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Letâs take a look at what âwhiteâ actually means â it might surprise you.
In conversations about race, Iâve frequently tried and failed to express the idea that whiteness is a social construct. So, here, in plain fact, is what I mean:
The very notion of whiteness is relatively recent in our human history, linked to the rise of European colonialism and the Atlantic slave trade in the 17th century as a way to distinguish the master from the slave. From its inception, âwhiteâ was not simply a separate race, but the superior race. âWhite people,â in opposition to non-whites or âcoloredâ people, have constituted a meaningful social category for only a few hundred years, and the conception of who is included in that category has changed repeatedly. If you went back to even just the beginning of the last century, youâd witness a completely different racial configuration of whites and non-whites. The original white Americans â those from England, certain areas of Western Europe, and the Nordic States â excluded other European immigrants from that category to deny them jobs, social standing, and legal privileges. Itâs not widely known in the U.S. that several ethnic groups, such as Germans, Italians, Russians and the Irish, were excluded from whiteness and considered non-white as recently as the early 20th century.
Members of these groups sometimes sued the state in order to be legally recognized as white, so they could access a variety of rights available only to whites â specifically American citizenship, which was then limited, by the U.S. Naturalization Law of 1790, to âfree white personsâ of âgood character.â Attorney John Tehranian  writes in the Yale Law Journal that petitioners could present a case based not on skin color, but on âreligious practices, culture, education, intermarriage and [their] communityâs role,â to try to secure their admission to this elite social group and its accompanying advantages.
More than color, it was class that defined race. For whiteness to maintain its superiority, membership had to be strictly controlled. The âgiftâ of whiteness was bestowed on those who could afford it, or when it was politically expedient. In his book  âHow the Irish Became White,â Noel Ignatiev argues that Irish immigrants were incorporated into whiteness in order to suppress the economic competitiveness of free black workers and undermine efforts to unite low-wage black and Irish Americans into an economic bloc bent on unionizing labor. The aspiration to whiteness was exploited to politically and socially divide groups that had more similarities than differences. It was an apple dangled in front of working-class immigrant groups, often as a reward for subjugating other groups.
A lack of awareness of these facts has lent credence to the erroneous belief that whiteness is inherent and has always existed, either as an actual biological difference or as a cohesive social grouping. Some still claim it is natural for whites to gravitate to their own and that humans are tribal and predisposed to congregate with their kind. Itâs easy, simple and natural: White people have always been white people. Thinking about racial identity is for those other people.
Those who identify as white should start thinking about their inheritance of this identity and understand its implications. When what counts as your âown kindâ changes so frequently and is so susceptible to contemporaneous political schemes, it becomes impossible to argue an innate explanation for white exclusion. Whiteness was never about skin color or a natural inclination to stand with oneâs own; it was designed to racialize power and conveniently dehumanize outsiders and the enslaved. It has always been a calculated game with very real economic motivations and benefitsâŚ..
Above all, such an education might help answer the question of whose problem modern racism really is. The current divide is a white construction, and it is up to white people to do the necessary work to dismantle the system borne from the slave trade, instead of ignoring it or telling people of color to âget overâ its extant legacy. Critics of white studies have claimed that this kind of inquiry leads only to self-hatred and guilt. Leaving aside that avoiding self-reflection out of fear of bad feelings is the direct enemy of personal and intellectual growth, I agree that such an outcome should be resisted, because guilt is an unproductive emotion, and merely feeling guilty is satisfying enough for some. My hope in writing this is that white Americans will discover how it is they came to be set apart from non-whites and decide what they plan to do about it.
Read more here.
People in power have utilized fear of the racial Other to justify or rationalize policy. For example, the drug known as marijuana or cannabis, now illegal in many states, became illegal largely because of stoking of racial fears in regards to Mexicans.
