In India — where I now teach in the English and creative-writing department at Ashoka University, about 45 kilometers from the capital city of New Delhi — what began with Salman Rushdie and Amitav Ghosh and Vikram Seth performing their roles as researchers for this new reader soon turned into a habit. Rushdie had tried to bring the linguistic energy of a whole culture into his representation of the Indian nation; Ghosh a Stephen Greenblatt-influenced understanding of history into the historical novel; Seth a sentimental appraisal of an India that had now disappeared. They were ambassadors of the Indian nation, often thought to be “representing” India just as artists and performers represented it in Festival of India programs abroad.
This wasn’t, of course, what Seth and Ghosh and Rushdie had set out to do; it was just how their work had been appropriated by this new and foreign readership. At the same time, any writer — or any text — that did not fulfill the purpose of national ambassador risked being ignored or rejected by the academics — whether in India or abroad — who were designing courses about postcolonial Indian literature.
The consequences of this are far-reaching. I looked at a sampling of English-literature question papers in Indian universities, primarily in the country’s provinces, where an American understanding of Indian writing has been imported without any skepticism or unease — this despite professors teaching courses on power and imperialism. Courses have titles like “Indian Writing in English,” “Postcolonial Literature,” “Indian Literature in Translation,” “Commonwealth Literature.” The questions asked of the students are revealing. “Analyze Amitav Ghosh’s The Shadow Lines as a critique of the nation-state”; “Write a note on Velutha as a Dalit character in Arundhati Roy’s The God of Small Things”; “Discuss Things Fall Apart as a postcolonial novel.”
By contrast, in the same departments, William Blake was being studied as “a precursor to the Romantics,” W.B. Yeats as “the last Romantic,” John Donne as “a metaphysical poet,” Virginia Woolf as “a stream-of-consciousness novelist,” and so on. If the contrast in the pedagogical approaches to the “third world” literatures and Euro-American literatures is still not evident, one can just jog down to the early British literature paper, and then to the Renaissance.
Postcolonial texts seem to have two jobs in these syllabi: They either negatively illustrate some form of moral or social misconduct, or they positively represent a “marginalized” culture or geography. Ideally, they do both at once, often in the manner of a Live Aid concert. The genre chosen for such illustrative purposes is most often the Indian English novel and, occasionally, the Indian novel in English translation..
While academics often see themselves as correcting the oversights of mainstream publishing, in this case, the two have colluded, even if unconsciously. Just as Indian professors feel a responsibility to assign “representative” texts, so within Indian English publishing, editors and publishers — beneficiaries of various kinds of privilege — have felt a moral responsibility to present and represent those they considered left out of their understanding of literature. That category included the Dalit, the Adivasi tribes, occasionally women. To publish these “unknown” and “unheard stories” — phrases that attend many of the blurbs of books about these cultures and people — is their version of affirmative action, almost akin to wearing hand-loom textiles to register their support for the poor weaver.
This enterprise has had consequences besides the intended ones. The “Adivasi” and “Dalit” writers these publishers championed became just that to the reading public: one picked up a book by such a writer to become a better person. Juries giving prizes followed the same path: By giving a literary prize to someone they had identified as a subaltern, they were in fact trying to give the prize to the community the writer came from. This is the neoliberal’s version of the subaltern-studies project.
I have heard from some of these writers about their dissatisfaction in being read as Dalit writers alone. Manoranjan Byapari, for instance, tells me that, although he has benefited from the largess of intent, he and others want to be read as writers, like upper-class and upper-caste writers are — not given attention solely because of their status as disadvantaged. It is not difficult to see that this was a mimicry of what had happened in the West: the Indian writers’ responsibility to represent their nation had metamorphosed, here, into “marginalized” writers’ responsibility to represent their “local culture.”
Like the soldier fighting for the country, these writers are seen as fighting for their culture. (This attitude also explains why translation, a field ignored for decades, has suddenly become a moral mission — we must bring the “underrepresented” into the range of vision, even if it is only the range of vision of the English-reading world.) Meanwhile, choosing what books to read becomes itself a moralistic enterprise, a form of atonement. One must read postcolonial literatures to pay the guilt tax. It is a reading toll that the student of the white-literature syllabus is not asked to pay.
