Previous studies have indicated that individuals on the asexual spectrum are often subject to various forms of sexual violence, such as unwanted sexual contact, sexual coercion, and attempted or completed rape (Fink, 2023; Lund, 2021; Mollet & Black, 2021; Parent & Ferriter, 2018).
Sexual violence is the most prevalent form of victimization experienced by individuals on the asexual spectrum (Weis et al., 2021). With a global sample of 10,648 participants, Weis et al. showed that a significant majority (82.2%) reported experiencing at least one type of sexual violence in their lifetime. (...). Similarly, Mollet and Black (2021) found that more than 70% of asexual college students reported unwanted non-contact sexual experiences, over 50% experienced unwanted sexual contact, and almost 25% were raped by coercion or physical force. Parent and Ferriter (2018) also revealed that asexual individuals were 2.5 times more likely to report experiencing sexual trauma in the last year compared to their allosexual counterparts.
Based on global data from individuals on the asexual spectrum, the study showed a high prevalence of lifetime sexual violence victimization. Over two-thirds of the participants indicated they had experienced at least one form of sexual violence. The most common form of victimization was sexual assault, with 57.4% of participants being sexually touched by other people without their consent. Sexual harassment was also frequently reported, with 43.3% being exposed to other people’s sexual body parts or sexual photos. It is worthwhile to note that a significant proportion of participants had experienced sexual coercion (28.9%) or even rape (15.8%). The prevalence of sexual violence among individuals on the asexual spectrum was much higher than that reported by LGB individuals in the United States (Chen et al., 2020).
Sexual Violence, Victimization and Substance Use among Individuals Identifying on the Asexual Spectrum: Differences between Asexuality, Graysexuality, and Demisexuality.
Wilfred, who was married for several years, discusses how he often felt obligated to have sex in the context of the relationship: “[Sex was] mostly to please another person, you know. Mostly because of that, and especially yeah, if it’s your wife, you know. Like, in a sense, I wanted these other things in a relationship other than sex that are more important to me, but after a while, I felt like sex is the most important thing.”
Sex was, in a sense, the price he felt he had to pay to maintain his marriage and the aspects of the relationship that he enjoyed, such as “holding hands, hugging… just like being together, being alone together.” He thus engaged in unwanted sex due to both relational and social pressures.
Likewise, Wilfred details that as an adolescent not interested in sex and girls, he “felt like an outcast” and was questioned on “whether or not [he’s] male.” The participants thus draw a direct connection between sex, sexual performance, and what it means to be a man. When not having sex and not performing a desire for (hetero)sex, the men’s very masculinity and manliness were called into question.
Wilfred and Billy both undertook unwanted (hetero)sex with their partners, while Antony has difficulty finding a romantic companion or partner. They also each engaged in taxing performative work, trying to “be a (real) man” and feigning sexual attraction and desire to belong and avoid questions as to their sexuality and manliness.
Masculine Doubt and Sexual Wonder: Asexually-Identified Men Talk About Their (A)sexualities.
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