 This was not a new tactic, for the same had occurred vis-a-vis opium and Chinese immigrants decades earlier. âThe demonization of the cannabis plant was an extension of the demonization of the Mexican immigrants. In an effort to control and keep tabs on these new citizens, El Paso, TX borrowed a play from San Franciscoâs playbook, which had outlawed opium decades earlier in an effort to control Chinese immigrants. The idea was to have an excuse to search, detain and deport Mexican immigrants...That excuse became marijuana.â (2014, October 9, Drug Policy Alliance). Americans had been familiar with cannabis, which was quite widely available in the US, and bore significance in medicines. âMarijuana,â however, though it was the same plant, bore a more âMexican sounding name,â and at a time when an immigration flux following the 1900 Mexican Revolution had occurred, racial fears were, fortuitously for those who opposed the usage of the drug, available for manipulation. Thus, claims were made that marijuana had capabilities of making men of color violent, driven to solicit sexual acts from white women forcibly. âThis imagery became the backdrop for the Marijuana Tax Act of 1937 which effectively banned its use and sales,â according to Dr. Malik Burnett and Amanda Reiman.
We see in this example race was used to garner support for rendering something illegal. Race has also been used to rationalize US territorial expansion. The idea that Indians could not handle living among encroaching Whites because of White cultural and racial superiority was suggested as a rationale for their forced removal from their ancestral homelands. This discourse around Native American racial inferiority was a shift in racial thought around the so-called âIndian problem,â for during the early national period, US citizens had been under the impression that Native Americans were closer to White people than African descendants were, viewing groups like the Cherokee as perfect examples of the American Indianâs capability of shirking their cultural savagery and becoming âcivilized.â According to Race: The Power of an Illusion, Thomas Jefferson for example thought that Indians were âbrown White peopleâ meaning they were âgood human materialâ and that education could render them closer to (White) humanity. However, as the years passed, particularly during the Jacksonian period, this view of Native American cultural inferiority gradually became more one of racial inferiority, so that no longer could Native Americans be âcivilized,â but as I previously noted, they were now considered racially unable to handle White civilization and its expansion. This change in racial meanings around Native Americans was because of the USâ desire for land. Andrew Jackson ascended to prominence on the promise of according land to the lower class strata of Whites, and presented the acquisition of more land as an expansion of âfreedom.â
The idea of âraceâ is generally understood as a set of groupings of human populations. These human groupings are based on skin color variations and other phenotypical or physical differences and/or are based on genetic lineage. Racial difference is presumed to be a natural phenomenon. And we organize our society, including where we work, or live, how we choose partners and approach politics, and so many other things by race. As Omi and Winant argue in Racial Formations, race is actually an â...unstable and âdecenteredâ complex of social meanings constantly being transformed by political struggle...â Race, then, should actually be considered a social or cultural construct, informed by (and informing) socio-historical and regional contexts. Â âRaceâ should not be written off as a mere fantasy, having no function in society, as the opposite of such--that race is indeed a functional reality--continues to be true today, and has been true in the past.
Race functions as a âcentral axisâ in social structure (Omi and Winant) and ideas around race involve unequal power relationships. These âpower relationshipsâ operate on a systemic scale. Thus, racism is a system of dominance or power using race to create a social hierarchy. The determiners of this hierarchy take control of resources at the expense of the âout group(s),â that is the groups which are âstigmatized or less powerfulâ (You May Ask Yourself: An Introduction to Thinking Like A Sociologist, Dalton Conley). The ideas created around race by this in-group are used to justify/rationalize inequality. For example, the meanings around the racial markers âWhiteâ and âBlackâ have been subject to certain changes throughout history, both to limit access to resources for those not racialized âWhiteâ, but also to explain away inequalities plaguing communities racialized âBlackâ or in connection to âBlackness.â
Chattel slavery in the colonies took the place of indentured servitude in the colonies, to which European descendants and African descendants both were subject, and Black âracial inferiorityâ was provided as a rationale for this system of oppression. Simultaneously, meanings around âWhitenessâ began to take shape, and White began to appear as an identity marker toward the end of the 1600s (Racial Formations, Omi and Winant). This âWhiteness,â is at the top of the racial hierarchy, and has historically enjoyed privilege and access to wealth and resources that Black Americans and other non-White groups, such as Native Americans, Chinese immigrants, and Mexican immigrants were denied access to.
The difference between the KKK and Black PantherÂ

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Race Ainât Never Stayed The Same!
