High Femme â Stone Femme or Pillow Prince/ss
Updated: 20 April 2026
â ïžTW: some of these screenshots contain the t-slur and the f-slur used against gnc fems.
It is widely believed that High Femme = âstone femme or a pillow prince/ssâ but this is a misunderstanding of how âHigh Femmeâ as an identity came to be. This was unfortunately popularised when people made counter-responses to the equally misinformed âFutch scaleâ diagram which infamously decontextualised butch and femme into aesthetics.
I went through my trove of butchfem(me) books to pull quotes regarding what a high femme is, and it deviates greatly from the solely sex-position identity or the stone-butch-dependent identity it has become today. I am unclear how this reductiveness came about, but Iâll add a calculated guess at the very end.
BEFORE YOU DISMISS THISâ Read below the cut for a compilation of butch femme quotes, resources and my analysis thereof, that support my claim.
TLDR;
My definition: A High Femme refers to a person of any gender, sex and sexuality, who constructs their feminine-centered (but not exclusive) gender in the glamour of their unique sociocultural experiences. A High Femme emphasises their gender non-conformity and/or sexual signature, in a confrontational transgression to ânormativeâ femininity. High femmeness is a tightrope of invincibility and vulnerability, in holding onto the integrity and significance of oneâs own erotic voice, independent of partnership.
đž Are you a High Femme, or know any High Femmes? Wanna meet and discuss with Femme friends?âš
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Firstly, ButchFEM =/= FEM(ME).
Most who study ButchFem(me) culture, have proposed a split between the pre-70s ButchFem versus the post-70s ButchFemme. This has been summarised best by Obviously Queerâs YT video on Femme who states that there was no evidence of 'Femme' within the mainstream usage within the pre-70s context of ButchFemme lesbians.
Beginning timemark 56:15:
From 1930âs to sometime in the 60s, Fem as in F E M was used in the butchfem dynamic. It's sometime between 1960 and 1980 that writers start to use femme, as in F E M M E, instead. Iâm not sure why. Joan Nestle, who is a fem icon, has continued to use the spelling F E M  because she identifies that femme (f e m m e) has grown too large and to separate fem as a part of a butchfem from just, other femme identities, she continues to use its original spelling. âThat was how we spelled it F E M. Itâs not a French word. Itâs a working class descriptive word,â NestlĂ© says in an interview with JSTOR. NestlĂ© is not alone in this choice. Other academics, such as quoted Sally Munt, also uses Fem, F E M, long after its mainstream shift. The author of âOld-Fashioned, Old-School: A Beginnerâs Guide for Butches & Femsâ (2018) a text iâve seen been thrown around in well⊠old school butchfem communities, writes this on her website: From the birth of butchfem to around 1960, beginning of 1970 this was how it was spelled. F E M. Femme is a complicated term, because it holds so many different meanings, as I hope youâve learned from this video so far. Policing who can and cannot use Femme is⊠honestly impossible. But people do try. Many people talk and educate as if this Fem/Femme divide is the truth. Itâs not the truth, it's a new concept. This is the truth only in a small, created filter bubble. There is no clear separation in real life and this divide, differently from what is occasionally claimed, has no historical value. The historical value is the opposite. Femme has been a word for ballroom queerness in the black community, longer than it has been a word for butchfem dynamic, because the butchfem dynamic used F E M. So policing someone that Femme is and always has been a lesbian exclusive word is incorrect. Many Fem(mes) today obviously need a word that signifies that their identity is a sapphic woman who is exclusively into butchfem. Well here I give it to you. Femme as short for feminine. Fem(me) for those who study femininity. And Fem for those in dialogue with butches.
This is also corroborated in âBoots of Leather, Slippers of Gold: A History of the Lesbian Communityâ, by Elizabeth Kennedy & Madeline Davis (Note that the authors have expressed regrets for excluding bi femmes and butches from their book). P. 685/776, footnote 2:
We have chosen to use the spelling âfemâ rather than âfemmeâ on the advice of our narrators. This is the spelling they have always used. They also feel that âfemâ is a more American spelling and that âfemmeâ has an academic component that is too high-toned for their liking. For reference to butch-fem roles in pre-1970s communities see, for instance, Del Martin and Phyllis Lyon, Lesbian/Woman (New York: Bantam, 1972); Audre Lorde, âTar Beach,â Conditions 5 (1979): 34â47; Joan Nestle, âButch-Femme Relationshipsâ [âŠ]
đStone Butch Blues (1993)
The 40s ButchFem culture was a pre-political underground development via cultural exchange amongst the African American and European American working class, SW, drag queens & kings, trans women and transfems, and most importantly, BIPOC communities. Some of the butches AND fems were married to men and had boyfriends, but came to the bars and house parties to form Lesbian community and embraced the erotic dyad. Lesbianism was non-exclusive to monosexuality and its culture involved people of different genders, sexual orientations and backgrounds. [ Scroll down to âđ Femme : Feminists, Lesbians and Bad Girlsâ analysis for more.]
