Thispinklifeilive on instagram. Her 16-year-old daughter lives with a disability and the most common question she gets asked is "why didn't you abort her when you found out?"
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Why do pro-choice/progressive/radical feminists turn children into an enemy?
^Women post things like this, propositioning childbearing as an inherent flaw and challenge to women's liberation. They claim that it's either women OR children who are deserving of respect, recognition, and protection. They never stop to ask why it is never both who are worthy of it.
The result of such a limited and bigoted mindset is overwhelmingly deplorable. The child, especially before birth, is a hinderance to tolerate at best, even if the child is wanted and chosen. The woman puts up with their existence for the sake of practicality or sentimentality. At worst, children are the problem that leads to more overt forms of patriarchal oppression.
In their eyes, either the woman is destined for great things, or she must give it up entirely to give the great things to the child. Abortion then is used as an equalizer to "protect" women from the evils that would befall them as caused by children.
But what if abortion was never about liberation from oppression, but acceptance of it?
Have you forgotten that proto-feminism and first wave feminism were created and sustained by mothers? Why is it that since the second wave of modern feminism, mothers have been left behind? Abortion was legalized well before maternity leave was enforced. Birth control with horrendous side effects were forced as the only option for avoiding pregnancy, before marital rape was outlawed. Obstetric violence was accepted as the norm by childfree women who fearmonger about birth, at the expense of normalizing midwifery led care and birth justice.
Why do "progressive" feminists and red pillers both see women as inferior for their childbearing potential and status? They say the same thing, just with different words and different arguments. Either a woman is liberated/too loose, or she is shackled/dutifully impregnated.
The Madonna/Whore complex is gone, and now replaced by something far more sinister: The Slave Mother/Free Woman complex. It relies on the killing of innocent children for an evil world that they had no part in creating, and on the enslavement of childbearing women who are seen as inferior for daring to utilize their non-male biology.
You cannot expect liberation for women OR children so long as you allow oppressors to pit them against each other. I was not my mother's enemy before, during, and after birth. Neither are you. If you want to know your enemy, look at the ones who immediately open handcuffs for the woman who becomes pregnant, and mocks anyone who says they shouldn't.
So long as children have to die through abortion, infant exposure, child abuse, and trafficking as linked to women's oppression, then we will continue to see women continually shackled by their own biology, by THEIR own offspring. We will continue to see the wage gap for mothers, continue to see birthing women die from medical negligence, continue to watch women be coerced into abortions they didn't want by their community, we will continue to watch as women and children are isolated from society, culture, and political influence.
Only one group benefits from this unnatural system of subjugation, and the children never had a say in that system's formation. YOU know EXACTLY who benefits from this oppression.
My "reply" to the art above is this: Both mother and child were always destined for greatness. The people who deny this equity are the ones who want you browbeaten into subjugation.
And I know damn well feminists can do better than that.
Never said we need to kill an already existing retarded person or extreme cripple. That would be retarded
Why do you think it's unkind to bring a child into the world knowing their life would inevitably be suffering? Who will care for your hypothetical retarded child after you or your s/o pass away? Some diversity hire at a state facility that will neglect them?
Here is the practical and pastoral problem. If a woman knows that going to a hospital with hemorrhaging from a botched chemical abortion will result in her arrest for first-degree murder, she will not go to the hospital. She will die on her bathroom floor.
The very law meant to protect life will kill her. And her unborn child, already lost, will not be saved by her death.
Jon Dunwell, Iowa House of Representatives, from his facebook post on why he refuses to support laws that criminalize women who obtain abortions.
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BogotĂĄâs radical experiment in caregiving is going global.
What happens when a city takes women's unpaid work seriously?
BogotĂĄâs radical experiment in caregiving is going global.
In BogotĂĄâs historic downtown, a modest government building sits in the shadow of a gilded statue of SimĂłn BolĂvar, the 19th-century liberator who freed much of South America from Spanish rule. Inside, on the fourth floor, a manzana del cuidado, or care block, pulses with a different kind of revolution.
On a bright October morning, a circle of small children sat around a turquoise table, wide-eyed as their teacher read a Halloween story. In another room, a group of mothers and grandmothers bent over glass jars and wicks, learning to turn used containers into candles during a recycling workshop led by an official from the cityâs environmental division. In the main hall, a half-dozen women in sneakers and leggings followed an instructorâs aerobics routine, laughing as they stretched and lunged.
