Calque & Loanword
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Calque & Loanword
Found this. Kind of want to share.

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Loanword
Cantonese loanword types
Extract of a conversation I was having with someone on Cantonese loanword types:
Friend: Are english loans in cantonese commonly assimilated to cantonese phonology? To what extent?
Me:
I think there are 3 levels 1. non-lexicalized 2. semi-lexicalized 3. fully lexicalized
fully lexicalized are words that have dedicated hanzi, I'd say perhaps the first is like code-switching. The second type are words that have a standardized pronunciation that fits almost perfectly if not fully perfectly into Cantonese phonology, but without hanzi
1. ? [nothing came to mind then] 2. haai1 lai1 taa*2 (highlighter) 3. ē士 (taxi)
It's hard to place sometimes. For example the word pro6 (/pʰɹouĖØĖØ/ āprofessionalā). Technically canto of course doesn't have /r/, so it's not easy to judge whether this is a case of code-switching or semi-lexicalized.
åļ¼ä½ 儽proåļ¼ "wow, you're very professional!"
It's been noted (Multiple scansions in loanword phonology, Silverman, 1992) that [the last syllable of] Cantonese loanwords have a tendency to receive the č®é³ (tone 1 or 2). I think this can be a way to classify type 2 or 3. By this standard, pro6, which doesn't use tone 1 or 2, would fit into group 1, which also makes sense since /r/ isn't in native Canto phonology.
[...]
there is a structure: stressed syllables use tone 1 unstressed syllables use tone 4 epenthetic syllables use tone 6 final syllable uses č®é³
or at least, this was what was documented in [Silvermanās paper], but I think these days tones 4 and 6 would be interchangeable [For the case of āproā], it uses tone 6 for an unstressed syllable (and not tone 4).
I realize various noun loanwords from English has been borrowed/used in Hong Kong as an adjective. I just thought of this and found it to be an interesting phenomenon.
āä½¢å佢儽friendā, literally āhe and he very* friendā (= theyāre very good friends)
āä½¢å佢儽åfriendā, literally āhe and he very not friendā (= they arenāt good friends at all)
āåhard sellå ā, literally ā[thatās] so hard sellā (= thatās promoting/praising it so much**)
*: It is true that 儽 can mean āgoodā but in this case it means āveryā, so it does not mean āgood friendā but rather, āvery friendā. This can be exemplified by substituting 儽 with a synonymous āéåøøā, which cannot mean āgoodā. Additionally, the negation, if it meant āgoodā, would have had to be å儽 (not good), rather than ā儽åā
**: I donāt know if Iām translating this well. Basically āhard sellā in my experience has been used as an adjective in Hong Kong for when someone keeps saying good things about something, almost as if theyāre a salesperson trying to promote a product.
The Cantonese variant tone: a tonal suffix
While working on my Mastersā thesis, I had the opportunity to read Silvermanās 1992 paper on Cantonese loanwords, āMultiple scansions in loanword phonology: evidence from Cantoneseā. The paper made a finding that in many of the older Cantonese loanwords, the āvariant/changed toneā (č®é³; LSHK: bin3 jam1; Ball: pĆnź źyam) phenomenon occurs with loanwords from English. An example would be ē士 being pronounced dik1 si*2, with the variant tone instead of the modal pronunciation of ādik1 si6ā³ (which would otherwise follow tonal rules of loanwords, where epenthetic and unstressed syllables carry low tones*). The variant tone, according to Chao, is also used to distinguish general objects from familiar objects, such as general smoke (jin1) vs cigarette smoke (jin*1).
Silverman mentioned that the variant tone could be summarized into being a morphemic tonal suffix [Ė„] which attaches itself to the original tone the syllable carries.
This explains how the variant tone for modal tones 4, 5, 6 become phonetically identical to tone 2 on the surface, while the variant tone for modal tone 1 becomes high level. The reason for this is smoothening.
If you consider the starting point of tones 4, 5, 6, they all start low, and after attaching the high tonal suffix, get smoothened to a plain low to high contour tone (i.e. the same as tone 2):
Tone 4 smoothening: [˨˩ + ˄] > [˨˩˄] > [˨˄] > [˦˄]
Tone 5 smoothening: [˩˧ + ˄] > [˩˧˄] > [˩˄] > [˦˄]
As for tone 1, for a lot of speakers today, the high level and high falling tones are no longer distinguished, so it would be hard for speakers of such accents to remember which tone 1 used to be which. However, from this rule, it could be deduced that high falling is the modal tone 1, and that high level is the variant tone 1, because:
Tone 1 smoothening: [˄˧ + ˄] > [˄˧˄] > [˄˄]
Thus, for those interested in studying historical Cantonese phonology, this could be a useful way to remember which tone is which.
Of course, the big takeaway here is that the variant tone could be interpreted as being a tonal suffix [Ė„].
*: This refers to the é½ tones, and not Silverman's L tone. The reasoning behind my rejection of Silverman's 3-height tonal classification is because for many speakers, there are 4 level tones, and thus Silverman's 3-level tonal classification is not sufficient in representing all of the Cantonese tones accurately.

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ksztaÅt
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Transcribe loanwords into Russian? Don't be a wimp and just write them in English as is
Transcribe #loanword into #Russian? Don't be a wimp and just write them in #English as is
OK. I have a confession to make. Time to āfess up, so to speak. Itās importantā¦. andĀ embarrassing at the same time. Alright, breathe in breathe out. Ahem Being my native language, Russian is not my forte and never has been. Surely, I can communicate in it, as well as any other native Russian speaker, after all it is this language that I grew up with, but when it comes to writing⦠Thatās whereā¦
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