SBB was set in the mid-20th century, supposedly in the pre-70s ButchFem culture, during which time many spaces incl. LGBTQ ones, just getting over segregation. Feinberg uses Femme, likely because SBB was written and published in the 90s (and again in the 00s), which means the butchfemme Feinberg knew of, already had influence from the eras before.
âHigh Femmeâ in SBB was used by trans femmes and femmes, and as Jess saysâregardless man or woman. High Femmeness were associated with activities concerning gender affirmation and romance as a femme.
Peaches, a trans femme character, codifies her high femmeness in the moon and in sensual lingerie.
Controversially, Ednaâs high femmeness conflicts with the stone of her butch partners, Jan and Jess. She is described by Jan to be able to âseduce any stone butch loveâ. Her sensuality begins comfortingly and complementary with Jess, yet is indivisible from her desire to melt a butchâs stone. This renders her relationships with her beloved stone butches, fraught. Regardless of Ednaâs relationship status, she is still identified as a high femme.
Safe to say in SBB, High Femmeness â Stone Femme or pillow prince/ss reliant on the stone butch identity, but refers to the construction of femininity and a personâs sensuality.
đButch Queens Up in Pumps (2013)
The ButchFem(me) community in America and internationally, must recognise how entwined it is with African American and Latine American ballroom culture.
The American Ballroom scene we know of today, arose in the 19th century and has been around for a really long time. It is far older than even the first iteration of the 40s ButchFEM culture. But Ballroom, while popular amongst Black and Latine American membership, was only popularised into mainstream culture in the 90s.
The mainstream has very little access to this history (respect that). This is partially due to academic racism which presides over the presence of POC voices, and priorities on âformalâ written literature. We have to acknowledge the limitations in accessible resources on Ballroom culture.
BQUiP has been indispensable for this reason.
While a lot of QTPOC efforts and pioneering roles are often erased, severed and whitewashed from global and American queer consciousness, BQUiP is amongst a corpus of QTPOC resources that challenges this.
It tells of queer history through information and oral history gathered in retrospect, and respects stories passed down through connection between the members and performers of American Ballroom communities and Kiki houses. In doing so, it clarifies its place in the lineage of queer identities and consciousness.
Ballroom was comprised of three dimensions.
1stâGender System; sex, sexuality & genderdiversity which formed the basis of kinship, as well as competitive elements and categories. These helped to create visible âarchetypesâ to move towards or away from.
2ndâHouses; kinship structures of social/chosen family, who bonded and cared for each other across locations. These families were formed around mottos, symbols and haute culture references. Its members varied in age, sex & genderdiversity, race & ethnicity (mostly African American & Latine American), and backgrounds.
3rdâBallroom Events; Ballroom activated families to prepare for competitions, including supporting and training protĂ©gĂ©s for realness, voguing, body presentation and fashion. It brought together the families to gather community, and accelerated the development of Ballroom across America and even, globally. This provided sanctuary to youths of colour who were marginalised by society for their identities.
The terms Butch and Femme already had identities to them. These identities had purposes tied to American Ballroom culture.
To serve âFemme Queen & Butch Queen Up in Drag realnessâ, participants had to present boldly and fearlessly as convincing women, with minimal deviation from the gender & sexual norms of cisheteronormative society. To be seen as a real woman is âRealnessâ. Whether the competitor was for transfems or trans women (Femme Queens) or a gay men performing as a women (Butch Queen Up in Drag). Butches, different from Butch Queens, were recognised as trans men, transmascs, or masculine lesbians or female persons.
Often, the Butch Queen was an exaggerated and flamboyant presentation, and is known as drag, while the Femme Queen is not necessarily drag as their gender identity matched their competitive realness. Both groups of participants, their families and communities shared in the visible performance of gender and the self-fashioning which transformed normative categories of sex, gender and sexual identity.
Fem(me), as an identity, began percolating in ButchFem culture especially catalysed by 2nd wave feminism and LGBTQ rights movements (late-60sâ70s) which encouraged sexual autonomy in every queer arena.
It is likely that Fem(me) was inspired by the mid-20th century Ballroomâs spirit of gender reconstruction, gender affirmation, drag, and sexual autonomy, as well as the defiant protective qualities of the pre-70s Fems. It likely also promoted the focus of community-building, irrespective of the dyad.
The current general queer Fem(me) is not the same as the Black & Latine American Ballroom Femme. It has developed its own multiculturalism, communities and experiences beyond Ballroom. Nevertheless, the inspiration/lineage must be recognised for how Black and Latine communities pioneered American queer consciousness.