Ideas around race are always changing. From the fact that âraceâ was not the basis of indentured servitude in the early colonial years before chattel slavery was implemented, to the fact that some European ethnicities who we consider White today were not considered White at some point, the meanings around race and why it matters are not static, but always in a state of flux. We need people to realize that these changes are always brought about because of socio-historical context. And we must see that, today, economic conflict and racial ideology are not separate issues, but intimately connected.
Racialization: The Historical Development of RaceÂ
âIn the United States, the racial category of "black" evolved with the consolidation of racial slavery. By the end of the seventeenth century, Africans whose specific identity was Ibo, Yoruba, Fulani, etc., were rendered "black" by an ideology of exploitation based on racial logicâthe establishment and maintenance of a "color line." This of course did not occur overnight. A period of indentured servitude which was not rooted in racial logic preceded the consolidation of racial slavery. With slavery, however, a racially based understanding of society was set in motion which resulted in the shaping of a specific racial identity not only for the slaves but for the European settlers as well. Winthrop Jordan has observed: "From the initially common term Christian, at mid-century there was a marked shift toward the terms English and free. After about 1680, taking the colonies as a whole, a new term of self-identification appearedâwhite."19
We must understand that the ideas we currently hold around race are not stable or static, but are always changing. Race has always taken on new meanings and been shaped by socio-historical context.Â
....Particularly during the nineteenth century, the category of "white" was subject to challenges brought about by the influx of diverse groups who were not of the same Anglo-Saxon stock as the founding immigrants. In the nineteenth century, political and ideological struggles emerged over the classification of Southern Europeans, the Irish and Jews, among other "nonwhite" categories.21 Nativism was only effectively curbed by the institutionalization of a racial order that drew the color line around, rather than within, Europe. By stopping short of racializing immigrants from Europe after the Civil War, and by subsequently allowing their assimilation, the American racial order was reconsolidated in the wake of the tremendous challenge placed before it by the abolition of racial slavery.22 With the end of Reconstruction in 1877, an effective program for limiting the emergent class struggles of the later nineteenth century was forged: the definition of the working class in racial termsâas "white." This was not accomplished by any legislative decree or capitalist maneuvering to divide the working class, but rather by white workers themselves. Many of them were recent immigrants, who organized on racial lines as much as on traditionally defined class lines.23 The Irish on the West Coast, for example, engaged in vicious anti-Chinese race-baiting and committed many pogrom-type assaults on Chinese in the course of consolidating the trade union movement in California. Thus the very political organization of the working class was in important ways a racial project. The legacy of racial conflicts and arrangements shaped the definition of interests and in turn led to the consolidation of institutional patterns (e.g., segregated unions, dual labor markets, exclusionary legislation) which perpetuated the color line within the working class. Selig Perlman, whose study of the development of the labor movement is fairly sympathetic to this process, notes that: The political issue after 1877 was racial, not financial, and the weapon was not merely the ballot, but also "direct action"-violence. The anti-Chinese agitation in California, culminating as it did in the Exclusion Law passed by Congress in 1882, was doubtless the most important single factor in the history of American labor, for without it the entire country might have been overrun by Mongolian [sic] labor and the labor movement might have become a conflict of races instead of one of classes.24 More recent economic transformations in the US have also altered interpretations of racial identities and meanings. The automation of southern agriculture and the augmented labor demand of the postwar boom transformed blacks from a largely rural, impoverished labor force to a largely urban, working-class group by 1970.25 When boom became bust and liberal welfare statism moved rightwards, the majority of blacks came to be seen, increasingly, as part of the "underclass," as state "dependents." Thus the particularly deleterious effects on blacks of global and national economic shifts (generally rising unemployment rates, changes in the employment structure away from reliance on labor intensive work, etc.) were explained once again in the late 1970s and 1980s (as they had been in the 1940s and mid-1960s) as the result of defective black cultural norms, of familial disorganization, etc.26 In this way new racial attributions, new racial myths, are affixed to âblacks.â27 Similar changes in racial identity are presently affecting Asians and Latinos, as such economic forces as increasing Third World impoverishment and indebtedness fuel immigration and high interest rates, Japanese competition spurs resentments, and US jobs seem to fly away to Korea and Singapore.28 . . . â
Next time someone pinpoints economic issues in communities of color as a cultural deficiency (blaming it on hip-hop music, for example) show them this.