This space is one of 25 neighborhood hubs that have opened across Colombiaâs capital since 2020, all part of an ambitious citywide effort to tackle âtime povertyâ â the lack of time for anything beyond the crushing, invisible burden of unpaid care work that falls overwhelmingly on women.
In BogotĂĄ, a city of 8 million people, nearly 4 million women do some form of unpaid care work, and about 1.2 million dedicate most of their time to it, meaning 10 hours a day or more. Many commute for hours to reach paid care jobs, only to return home and do more unpaid care.
Women in BogotĂĄ provide over 35 billion hours of unpaid care work annually â totaling more than one-fifth of Colombia's GDP.â¨
Partly to address this, BogotĂĄ is pioneering "care blocks," neighborhood hubs where women can access free laundry, legal aid, job training, mental health services, and more while their children or elderly relatives receive care on site. The city has opened 25 care blocks since 2020.
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The model is spreading globally. A US city is expected to join in 2026.
At a care block, a woman can access a variety of services while the person she cares for is looked after by teachers and staff nearby. She can hand off her laundry to an attendant, finish her schooling, meet with a lawyer, consult a psychologist, or learn job skills. The scope of activities is not limited to errands, either: she can also read a novel, catch up with friends, or just get some rest. And the system extends beyond the physical blocks â mobile buses bring comprehensive services to rural areas, and an at-home program targets caregivers who support those with severe disabilities and therefore cannot leave their houses.
BogotĂĄ is trying to do something tricky: elevate both care work and caregivers, while also saying, âYou shouldnât have to be doing this so much â you deserve a full life beyond caring for kids, for aging relatives, for your partner.â
Understanding how BogotĂĄ built its care system â and the challenges it faces â offers a template for other cities. And indeed, what started as a local experiment is now gaining traction internationally. Freetown, the capital of Sierra Leone, expects to open its first care block by this yearâs end. Guadalajara in Mexico approved funding for several âcare communitiesâ earlier this summer, and care blocks are already operating in Mexico City and Santiago, Chile. Activists and public health officials in England are trying to adapt the model, and a funder is even seeking to pilot care blocks in an American city in 2026.
The novel idea is putting caregivers â not just care recipients â at the center of policy, says Ai-jen Poo, a leading voice in the US care work movement and president of the National Domestic Workers Alliance. Poo traveled to BogotĂĄ in 2023 to learn more and said the program âblew her mind.â Before the pandemic, she added, most people didnât identify as caregivers per se â even if they saw themselves as moms, parents, children.
âWhat could be the next big breakthrough is cities putting the idea of a caregiver and intergenerational care at the center of how you design access to services,â Poo said. âThatâs the future.â
Behind BogotĂĄâs care revolution is a womenâs movement with teeth.
In 2010, Colombia became the first country to legally require that its government quantify how much unpaid work was being done and by whom. The initial time-use survey, conducted in 2012, found that caregivers provided more than 35 billion hours of labor each year, amounting to more than one-fifth of the countryâs GDP. Women did 80 percent of that work.
The political will to do something about those statistics started to build. One movement bolstering women in the city was the Mothers of False Positives, led by women whose sons had been killed by the military in the mid-2000s; the military then falsely presented these men as guerrilla fighters to inflate its own body counts. The mothers transformed their grief into a public reckoning, marching, testifying, and demanding justice â reframing the work of motherhood itself as a form of political resistance.
BogotĂĄâs social landscape made space for that kind of organizing. Decades of civil war and displacement had reshaped the city, creating an openness to more fluid household structures. Extended families are common, with grandmothers, aunts, and sisters raising children together, often out of necessity. Single mothers arenât whispered about as moral failures like they sometimes are in the US.
All these factors paved the way for Claudia LĂłpezâs 2019 mayoral campaign. Lopez had already built a reputation as an anti-corruption crusader who unapologetically centered gender equity. The then-49-year-old ran as an openly gay woman in a Catholic country, aiming to become both BogotĂĄâs first female and its first LGBTQ mayor â and won with 35 percent of the vote in a tight four-way race.
âThe womenâs vote was crucial in setting the stage for this,â Ai-jen Poo recalled. âAnd they were ready with their economic priorities and gave the mayor a mandate, if not the actual solution.â
Care blocks, the signature policy of LĂłpezâs administration, are built around the â3 Rsâ: recognize, redistribute, and reduce. Recognize that care work is real work that sustains society. Redistribute it â not just between women and men, but to care recipients when able, and to the state, employers, and communities. And reduce the overall burden so individual caregivers arenât consumed by it.
