i'm grim, he/him. adult. english isn't my first language. da critical.
characters: varric, dorian, davrin and fenris are my favorites. bellara, drayden, lucanis, neve, emmrich, zevran, anders, blackwall, loghain, anora, jowan, cullen, solas.
ships: generally ship protagonist x love interests (i.e. hawke x fenris) but hawke x varric is a forever favorite. i ship davrin with everyone, mostly, with emile, and lucanis.
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I want to talk about that article that wrote about Dragon Age: The Veilguard and used the title, "This Game Kills Facists." If you've seen it, you'll know exactly what I'm talking about. If you don't. Well.
I think before I dig into this, I want to put forth a few caveats. This won't be a formal essay, but I'll do my best to cite my sources and previous argumentation. I also don't have any real animosity toward the author of this article, I'd never actually even heard of her until someone directed me to this article, and I don't think the problems with this article are unique to the author. But. As I said in a different post late last night, I think the article itself such a textbook example of this kind of left-liberal politics that doesn't actually understand the terms they're mobilizing about, stakes their identity on their consumerism habits, and seems to think that vibes-based opinions are in any way, shape, or form equivalent to critical analysis that interrogates the text and the meta of the media they're engaging with.
The analysis in this article is bad, I'm sorry to say. Just from a structural standpoint, it fails to understand how the structure of rhetorical argumentation functions, and doesn't bother to provide any concrete support for its claims. It highlights an inability to formulate an argument that I think is rampant among fandom discourse and I would perhaps argue is a common issue with liberal political argumentation in general, although that's another essay and isn't central to what I want to dig at today. I also fundamentally do not think this author understands what fascism is, which is frustrating at best, and I find it irresponsible although I don't think the intent is malicious. I'm also not convinced that the author really has a good grasp of media analysis or how to interrogate the thema of the stories she's talking about, but I'll leave that for you to determine.
So. What is the thesis of this article, which purports that this game "kills fascists"? I had to chew on it for a hot minute while reading, and as best as I can tell, the thesis is "Wokeness is the point of Dragon Age."
It takes the author three paragraphs to read this point:
"But I do want to call out the choo-choo hate train triggered by Veilguard’s [weary sigh] “wokeness,” because, of course, the wokeness is the point of Dragon Age. It always has been."
"And yes, Veilguard is the wokest, queerest Dragon Age yet."
And it is reiterated again in the concluding paragraph:
"So we’re back to the wokeness. I told you it was the point. Empathy and community building, kids. It’s not only the point of Veilguard, but the prevailing lesson of the Dragon Age series, where, again, stunning, ideologically-driven betrayals drive each narrative and make the unintended and the least of us suffer, only for a hero to pick themselves up and start figuring out how to go on and who can help."
"This game kills fascists. Literally, in the course of the game, yes–I will leave it up to you and your ending what that means for Solas****–but more importantly, its soul is pure fascist bane, centering empathy, intimacy, heroism, community. Multiple overarching storylines intersect to highlight the ways history and faith can be twisted to alienate and control people, as well as how the best way to fight fascism is always with each other."
Okay, great, that's at least a decent starting point.
Except we have a real problem. If we are making an argument that a game like, say, Dragon Age: The Veilguard is woke, and therefore its very character of wokeness is "fascist bane," base bare minimum, we have to define what makes something 'woke' and what makes something 'fascist.' Words mean things, and especially words like these, which have specific political definitions that are frequently pulled out of the hat and used colloquially as short-hand for... whatever it is that someone wants it to mean, and for what it is meant to mean within a community.
She kind, sort of, gives us an idea of what she means when she says the game, and indeed the storyworld of the Dragon Age series, is woke. Wokeness, which she equivocates as anti-fascism, carries the character of being compassionate. Wokeness is when you center collaboration. If we are are woke, if we are combating fascism, we are empathetic and vulnerable and intimate and we interested in building communities and we are trying to help each other. Apparently, being anti-fascist is when your story is queer, or at the very least, allowing space for queer identities. And apparently, being "a hero" requires that you be woke / anti-fascist
There are two problems with this:
The first is that, unfortunately, examples aren't definitions. Examples are meant to exist as part of the supporting body of your arguments; they're the rhetorical illustration in the encyclopedia on the page next to the definition.
The second is that while we're receiving an attempt to qualify what fascism is indirectly by qualifying what stands in opposition to it - in this case, 'wokeness,' which is itself never clearly defined and instead relies on a definition of woke that literally just relies on the negation of whatever being not-woke, or 'anti-woke', means.
This is bad logic, regardless of your opinions of the writing of The Veilguard. If you cannot tell me what fascism is, then you cannot tell me what it is not, and you certainly cannot tell me how something like being 'woke' is in opposition to fascism. The fact that the author fails to do this, that they assume you will understand exactly what they mean because it is somehow inherently self-evident, brings into question what exactly they mean.