Curious? Skeptical? Want to read more? Follow the link below:Â
http://homepage.smc.edu/delpiccolo_guido/Soc34/Soc34readings/omiandwinant.pdf
Black Power? Isn't that Racist?
"The concept of Black Power rests on a fundamental premise: Before a group can enter the open society, it must first close ranks. By this we mean that group solidarity is necessary before a group can operate effectively from a bargaining position of strength in a pluralistic society. . . . The point is obvious: black people must lead and run their own organizations. Only black people can convey the revolutionary idea--and it is a revolutionary idea--that black people are able to do things themselves. Only they can help create in the community an aroused and continuing black consciousness that will provide the basis for political strength. . . . Black Power recognizes--it must recognize--the ethnic basis of American politics as well as the power-oriented nature of American politics. Black Power therefore calls for black people to consolidate behind their own, so that they can bargain from a position of strength. . . . The ultimate values and goals are not domination or exploitation of other groups, but rather an effective share in the total power of the society. Nevertheless, some observers have labeled those who advocate Black Power as racists; they have said that the call for self-identification and self-determination is "racism in reverse" or "black supremacy." This is a deliberate and absurd lie. There is no analogy--by any stretch of definition or imagination--between the advocates of Black Power and white racists. Racism is not merely exclusion on the basis of race but exclusion for the purpose of subjugation. The goal of the racists is to keep black people on the bottom , arbitrarily and dictatorially, as they have done in this country for over three hundred years. The goal of black self-determination and black self-identity--Black power--is full participation in the decision-making processes affecting the lives of black people, and recognition of the virtues in themselves as black people. The black people of this country have not lynched whites, bombed their churches, murdered their children and manipulated laws and institutions to maintain oppression. White racists have. . . . The goal of Black Power is positive and functional to a free and viable society. No white racist can make this claim. . . ." From Stokely Carmichael and Charles V. Hamilton, Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America http://college.cengage.com/history/ayers_primary_sources/blackpower_1967.htm
Getting Started
https://reclaimingasia.tumblr.com/post/140750739080/long-post-story-time-im-a-transracial-adoptee
Subject: Someoneâs aunt said something that was racist to the author, and it created a bump in their relationship. They were at a restaurant and it caused a big commotion.
Author: The author is a transracial adoptee in a family of, what she says to be, racism. She is talking with her aunt.
Context: This blog was written March 9th, 2016. Since it is a blog post on Tumblr, it is a random person who has an obvious side to the story, so itâs very biased.
Audience: The intended audience for this post is everyone. The author wanted to vent about a personal issue and probably wanted to get lots of feedback. Although itâs for everyone, the majority of people who actually read it are probably Asian, or some other ethnicity, and are disturbed/angry about racism.
Perspective: The author is saying that she (I think itâs a woman) is disturbed by the amount of racism going on in our lives, and that her family just doesnât âget itâ. She is extremely angry and openly shows it, but is also emotionally conflicted due to the situation.
Significance: Honestly, I canât think of any significance of this post besides maybe to show that people are racist⌠The author doesnât say what the insulting phrase was, then continues to talk about how her aunt doesnât understand how racist it is. If the author wants to write an article that isnât just a bunch of complaining, they need to bring evidence besides âit was insultingâ. I think that, based on the auntâs reaction, what was said actually wasnât that racist if at all, and the author misinterpreted it or just wants some bs reason to complain because things arenât going her way. The only reason I say this is because thatâs what most of Tumblr is: a bunch of idiots who are trying to find things to complain about because life isnât going exactly how they want it.
thisiseverydayracism: I chose to follow this account because it has tons of examples of racism every day. It is an account where âpeople of color can feel safeâ and it supports all colored people who have an issue they want to talk about.
citizenshipandsocialjustice: This account has relevant and reliable information on ALL fronts of social justice, so I will get a wide variety of posts. Luckily, this blog primarily focuses on racial issues and presents racism from all over the nation.
exposingonlineracists: I will have a really fun time with this blog. I have already seen TONS of posts of what the title suggests: exposing racists on Tumblr. This will be great because I will get a point of view that is strongly against racism, which is perfect for my topic.
inverted-race: This blog is extremely interesting to me because it is from a side that I could never even imagine of being on: hating your own race. This will be great because I will be able to see examples of racism but in a completely different light.
cantbackdown: This blogâs purpose is to teach the history of racism in the United States. I can look over these to get a better understanding of the roots of my topic.