[ And if I may add from a social studies lens, BIPOC have typically been the reason that community building is a strategy of unity, solidarity and resistance, as well as the catalysis of (sub)culture independent of the wider society.
This is why governments know that if they must strike, it would be to isolate persons from each other and reinforce the nuclear family model (the dyad). It is no surprise that BIPOC influence has shaped the Femme & High Femme identity. ]
Racism within ButchFem communities
Black communities were legally allowed to enter into what were once âwhite-onlyâ spaces, only following the dismantling of Jim Crow laws in the mid-60s. This did not necessarily translate into immediate acceptance and social allowance. Different regions varied in how safe and receptive they were towards integration regardless (or often because of the complicity) of law enforcement.
Prior to this, the general Black queer and ButchFem(me) communities of NYC Harlem and Buffalo ( hotspots of ButchFem history ) had their own segregated spaces or else favoured underground house parties, where they had built their own subcultures and engaged in the circulation of Ballroom terminology and concepts.
Black communities have always presented themselves in many different ways and understood presentation as a tool for social mobility, and resistance. This includes but is not limited to Black Dandyism since the 20s which involved the classy sartorial formal wear, nouveau riche ânew moneyâ aesthetics, and many more postmodern fashion subcultures since.
Embodied by Black Butches and Fem(mes), this contrasted against white pre-70s ButchFem fashion which consisted of predominantly flannels, jeans and attires associated with the blue-collar working class.
As far as racism and cultural ignorance went, Black lesbiansâ gender expressions have been derided, mocked and appropriated by white lesbians including but not limited to those of the lesbian separatist crowd and the pre-70s ButchFem crowd.
Make no mistake. This extends all the way to present day racism, mockery and appropriation by white queers against Black queers.
Most BIPOC diasporas in USA necessarily had later, slower, more cautious and fraught transitions in diversifying binary and dyadic gender norms in their unique ways, because of the more severe marginalisations they faced and the ways race and gender intersected living under the Eurocolonial Cisheteropatriarchal hegemony. However, they have been consistently shamed for their traditions and cultures, cast as opponents to white liberal and leftist politics.
The Butchâs hypervisibility and the Femâs invisibility that white ButchFems prided themselves upon, were not treated the same on Black bodies. Black lesbians including Fem(me)s were harassed, and far more frequently and violently targeted by racists, homophobes and law enforcement.
Simultaneously, QTPOC were moralised against for their greater reliance on dyadic dynamics and gender norms, which were tools of resistance against the state-designed killing machine that is white supremacy and its pervasive multi-level effects. They were often condemned by the ignorant crowd of white lesbians dismantling dyadic and binary norms, which included (but were not solely) radical feminists.
The late-60s was rife with radical feminists. The 2nd wave feminism was overrun with TERFism from predominantly white and cis women incl. lesbians who pushed for lesbian separatism, biphobia, transphobia, androgynous appearances and the exclusion of masculinity including any phallic associations. This often muddied the agendas and motivations for others in finding themselves and their belonging in lesbian spaces.
đFemme : Feminists, Lesbians and Bad Girls (1997)
The pre-70s lesbian communities were governed by clear rigid norms about stone identities, with the âButch only toppingâ and the âFem only bottomingâ, and the strict Butch-Fem pairing which pushed for a âqueer-amatonormativityâ to be upheld. When they were within the lesbian bar spaces, there were strict masculine and feminine roles to observe, including in appearances and the dyadic pairing. Beyond the bar, the roles in private sex lives may have deviated (ie Butch4butch, fem4fem, aroacespec butches and fems), but many were pressured not to talk about it due to its taboo nature.
While this provided safety and simplicity for a handful of butches and fems who required and/or desired clear outlines of this new gender binary to navigate society then, the Butches and Fems of the later decades had the means to encourage diversification.
Some, special mention to those of colour, were in favour of inclusivity for diversifying the strict binary enforcing of queer-amatonormative and sexual expectations. They challenged how the dyadic priority could be controlling and exclusionary.
While the impositions of OFOS ButchFem still affects butches and fem(mes) to this day, it would be incomplete to look at this without also addressing 2nd wave lesbian separatism and radical feminism, as well as the racism targeting the different progressive routes taken by QTBIPOC communities.
The ButchFem communities have historically already understood how gender style decides existence, and is always a matter of bodies and lives at stake. However, the pre-90s focus of queer validation was typically reserved for those who socially presented differently to their assigned sex, such as trans femmes and butches.
Butches were seen as the signifier of âobviousâ lesbianism and the ButchFem dyad. Fems were sidelined as only tending to experience the ârawnessâ and risk by extension of the ButchFem dyad, and as such were often seen as âstraight-erâ. Femininity and androgyny were both seen as ânot subversive enoughâ. Thus, Fems were often kept from claiming oppression and gender transgressiveness under the white cisheteronormative patriarchy.