I've tried to interrogate what she means by fascism, and the closest we really get is:
"And again, these stories are no fantasies and there are still no easy questions, no right answers. Except fighting the fascists. This game kills fascists. That one is a gimme."
"...accidentally releasing the two other remaining elven gods onto the world. Unlike Solas, who rationalizes a greater good, these gods are purely malevolent enslavers. They, too, want to turn the clock back, but to the days of their unlimited rule before Solas overthrew them. Not much ambiguity there, but good contrast. Solas is sidelined by events, relegated to advising Rook as they seek to defeat two sadistic gods and their Super PAC of bad guys rising across the nations of northern Thedas. But you’re not only fighting the gods and their allies, all of whom are explicitly fascist."
"You can also see how those thorny Dragon Age companion relationships are the They Live glasses all of us need at one time or another, teaching us how to empathize with someone you never even wanted to know, or maybe to forgive someone you thought beyond redemption. Or how beliefs are often flawed, but no one’s rights are negotiable. Or how no one is free until everyone is free. This game kills fascists. Literally, in the course of the game, yes–I will leave it up to you and your ending what that means for Solas****–but more importantly, its soul is pure fascist bane, centering empathy, intimacy, heroism, community. Multiple overarching storylines intersect to highlight the ways history and faith can be twisted to alienate and control people, as well as how the best way to fight fascism is always with each other."
Fascists are when you are sadistic. When you are malevolent. When you are enslavers. When you seek to regress society. When you lack empathy, when you destroy communities, when you hold things against people, when you believe [human] rights are negotiable (depending on who you cosnider [human], perhaps?) when you weaponize history and faith "to alienate and control people." Fascists do genocides.
These are, again, examples. Not definitions. And I think beneath that the author is using what they believe is a "true" or "commonly accepted" meaning of fascism that falls under what we might consider a persuasive definition logical fallacy; except the definitions are not even definitions, but vibes, and they aren't even vibes that correspond with any of the most commonly accepted frameworks of how to identify fascism.
To some extent, I might be willing to cut the author some slack because fascism is pretty infamously a loaded term that gets thrown around with a colloquial usage that absolutely does not adhere to the generally accepted parameters of fascism - and even within academic discussion circles, there's debate on what exactly does and does not constitute a definition of fascism, made in part difficult because one of the key characters of fascists seems to be their mutability, their willingness to adapt to populist beliefs and weaponize said populist sentiment toward their own goals, as a way to muddy the water on who they actually are and what they actually stand for.
In this vein, I think I'll recommend a couple of books here.
THE ANATOMY OF FASCISM by Robert Paxton is always a good starting point. [link to online Internet Archive copy].
Stanley Payne's A HISTORY OF FASCISM 1914-1945 is also a good baseline. [link to online Internet Archive copy].
SPAIN AT WAR: THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR IN CONTEXT 1931-1939 by Shubert and Esenwein [link to online Internet Archive copy].
EUROPE BETWEEN THE WARS: A POLITICAL HISTORY by Martin Kitchner [link to online Internet Archive copy].
FASCISM by Roger Griffin.
Umberto Eco and UR-FASCISM.
I actually very specifically think the issue we all tend run into is that fascism is less a coherent ideology than it is extremely opportunistic and has a myriad of commonalities but very few exclusive traits, which is exacerbated by the inherent limitations and rigid nature of definitions. I tend to stick with a blend of Griffin and Paxton's definitions that I added a few things to but always have to put up a disclaimer that it's a bare bones definition that doesn't encompass the ideology but rather points out the few core ideals and its general manifestation, and even then, I think fascism pre- and post- neoliberalism are also incredibly distinct even if you put all fascism under one umbrella and separate them just by those two eras. Griffin I think is mostly useful for a layman's overview of fascism, and I also think that Alexander Reid Ross has a fairly functional definition, although I don't wholly agree with it, either:
"Fascism relies on the perception of a constituency producing, and produced by, an inherently natural process of hierarchy manifested by warrior elites embedded in the spiritual myths of the nation. In short, fascism is a syncretic form of ultranationalist ideology developed through patriarchal mythopoesis, which seeks the destruction of the modern world and the spiritual palingenesis ("rebirth") of an organic community led by natural elites through the fusion of technological advancement and natural tradition."