Thank you for following us. Please, feel free to use as many of the sources as you'd like. We'd also recommend watching the documentary "Race: The Power of an Illusion" (and using the online interactive component) to help with your project. #cantb(l)ackdown
Systemic Racism in the United States
Josh Tucker traces a history of systemic racism in the United States, reaching toward an understanding of why so many Black Americans are caught in socio-economic ills that debunks the commonly held assumption that they've had lots of time to change that, and are just "too lazy" to do so. "Convict leasing recreated a facsimile of slavery directly, with convict laborers held and exploited under the terror of the lash in fields, factories, and mines. But it also reconstituted pre-Civil War racial stratification by undergirding the rise of debt peonage and sharecropping across the rural South. ⌠The systemâs ubiquity and caprice assured that virtually no African American man was safe unless under the protection and control of a white landowner or employer. If you wanted to be sure you would make it home from townââârather than being swept up, imprisoned under spurious charges, and sold into the convict lease systemâââyou needed the surety provided by a powerful white man. Blacks went into sharecropping, a relationship itself akin to slavery, partly because they needed white bosses to protect them from the lethal convict labor system. The mortal threat of convict leasing and the chain gang subjugated African Americans to an agricultural peonage system at least until the mid-1940s." Curious? Want to learn more? Unconvinced or skeptical? Please read on at the link: https://medium.com/the-new-standard/black-history-a-history-of-permanent-white-oppression-from-1619-to-2016-8bcfa38dfce#.2283157wu

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Race?
Race has no basis in biology or genetics, despite attempts to prove it. According to new scientific findings, as demonstrated in the documentary Race: The Power of an Illusion, individuals from what we assume are âdifferent racesâ may have more genetic similarity than two individuals from what weâd mark as the âsame race.â This is because the phenotypical variations--that of skin color, nose and eye shape, hair color and texture, facial structure, etc.--are all accounted for by a minute portion of human DNA. Furthermore, all of the genes that make us human were already present within the human population by the time environmental influences began to diversify the expression of phenotype. Therefore, we truly are all more alike than we continue to think. Still, despite that ârace has defied biological definition,â as Omi and Winant put it, throughout history there have been attempts to justify its legitimacy in order to understand difference. From the religious debates which âsought to reconcile the Bible with the existence of âracially distinctâ peopleâ (Racial Formations, Omi and Winant) during early European colonial encounters, to other arguments regarding whether all mankind came from one species or various species (which both creationists and evolutionists alike theorized about); to the taxonomizing of human cultures on a unilineal evolutionary scale with Europeans being the most evolved and most modern, and also psychological and neurological explanations for variations in human intelligence based on race or heredity--these and more have constituted the realms and ways in which people have tried to understand what âraceâ is. A commonality underlying all these explanations is that they often pursue meanings (or evidence for the meanings) that we associate with ârace,â and this shows that race is more than just about grouping people by features. Indeed, the inquiry into raceâs legitimacy is driven by intersubjective (cultural) meanings about how and why phenotype matters in the human population, so that, as Omi and Winant argue in Racial Formations âthe truth of raceâ for these attempts âlies in the terrain of innate characteristics, of which skin color and other physical attributes provide only the most obvious... indicators.â Thus, race, and the question of race, is about the meanings and signifiers attributed to human physical variation. These meanings are always being shaped and formed, according to socio-political and historical context.
NATALIE LOVELL âThe term âintersectionalityâ was originally coined by Crenshaw (1989; 1993) in her seminal critique of US antidiscrimination laws against black women and the âdifference-blindnessâ of identity politics. Crenshaw argued that a single-axis framework maintained focus on either race or gender, thereby distorting and erasing the experiences of black women by failing to address the âmultidimensionalityâ (1989: 139) that underscores the lives of marginalized subjects. The narrow and limited focus on one identity at the expense of another, Crenshaw (1991: 1242) argued, Â âworks to exclude or marginalize those who are differentâ, and consequently, âcontemporary feminist and anti-racist discourses have failed to consider intersectional identities such as women of colourâ (Crenshaw, 1991: 1243). Treating gender and race as mutually exclusive analytical categories renders invisible âthe simultaneous experience of gendered racismâ (Carastathis, 2014: 306). Crenshawâs metaphor of crossroads thus served to describe the double, triple, multiple and many-layered blanket of oppression that marginalized groups experience at the intersections of patriarchy, racism and colonialism, to name a few (cited in Yuval-Davis, 2006: 196; Dhamoon, 2010: 2).