LĂłpez launched this District of Care System in 2020 through an executive decree, which gave her the authority to create the programs but also meant any future mayor could undo them just as easily. The initiative was allocated 5.2 trillion pesos (about US $1.3 billion) in the cityâs 2020â24 development plan â much of it from reallocating existing service budgets and cost savings from turning single-use public facilities into new multi-purpose hubs. LĂłpezâs administration later helped pass a law through the city council requiring different agencies to fund and run the care system. Unlike a decree, the law couldnât be undone by a future mayor alone.
Colombia bars mayors from running for consecutive reelection, so as Lopezâs term neared its end, no one knew whether the next leader would continue her signature policy.
Her successor, Carlos Fernando GalĂĄn, couldnât have been more different. The son of Luis Carlos GalĂĄn â a presidential candidate assassinated in 1989 for confronting narco-politics and corruption â the younger GalĂĄn billed himself as a centrist technocrat focused on fiscal responsibility and data-driven governance. In 2023, he won on a platform of public safety and restoring trust in government, far from Lopezâs more liberal and feminist message.
GalĂĄn could have pushed to end the care blocks. But the system had momentum, having earned international attention from the United Nations, funding from Bloomberg Philanthropies for its at-home assistance component, and praise from leaders around the world. All this made it easy for GalĂĄn to ride the goodwill and claim credit for the accolades his city kept earning for running programs in spaces most people would never expect.
For 14 years, El Castillo was one of BogotĂĄâs most notorious brothels â a place where businessmen, mobsters, and foreign clients paid for access to its VIP floors. Its ties to drug trafficking networks made it the target of a 2017 raid, after which the building sat abandoned for three years.
In 2020, the city converted the facility into the Castillo de las Artes â the Castle of the Arts â a cultural hub and care block.
Lebeb Infante, the care blockâs director, was matter-of-fact about Castilloâs history and unapologetic about its current clients. âThis neighborhood has the highest concentration of sex workers in the locality,â she said. âMany of them are caregivers â they have children, theyâre supporting families. We also have a huge migrant population, people fleeing violence in Venezuela and rural Colombia. So the services here have to work differently.â
Offerings must account not only for gender, but for immigration status, which means helping people navigate bureaucracy when they donât have papers or IDs and need to get certified for work or enroll in school. This particular block has two laundromats instead of one, plus a free clothing closet. âIf someone needs pants to go to a job interview, we give them pants,â Infante explained.
El Castillo is also home to an Arte de Cuidarte, or Art of Care center â the child care component that exists in every care block across the city.
On the day I visited, childrenâs voices rang out from behind an arched doorway. Streamers in purple and green â Halloween decorations â hung from the ceiling. Like any preschool classroom, it was bright and chaotic, with walls covered in artwork and educational posters.
The Art of Care programs serve a wider age range than traditional daycare, welcoming children from 11 months to 11 years old. BogotĂĄ already has a robust public daycare system: free centers have existed since 1968, managed by the national child welfare agency and the cityâs social integration office. These care block programs have a more specific purpose: free up time for caregivers so they can prioritize services, both for long-term goals and their immediate needs.
Parents donât just drop off their children and leave to run errands all across the city. Many of the errands can be completed right there on-site. One of the key challenges for caregivers dealing with âtime povertyâ is finding space in their day for anything else â their own health concerns or new credentials that could put them on a more secure financial footing. The Art of Care tries to eliminate some of that friction.
Juliana MartĂnez LondoĂąo, the deputy secretary of BogotĂĄâs Womenâs Secretariat, emphasized that the Art of Care was not meant to compete with the cityâs existing daycare infrastructure.âBut the Art of Care is much more flexible,â she said. âIt can be mobile, it can adapt to different schedules, it can go where caregivers are.â
An even more ambitious vision for the future of child care comes from Camila GĂłmez, the director of BogotĂĄâs citywide care initiative. She imagines 24-hour mobile child care centers for women who work night shifts, like bus drivers or recyclers who sort trash before dawn. The service could be more widely available, coming to a university student on exam day, or an employee whose company would pay for the service and get a tax break in return. âThe goal is to not limit the Art of Care to people who are taking services at the care block,â GĂłmez said. âWe want to make it for anybody who needs it.â
My trip overlapped with a citywide graduation ceremony for women who had completed month-long trainings in topics such as digital literacy, entrepreneurship, or professional caregiving.