Femme: FL&BG (1997) showcases interviews from Femmes who recognise the stigmatisations from âtraditionalâ ButchFems as well as the radical feminists.
Butch Mystique (2003) interviewing nine African American butches addresses these stigmatisations too, and provide insight into how these interviewees deviate and transgress racialised cisheteropatriarchal norms and queer norms.
Between the 60s to 80s, Black lesbians and trans persons including transmasculine persons, Bulldaggers, B.D women, Bulls, Dykes, Butches, Fem(me)s, Studs, Fish, Drag Queens and transfeminine Femme Queens were the likely influencers for the Fem(me) identity flowing into the mainstream. Especially since Fem(me) was earliest used by the Black Ballroom community.
Stirring up of change and novelty in the traditional ButchFem dyad, the post-70s Fems began to incorporate Fem(me). They challenged the notion of âprivileged passingâ, addressed invisibility as oppressive, and argued against the invalidation of their struggles. By the 90s, the feminine-constructionist femme came to be someone who embodied their own unique signature, empowering themselves in the power and comfort of their own body.
Some Femmes pushed for the acknowledgement for their inherent gender non-conformity as separable from the erotic relationship with a butch. They were recognisably Fems, even beyond the Butch-Fem dyad. These Femmes coined the identity of the High Femme as a category of a transgendered femme experience which fucked with the ideas of normative Fem-ness and femininity. Many from diverse race and ethnic groups, and other subcultures, reached into their own sociocultural experiences to inform their gender performances. They likened this to a form of drag especially where it became a hyperreal self-emphasis. Like the Femme Queens of the Ballroom, they designed and publicly flaunted their own âgirl-nessâ.
The High Femme and the Femme were crucial to the creation of an independent Fem(me) entity, as an equal to the butch in all matters of visibility, gender non-conformity and lesbianism.
Fem(mes) emphasised the importance of creating community and solidarity with other fem(mes), which not only improved their partnerships with butches, but also challenged the discourse of a Femmeâs independent relevance. They motivated Fems to claim their sexual and erotic autonomy beyond the ButchFem dyad, and voiced new perspectives in the transgender and genderdiverse consciousness of the ButchFem subculture.
It is evident that both Butches and Fem(me)s both white and especially QTBIPOC, have invested efforts through the many decades and revivals of Butch and Fem(me) consciousness, to balance the stigmatisations they face, challenge the social pressures of stone identities, and push for diversification and autonomy in gender reconstruction.
Closing Words
Todayâs Fem(me) identity has fluctuated between recognising this legitimate divergence from the traditional ButchFem, versus lumping it together with the dyadâs emphasis.
I suspect that those who spread that High Femme = Pillow Princess or Stone Femme, were likely repeating what they heard from those within the community, who themselves either did not recognise this, or refused to witness this history.
The reductiveness of the High Femme identity as dependent upon the Stone Butch, takes away from this history. Not to mention the limitations on others to define high femmeness for themselves (verbally, physically, lifestyle choices +++) constitutes label-policing.
Decontextualising it from the Black Ballroom influences is whitewashing and ahistorical which contributes to academic racism, especially when QTBIPOC butches and femmes were frequently marginalised by white butches, femmes and lesbians, and have been consistently written out of American history unless as victims, dependents or threats.
It erases the feminist movements within ButchFem subculture that had little to do with the erotic aspect, and minimised the credit of fem(mes) who took the strides for autonomy in their gender and sexuality non-conformity.
Especially with High Femmeness once again being mistaken for Pillow Princess and many seeing it as inextricable from Stone Butches while shaming others for using it in the traditional (or other) ways.
Some attempt to re-assert a âsexual hierarchyâ of Femmeness any which way, hindering sex positivity. It erases the work that Femmes throughout time have put into gender and sexual autonomy, to impose onto others pressures and standards to only see Femmeness and High Femmeness in the context of the dyad. This is comparable to how the prejudiced Gold Star Lesbian identity has been weaponised against people within the community.
Personally, I encourage people to defer to adopting the identity of the High Femme, in all of its historical glory, and separate it from the Stone Femme or the Pillow Prince/ss.
Doing so not only empowers Femmes, credits our Femme predecessors and challenges the white-washing of ButchFem history, but it potentially presents a strong counter against the criticisms of many lesbians who are not a part of ButchFem(me).
As many outsiders assume the âcisheteronormativeâ nature of it, the High Femme and Femme identity provides evidence contrary to the dismissal of Femmeâs autonomous constructions of their own femininity and masculinity. Furthermore, it challenges the generalisations of âpassing = privilegeâ for femmes, and diversifies the recognition of transgendered experiences.