It is worth noting that, whilst Crenshawâs (1989; 1993) formulation has been hugely significant for the development of intersectionality; the concept has a long history in black feminism. Late 19th Century black activists such as Sojourner  Truth, Anna Julia Cooper, Ida Well Barnett and Fannie Lou Hamer (Hill Collins, 1989: 745) have been well documented in their struggles and contestation regarding the interrelationships between racism, gender, sexuality and social class (Brah and Phoenix, 2004: 76). Further, political coalitions such as the Combahee River Collective (1977), a black lesbian feminist organisation in the US, and Organisation for Women of Asian and African Descent (OWAAD, 1978) in the UK, were instrumental in highlighting how white feminist movements were both exclusionary and inadequate in addressing the particular needs of women of colour. The Combahee River Collective (1977: online) advocated âthe development of integrated analysis and practice based upon the fact that the major systems of oppressions are interlockingâ whilst OWAAD (cited in Brah and Phoenix, 2004: 79) emphasized the need to âtake into account our cultural differencesâ, calling to attention the necessity in acknowledging the heterogeneity inherent both within groups and amongst women. Nevertheless, Crenshawâs (1989; 1993) articulation provided a much needed frame of reference that further opened up conceptual space to study the previously under-examined particularities of marginalized subjects, and the various interlocking oppressions (Hill Collins, 1989: 2000)at the point of intersection (Walby et al. 2012; Dhamoon, 2010; Sigle-Rushton et al. 2013)â
- NATALIE LOVELL
The Importance of âIntersectionalityâ for Feminist Political Theory and Activism
Culture is loosely defined in sociology as a set of beliefs, tradition, practices, including the way we speak, eat, create art or technology, and dress. It is âthe sum total of social categories and concepts we embrace.â (Conley, You May Ask Yourself: An Introduction to Thinking Like A Sociologist).
 Culture involves intersubjective understandings and meanings. Individuals in particular people groups share, create, and agree upon the meanings and values ideas and norms of the given culture. Through the daily interactions of these individuals, over time, all of these things in a culture are produced, reproduced, and even modified. In this way, culture involves agency--human action or volition. However, no one individual is free to reshape and redefine culture on their own. This is why some assume that focus on cultural structure âremoves agency.â Structure refers to the way the constructs of culture, shape, inhibit, or limit the way individuals act in society.
The idea of ârace,â is a cultural construct. Because race involves agency, structure, and culture, it can be a difficult concept to come to terms with. Agency, societal structure, and culture all work together, which nuances and complicates any discussion about how these three impact human society.
It is important that people understand the following however:
From its inception, race as a set of intersubjective (cultural) understandings about skin color and phenotypical difference--and why/how those things matter--has been used in a structural context. This structure is the system of racism. As a system, racism shapes perceptions, thoughts, and actions, attitudes... It can not merely be reduced to hatred or dislike of groups of people. And, as a system, racism operates in all institutions--economics, education, entertainment, labor, law, politics, religion, sex and war--to create a social hierarchy. Thus, racism is a system dominance, marginalization, exploitation, and oppression in which wealth, resources, privilege, and power are retained for only one group, and none of the others.    Â
This is "RACE â THE POWER OF AN ILLUSION: The Genesis of Discriminatory Housing Policies" by newsreeldigital on Vimeo, the home for high qualityâŚ
Black Workers Really Do Need to Be Twice as Good
"They observe that the pool of unemployed black workers is likely to be seen as less skilled because of more consistent or prolonged unemployment. That can make companies less likely to hire them, and more skeptical once they do. This leads employers to invest more heavily in monitoring black employees. That could be everything from instructing supervisors to closely watch a new hire, or more directly monitoring job performanceâfor instance how many boxes a worker correctly packs at a shipping center. Because black workers are more closely scrutinized, it increases the chances that errorsâlarge or smallâwill be caught. According to the researchers itâs more likely that a black employee would be let go for these errors than a white one. Thus another way of looking at the findings, Lang says, is that blacks simply donât get a second chance."