The auditorium was packed with caregivers in purple graduation gowns and caps. Some had brought their children, who squirmed in seats or played quietly in the aisles. Others had wanted to come but couldnât make it work, still home caring for someone who needed them.
One hundred and twenty-seven women were graduating that day. Many were over 65. For some, this was the first time theyâd ever graduated from anything. The crowd sang along to the cityâs anthem â âBogotĂĄ! BogotĂĄ! BogotĂĄ!â â and women smiled proudly as they walked across the stage to receive their certificates.
The mayor and many of his high-ranking staff had come to congratulate the women. âYou have to bet on their autonomy,â Laura Tami, the cityâs womenâs secretariat, said from the stage. GalĂĄn also laid out the administrationâs strategy: freeing more women from violence, including economic violence, by giving them the tools to become more independent. It was a notably feminist message from a mayor who had run as a centrist technocrat.
The ceremony was moving, but it also raised real questions about scale. Over 3,500 women have completed these 30-day training programs, and the city hopes to increase that number to 9,000. This would be progress, but itâs a small fraction of BogotĂĄâs 1.2 million full-time caregivers.
Plus, my conversations at different care blocks surfaced the same challenge over and over. Many caregivers just didnât know that these supports existed. And plenty who did didnât trust them and didnât believe BogotĂĄ would actually keep them running, or that the services would actually be free. Some had shown up to care blocks looking for food and had been turned away empty-handed.
âWe really do need to work harder on spreading the word [and] improving trust,â said Jason DĂaz, the manager of the laundry services at the San CristĂłbal care block. âThere is a lot of stigma with government institutions.â
And sometimes the services are just not enough. Blanca Liliana RodrĂguez told me about the at-home assistance program her family had benefited from last year. RodrĂguez cares for her two adult sons â one with physical disabilities, one with mental disabilities â plus her 77-year-old mother and her 82-year-old father-in-law, who lives elsewhere. Sheâd been cooking three meals a day for her father-in-law and delivering them to his house.
The psychologists who came through as part of the government program worked with her family for three months, teaching RodrĂguez and her sons how to communicate better, and even leading couples therapy with one of her sons and his girlfriend. They helped her realize she was taking on far more than she needed to. Her sons started helping with cleaning and picking up medications and she joined a new WhatsApp group with 30 other caregivers in her neighborhood that remains active to this day.
But when the time-limited services ended, RodrĂguez was on her own again, still overwhelmed by the sheer scope of what she was managing. âThree months is definitely not enough time for the at-home assistance program,â she told me.
The city officials accompanying me on the visit immediately defended the short timeline. The program, they emphasized, was intentionally brief â designed to âinstall capacityâ in caregivers and make them more resilient. It felt a bit like PR for a funding problem, not to mention condescending â these women were already extraordinarily resilient. They were just dealing with their own health and financial problems, their own exhaustion. RodrĂguez said her memory had been getting worse.
At the beginning of this year, BogotĂĄ stopped administering the at-home assistance program that had helped RodrĂguez and her family. The Bloomberg funding that had supported the services had run out, and GalĂĄnâs team hadnât figured out how to keep paying for it, let alone scale it up.
An independent evaluation, conducted over the last two years, found that the at-home program had freed up over 18,000 hours for caregivers and reduced their daily unpaid care work by more than an hour. Half of the caregivers reported feeling less burdened, and nearly half of people with disabilities became more independent.
But it was expensive. So the city tested a cheaper model, moving some therapeutic services into the care blocks rather than delivering everything at home. The new hybrid model cut costs per participant by 57 percent while still reducing caregiver depression and anxiety.
When I asked GalĂĄnâs administration whether the city would resume its at-home programming, Tami, the womenâs secretary, responded that they planned to restart services next year. The city aims to run both models: full at-home assistance for caregivers who truly canât leave their houses, and the lower-cost hybrid for others.
Meanwhile, GalĂĄn has continued expanding the less expensive parts of the care system. His team opened two new care blocks this year and added programming like nature therapy sessions run by the cityâs botanical garden.