But the proliferation of readers who seem to have become addicted to paying this tax has created a new kind of marginalized literature: literature that does not serve the didactic purposes of the postcolonial survey course. For one thing, the postcolonial-literature syllabus continues to remain parasitic on the novel — it is as if our histories could only be held in the form of the novel, usually a fat novel, its girth approximately proportionate to the size of the country. The poem and the essay have been rendered minor forms here. Fragmentary and whimsical in nature, personal and private in style, they offer no assistance in the information-supplying service that the postcolonial syllabus is expected to perform. The few poets who are studied, if at all, have been given a place on the syllabus for their founding-father status. Unlike the novel, where new work is regularly called for duty on the syllabus, contemporary poetry (say, Indian English poetry) might be imagined to have gone extinct.
The same question should be asked of the postcolonial syllabus. While the moralizing mission might appear admirable, these courses ignore all literature that does not fit its agenda. What else explains the utter absence of comic novels in the postcolonial course? How else to explain why Bibhutibhushan Bandyopadhyay’s novels, particularly Aranyak, are not taught? Or why Amit Chaudhuri’s novels, with their life-loving energy, do not find a place here? Or why stories and novellas about provincial life, such as we find in the magical writing of R.K. Narayan, have not yet been included? Literature about the moment, about the everyday, is rejected: Comedy, laughter, pleasure — the postcolonial subject must not be seen partaking of these contraband things. The syllabus often reminds me of what our hostel matron used to say: Don’t smile and show your teeth when praying.
Here is the space where the syllabus remains to be decolonized — not through substitution, but addition. A course on British modernism will include a novel or two about a day in the life of a white man or woman, such as we find in James Joyce’s Ulysses and Virginia Woolf’s Mrs. Dalloway. But a young Indian student’s life on a day in July — masturbating, thinking of becoming a “famous poet,” walking around London with his uncle, eating at a restaurant and fighting with him, as we find in Amit Chaudhuri’s comic novel Odysseus Abroad — is judged too self-indulgent for a postcolonial course, even as it is not hard to see that this life in the novel, if anything, is the postcolonial subject’s condition.
What I am seeking is for the postcolonial-literature reading list to be liberated from its current status as “minor literature.” I do not use this term like Deleuze does, but rather to describe the sense within English-literature departments that these are to be studied as Ur-manifestos and histories of repression and suffering, and that all other kinds of writing are to suffer the same fate as banned literature: to remain ignored and unread. A course on Modernism, for instance, should include writing and art from non-Western cultures, where books exist side by side, related by temperament, aesthetic, or form, and not because of a United Nations idea of representation.
Literature in the postcolonial syllabus should surprise the student, not just confirm and illustrate “theories.” This, too, should be part of the decolonizing-the-syllabus mission: to dismantle the binary between postcolonial writers as content writers and Western writers as experimenters with form. Only then can we begin to address the “moralitis” of my students, which, although it might seem at first harmless, or even praiseworthy, turns out to entail a troubling indifference to pleasure and beauty, to ananda (joy and delight), which is often the backbone of India’s modern literatures.

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idk how to explain it but im never truly comfortable with the way people insinuate that all older folks are inherently bigoted. it always feels like it kind of hand-waves away personal responsibility like ohhhh grandpa cant help homophobic, hes old. well ive met plenty of older folks who are normal about gay people. i think grandpa could be better. i think we should hold grandpa to higher standards.
The Final Muslim Apology by Fatima Anwar on Intisaab
This blog seeks to archive the original artwork, music, and writing of progressive students from across Pakistan. We wish to encourage creative action and expression by students in various languages in a way that is socially aware and cognizant of not only the hurdles we face as a society but also of the opportunities for hope present at every turn.
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happy canada day. please consider donating to an indigenous-led charity. fuck colonialism.
indian residential school survivors society (BC)
toronto indigenous harm reduction (ON)
native women's resource centre of toronto (ON)
water first (nationwide)
indspire (nationwide)
miskanawah (AB)
ma mawi wi chi itata centre (MB)
manitoba indigenous cultural education centre (MB)
native women's shelter of montreal (QC)
native friendship centre of montreal (QC)
first light (NL)
list of indigenous charitable organizations sorted by cause (nationwide)
thank you for the info!!
first light (merchandise store only; unfortunately there is no direct donation link that I could find)
nfc montreal (updated)
please share this version instead if you can!!
For Canada day, all I have to say is stop celebrating a nation built on and that is continuing that genocide
This headline went completely under the radar and it pisses me off to no end
If you'd side eye an Israeli for celebrating Israeli pride, do the same with Canadians, Americans, Australians, etc

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Comrades Thomas Sankara and Fidel Castro. Castro is Awarding Sankara the Order of Jose Marti, 1984
Girls just wanna have fun