Read more: http://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2015/10/why-black-workers-really-do-need-to-be-twice-as-good/409276/?utm_content=buffer07365&utm_medium=social&utm_source=facebook.com&utm_campaign=buffer

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On Black and Native Solidarity
"The idea of America was a bright and shining lie, and a very appealing one, but the architects of that lie encountered a number of impediments. There were human obstructions, for example, whose annihilation had to be woven into a cultural identity that celebrated the idea that all men were created equal. Thus, a narrative of righteous conquest was written, the extermination of Indigenous peoples continued and a dehumanized Black workforce was shackled to the task of building a new empire...
Even in social justice circles, I have encountered few Black people who are familiar with the role that the so-called Buffalo Soldiers played in Native displacement during westward expansion. However, in Native communities, stories of the Black soldiers who fought for the North during the Civil War, being turned toward the West in the war's aftermath have not been forgotten. The role of Black soldiers in the subjugation of Native peoples was viewed by some as a point of pride. "We made the West," Tenth Cavalry Pvt. Henry McCombs, a Black Buffalo soldier, declared in 1895. "[We] defeated the hostile tribes of Indians; and made the country safe to live in." And while stories of the bravery exhibited by Black soldiers during the Civil War are well known, stories of Black soldiers participating in campaigns of violence against Native people, including the government's 1890-91 Wounded Knee campaign, are far less discussed outside of Native communities.
Similarly, one will rarely hear discussion, in Native circles, of the sad reality that some Native people owned Black slaves until the practice was ended by treaty at the close of the Civil War. While the institution was rare among Native people - with less than 3 percent of Natives owning slaves at the height of the practice - it is nonetheless a dark stain in Native history, and one that most are not eager to revisit. With Black people in the United States attempting to build forward in the afterlife of slavery, living with the cultural re-memory of its horrors, a failure to fully speak to this entanglement of Native culture with one of this country's darkest realities has no doubt created a barrier to dialogue, and contributed to various rifts between Native and Black populations.
While many Native people question the collective blame heaped upon over 500 nations for the actions of the small fraction of the Native population that owned slaves, it is important to remember that Blackness is likewise not a monolith. Native people, like Black people, are often understood collectively. This is a reality that is also experienced by Black Americans, despite their varied origins, and any dismantling of these socially constructed ideas can only occur through dialogue.
While Native and Black people have at times fought alongside each other, recognition of the ways in which both groups have replicated the harms of colonialism is clearly necessary if the two groups are to build forward in solidarity."
Read the full article by Kelly Hayes at:
http://www.truth-out.org/opinion/item/32896-our-history-and-our-dreams-building-black-and-native-solidarity
The New Jim Crow
1. Ferguson, Missouri has a population of approximately 21,000 people â roughly 67% of those residents are Black
2. The Ferguson police department has around 53 commisioned officers â3 of them are Black
3. Ferguson had *zero* homicides for all of 2014 âuntil Michael Brown was murdered by Darren Wilson
4. Things you should know: Five Myths About Black-on-Black Crime
5. Michael Brown was 18yrs old and was about to begin college. Brown had no criminal record, and despite the Ferguson PDâs smear campaign, Mike Brown PAID FOR the cigars âthose facts are all important and should be known, but even if Brown was a high school dropout with prior arrests who stole the cigars, 1) it wouldnât have made his life any less valuable, 2) we have a court system and those are not capital offenses and 3) it doesnât change the fact that the cop who killed him, Darren Wilson, had no idea about Brownâs personal history when he executed Brown. Wilson saw only a Black teen deemed either âtoo uppityâ or âsuspiciousâ because of his skin color
6. Five examples: The Militarization of the police
7. Itâs deeply Institutional: Police view Black Children As Less Innocent
8. This is Not the first time Fergusonâs police have been heavy handed with itâs Black residents  - Innocent Black man beaten by cops, then charged with bleeding on police officerâs uniformsÂ
9. So please - donât get it twisted