James Anderson, who leads the government innovation program at Bloomberg Philanthropies, told me that he expects the care block idea to expand further around the world, and that the United Nations Development Programme has been working actively behind the scenes to help. At a 2024 Bloomberg event in Mexico City last year, more than 70 mayors toured the cityâs own version of care blocks, known as UtopĂas, and showed âincredible interest.â
Anderson thinks the model could follow the trajectory of climate action planning. Before 2005, he pointed out, mayors didnât talk specifically about âclimateâ: they had water projects, sanitation projects, housing projects, all run by different agencies with no coordination. Twenty years later, every major city has a climate action plan that coordinates efforts across city hall. âThatâs the trajectory that I imagine this issue will travel,â he said.
That vision is already underway. CHANGE, the City Hub and Network for Gender Equity, is a global network of city governments led by former mayoral staffers in London and Los Angeles. Theyâve been working to spread the BogotĂĄ model, developing an implementation guide and planning workshops for interested cities. Currently, theyâre coordinating with a team in greater Manchester in England, have been helping Freetown in West Africa, and are actively involved in identifying a US city for a pilot next year, though conscious of the growing American backlash to anything associated with diversity, equity, and inclusion.
âIf you canât make the case for why this wonât make your dollar stretch, thereâs no point in having the conversation,â said Leslie Crosdale, CHANGEâs co-executive director. âItâs an efficient system and makes your city more resilient.â
Yvonne Aki-Sawyerr, the mayor of Freetown, credits both CHANGE and Claudia LĂłpez with helping kick off the idea in her city. Their care block is expected to launch by mid-2026, and in the meantime, Freetown is opening three temporary spaces before the end of December to meet demand from women in the community. âWhat excited me was being able to give back an opportunity that many women lost â the opportunity for education, the opportunity to just get health care,â Aki-Sawyerr told me.
Ai-jen Poo, who leads the National Domestic Workers Alliance, pointed to a disconnect in the US, where cultural expectations assume families can manage needs independently, despite millions being nowhere close to affording enough care. âYou have this mismatch between the infrastructure and the reality where the individual family is just bearing the brunt in an impossible situation,â she said. âI think thereâs a use case in the US for care blocks. It probably wonât look exactly the same, but I do think that thereâs a lot there.â
Back in BogotĂĄ, Jason DĂaz, the 36-year-old manager of laundry services at the San CristĂłbal care block, offered a glimpse of what that could look like in practice. He told me his job had made him more sensitive, more humane, teaching him to slow down more, and notice when someone needs help before they ask. âYou learn to do it everywhere â at home, on the street,â he said. âIt teaches you how to help people without expecting anything in return. The important thing is to be part of the solution.â
At the Castillo de las Artes care block, a sign hung on the wall in bright purple and green: âCuidar no es ayudar, es corresponsabilidad.â To care is not to help; it is co-responsibility.
Spanish-English interpretation for reporting was conducted by Catalina Hernandez. This work was supported by a grant from the Bainum Family Foundation. Vox Media had full discretion over the content of this reporting. â¨
What kind of things do you want your boss to know about you? Incredibly intimate details about your fertility cycle and whether or not your pregnancy is considered high-risk, maybe? Well, I have good news. The Washington Post reports that pregnancy-tracking app Ovia âhas become a powerful monitoring tool for employers and health insurers, which under the banner of corporate wellness have aggressively pushed to gather more data about their workersâ lives than ever before.â Creepy.
While employers donât have access to your individual data, they can pay Ovia Health for aggregated data stripped of personally identifying information that goes straight to their human resources department.
This is what that looks like, per the Post:
Like millions of women, Diana Diller was a devoted user of the pregnancy-tracking app Ovia, logging in every night to record new details on a screen asking about her bodily functions, sex drive, medications and mood. When she gave birth last spring, she used the app to chart her babyâs first online medical data â including her name, her location and whether there had been any complications â before leaving the hospitalâs recovery room.
But someone else was regularly checking in, too: her employer, which paid to gain access to the intimate details of its workersâ personal lives, from their trying-to-conceive months to early motherhood. Dillerâs bosses could look up aggregate data on how many workers using Oviaâs fertility, pregnancy and parenting apps had faced high-risk pregnancies or gave birth prematurely; the top medical questions they had researched; and how soon the new moms planned to return to work.
âWe are in a womenâs health crisis, and itâs impacting peopleâs lives and their childrenâs lives,â said Ovia chief executive Paris Wallace. âBut itâs also impacting the folks who are responsible for these outcomesâboth financially and for the health of the members theyâre accountable for.â Wallace says that the company abides by privacy laws and, while the information is sensitive, overall it can help peopleâand their employersâtake care of their needs.
