LIVE: Zohran Mamdani gives a speech on America's 250th anniversary
Focus on our past, our present, and future.
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LIVE: Zohran Mamdani gives a speech on America's 250th anniversary
Focus on our past, our present, and future.

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Global Justice?
Hereโs a report called the GLOBAL JUSTICE REPORT: A Plan for Equality & Prosperity Within Planetary Boundaries. The big name on the report is Thomas Picketty. This is an academic report โ despite their insistence that it is concrete and practical, it is definitely more of a vision along with a catalog of policies that could be pursued to support that vision. Part of it is about a global wealthโฆ
Can we place human rights at the centre of economic policy?
Photo by Siena Nisavic on Unsplash
Iโve been following the preparation of the Roadmap for Eradicating Poverty beyond Growth (https://www.neep-poverty.org/) in the media and its recent presentation at the 62nd session of the UN Human Rights Council.ย
In a world where nationalistic competition for scarce resources sidelines the universal, rightsโbased agenda, and where publicโinterest protections, democratic scrutiny, and accountability are often absent, it is crucial to consider what it would actually look like to put human rights at the heart of economic policy.
At first, having human rights at the centre of economic policy might sound naive, at least because of these two points:
The international financial architecture remains largely detached from the universal, rightsโbased global development agenda. International human rights commitments have little direct bearing on how money, wealth, and economic power are distributed between the imperial core and the rest of the world. This separation sustains a financial status quo in which unjust debt arrangements, unequal fiscal space, and weak financing commitments stand in stark contradiction to universal human rights. As a result, the realisation of social justice commitments and the environmental guardrails needed for a livable future is extremely difficult.
Nationโstates are increasingly erecting barriers to migration and adopting restrictive policies, driven by a broader rightward shift. These antiโmigrant approaches not only deny the reality that more people are moving across borders than ever before; they also overlook the complex dynamics of mobility, where economic necessity can be as coercive as direct persecution. As Hannah Arendt reminded us decades ago, there is no universal system that guarantees human rights. Rights ultimately depend on the capacity โ and willingness โ of states to grant them. In practice, the right to have rights, the very precondition for realising human rights, is determined by the arbitrary lottery of where, when, and into which country one is born โ a reality far from universal.
In this context, it is particularly enlightening to listen to the former UN Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights, Olivier De Schutter, as he details his ideas on what states can still do; his words remind us that we, the people, shape economic policy and determine governance systems. It means that even within the barriers listed above (flaws of the economic system and increasingly protectionist states),ย it is possible to do otherwise. As Olivier points out, however, in the current global order, it may not be a universal debate among all nation-states and their dictatorial figureheads, but rather a growing alliance of those willing to swim against the tide.ย
This project extends far past the traditional political elite. It belongs to a broader political community, including citizens and friends across political divides who understand that a good life is never merely an individual achievement. It is a collective effort to realise human rights, one that calls for intellectual and moral leadership that does not stop at the boundaries of the state.
๐ผ๐ ๐กโ๐ ๐ค๐๐๐๐๐๐ ๐๐๐โ๐ก ๐๐ ๐๐๐๐๐๐๐ฆ ๐๐๐๐๐๐๐๐, ๐กโ๐ ๐๐๐๐ ๐๐ข๐๐ ๐ก๐๐๐ ๐๐ โ๐๐ค ๐๐๐๐ ๐ ๐ ๐๐๐๐๐ก๐ฆ ๐๐๐ โ๐๐๐๐๐ค ๐๐ข๐ก ๐๐ข๐๐๐ก๐๐ฆ ๐๐๐๐๐๐ โฆ.?
๐๐ง๐๐ช๐ฎ๐๐ฅ๐ข๐ญ๐ฒ, ๐๐๐๐๐๐๐ฌ ๐ข๐ง ๐ญ๐ก๐ ๐ฆ๐๐ค๐ข๐ง๐ : the top 1% now owns as much as the bottom 90%, the middle class has been overtaken, and hereโs the quiet punchline, the wealthy donโt just have more, they own the right assets.
The bottom is locked into houses and cars; the top compounds through stocks, funds, and business equity.
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Daily Prompt - June 27, 2026

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For instance, people used to routinely work 12-16 hour days or more. Six or even seven-day workweeks were not uncommon. In the late 19th century, the typical industrial worker put in 100 hours per week. Many struggled to get by despite spending most of their waking hours laboring. Socialists declared that this was unacceptable. They insisted that all workers should be entitled to at least 8 hours of sleep every day, and 8 hours of time to use as they wished โ and they should have days off to spend with their families or recuperate. Hence, work should be contained to no more than 8 hours per day and five hours per week, and wages should allow workers to support themselves on 40 hours of weekly labor. This was perceived as a radical or utopian demand at the time โ an unworkable set of expectations that many predicted would ruin the economy and place extreme strain on industries and employers. Resistance was fierce (and sometimes bloody). Yet, in Capital (Vol. 1, Ch. 10), Karl Marx marveled at how effectively and how quickly socialists in America elevated the cause of the 8-hour day nationwide โ a cause that had been slower to catch on in Europe. Now the 8-hour day (with overtime compensation above 40 hours a week) is standard in the U.S. and most other Western liberal countries. Thank socialists (and, ironically, Henry Ford).
On Inequality and Socialism
Generally speaking, itโs only when lots of folks are struggling, the economy is stagnant, the future seems bleak, and elites and institutions seem to be insensitive to their plight that regular people start to notice and care about inequality per se -- especially if weโre talking about macro inequalities.
Musa al-Gharbi