While âmenstrual surveillance,â as critics call it, is offered under the guise of wellness, itâs naive to think that your corporate overlords and app developers want this data simply to make your pregnancy a better or safer experience. As Cornell University assistant professor Karen Levy, who has researched family and workplace monitoring, said to the Post: âWhat could possibly be the most optimistic, best-faith reason for an employer to know how many high-risk pregnancies their employees have? So they can put more brochures in the break room?â
Dead wife montage but it's all slow motion shots of your dead wife throwing grenades and doing backflips and oneshotting the enemy with their long range weapons
The only taxidermied blue whale in the world, 1865 CE, now housed at the Natural History Museum in Sweden. The public was allowed to enter it up until a couple was found having sex inside it; now its jaws are opened only for special occasions like Swedish election days
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The apps are one of the major ways nonconsensual AI deepfakes can be made without any technical expertise â including by kids.
"...These services power nonconsensual intimate imagery and donât require any technical expertise to use. Google and Apple ban nudification apps from their respective web stores, but research by the Tech Transparency Project showed they remain easily accessible. Investigations from multiple news organizations have found that Meta continues to allow these apps to advertise on their social media platforms Facebook and Instagram.Â
This blend means the tools are easy for kids to use; the independent media organization Indicator has tracked 23 cases of deepfake abuse targeting school communities in the United States since 2023.
Federal attempts to create a civil right of action for survivors of nonconsensual deepfakes have stalled in Congress. The DEFIANCE Act has yet to make it to the House floor, though it has been passed by the Senate twice. Last yearâs Take It Down Act made it a federal crime to disseminate nonconsensual intimate images, regardless of provenance, but does not allow survivors to sue for damages.Â
Minnesota House File 1606Â would allow survivors to sue the owners of nudification apps for damages and empower the state attorney general to collect fines of $500,000 per violation.Â
The number of nonconsensual deepfakes has risen over the past few years. A mass episode of digital sexual violence kicked off in December when the social media platform X enabled its integrated chatbot Grok to generate images for free. Reporting from The New York Times and the Center for Countering Digital Hate estimates Grok created and posted over 1.8 million sexualized images of women over nine days.Â
...Deepfakes used to be time- and labor-intensive to create, but now they can be generated with the click of a button. That access is why more and more kids are becoming perpetrators of this kind of abuse, often victimizing their peers.Â
RAINN, the national nonprofit that runs the National Sexual Assault Hotline, is one of the main forces behind Minnesotaâs bill because tech-facilitated abuse is on the rise. Sandi Johnson, senior legislative policy counsel for the group, said there has been an increase in the number of children calling about digital violence over the past five years.Â
The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention measured the occurrence of tech-facilitated sexual abuse for the first time in its 2023-2024 National Intimate Partner and Sexual Violence Survey. The term is broad, encompassing being the target of nonconsensual deepfakes to being sent unsolicited explicit images. The survey found that in the 12 months prior, 1 in 10 women reported experiencing this kind of abuse; 1 in 3 women said the same when the question applied to their lifetimes.
Molly Kelley is one of those women. Two years ago, she found out a close family friend used a site known for nudification to make nonconsensual deepfakes of her and other women in his life. Around 80 women in Minnesota were impacted by the same perpetrator, and it kicked off Kelleyâs quest for justice.Â
'Iâve dedicated the past two years of my life to finding a solution to mitigate the harm when itâs actually caused, which is at creation,' Kelley told The 19th. 'These images donât exist without a third-party involvement and some sort of machine learning model.'
The deepfakes were only stored on the manâs computer, so, Kelley said, no laws banning dissemination, like the Take It Down Act, would apply. (Kelley scoured porn sites looking to see if the images had been shared.) She said that there was no indication of ill intent and that the photos werenât made consensually, thus ruling out the stateâs 'revenge porn' law. None of the women was a minor, so possessing the images wasnât a crime.Â
Realizing no law would allow her to sue for restitution, Kelley said she began calling everyone she could think of. She eventually connected with Sen. Erin Maye Quade, a member of the Democrat-Farmer-Labor Party, who introduced HF 1606.Â
The only people Kelley could connect with were school administrators, who have often struggled with how to handle kids victimizing each other with deepfakes. She turned her attention to what she sees as the source of the problem: the technology that created the deepfakes.Â
...In the meantime, Kelley is waiting for the manipulated images of her to surface. After she found out about the deepfakes, she wiped all of her social media.Â
'Deep down, this is a manipulation and a control issue of women,' she said."
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