These are all good starting points, but I think the major takeaway is that fascism is not ideologically coherent. It is somewhat of a non-ideology, and furthermore I think any decent fascist scholar will point out its opportunism and lack of actual ideological foundation, which is why it's so difficult to really define it coherently beyond "here's some general traits, here's how they manifest in this situation." To this point, I would probably direct you to Eco's 1995 essay "Ur-Fascism", where he lists fourteen general properties of fascist ideology and further argues that it is not possible to organize these into a coherent system, but that "it is enough that one of them be present to allow fascism to coagulate around it". But with the caveat that it's easy to fall into the trap of "commonalities" while still serving as a useful checklist for identifying red flags.
I think it's also important to keep in mind that part of the reason that fascism is not a coherent ideology is because fascism has historically and continues to contemporaneously adopt a lot different types of tactics to gain popular support. They frequently employ socialist rhetoric, engage in aesthetic appeal, turn minor things regarding a specific group into major ploys against the dominant structure, etc. They're so successful that to this day I am arguing with people who say "socialism is bad because the Nazis were Socialists because they were called National Socialists" which is just. A stunningly bad grasp of the politics of fascism and socialism and the history of the Nazi party while also being an incredibly pervasive issue in the discourse of this subject. Fascist rhetoric lies on appealing to nationalism that most people will have ingrained throughout their childhood (regardless of political system) and claiming the woes and struggles people face are due to a cultural backsliding brought about by some group or groups, and they use a variety of tactics to make that more digestible and appealing until it becomes more mainstream and they can actually say what they mean -- to become mask off once. We're watching it happen in real time in the United States. The shit being said about LGBTQ+ people rightly could not be openly said even 5 years ago, let alone 10 years ago. They had to lace it in all sorts of rhetoric and dog whistles whereas now they can be blatant about it, and now we're watching the United States erode into a fascist state.
There exists another problem with defining fascism -- which I think is an issue even with the identifying frameworks I like to work with -- and that is that the framing of specifically the role of capitalism tends to be either overemphasized or not emphasized enough (or at all). This is problematic because fascism is specifically a capitalist development, but the commonalities trap of Eco leads to, for example, Marxist arguments that "fascism is the immune system of capitalism" or is a "last ditch effort by the bourgeoise" -- arguments that are both ahistoric to the early 20th century era of fascism (as a glittering generality, the main rich conservative element that disliked the Nazis were the prussian nationalists, conservatives and military leaders, who ended up trying to appropriate the Nazis. And well, we know how that turned out) as well as the era of neoliberalism, wherein the latter there are still 'roots' present but the fascistic relationship with capitalism is foundationally different than it was in the early 20th century. And this is how we end up with analyses that attempt to position concepts like racism and transphobia to capitalism rather than understanding how they are adopted by and employed by capitalism, and therefore failing to contextualize their roles within fascism.
People often equate concepts/phenomena like genocide, authoritarianism, militarism, fetishism of aesthetics, etc. exclusively with fascism but the reality is that liberals and state socialists routinely have committed (for example) genocide and they're not fascists. They are liberals. And it is also true that fascism is a descendant of that liberal genocidal violence. United States and European white supremacy, for instance, were not developed under a fascist regime and in fact existed long before fascism reared its ugly head. A preoccupation with population control will likely be present in any regime, and historically concepts like population reduction or eugenicist spins on natalism are a common appearance in the nation myths they nations make for themselves. I would argue that population control specifically predates not only fascism but also capitalism and has been the backbone of liberal democracies, but that's another thing altogether for a different essay. The point is, an ideology does not need to be fascist to do heinous things, and further, fascism isn't definable as "any evil act." Using fascism as a shorthand for evil is both incorrect and also helps obscure how other forms of evil work.
The problem I have, therefore, with the author of this essay "This Game Kills Fascists" is that she doesn't even seek to employ a working framework of fascism. The enemies are "explicitly fascist" but she doesn't really tell us how, she just provides examples that might conceivably fit into a framework, were she to utilize one.
Sadism is not inherent to fascism. Slavery is not inherent to fascism. Social regression is not inherent to fascism. Social regression, or a return to tradition, certainly can be a red flag to watch for, but isn't exclusive to fascism and isn't enough to stand on its own. The author argues that community and disparate peoples coming together is a feature of the game and the series, and this is ultimately antithetical to fascist movements, so I could certainly grant her this.
On the other hand, the linkage of heroism as anti-fascist is an interesting choice because, if we refer to Eco's 14 Points:
"In such a perspective everybody is educated to become a hero. In every mythology the hero is an exceptional being, but in Ur-Fascist ideology, heroism is the norm. This cult of heroism is strictly linked with the cult of death. It is not by chance that a motto of the Falangists was Viva la Muerte (in English it should be translated as “Long Live Death!”). In non-fascist societies, the lay public is told that death is unpleasant but must be faced with dignity; believers are told that it is the painful way to reach a supernatural happiness. By contrast, the Ur-Fascist hero craves heroic death, advertised as the best reward for a heroic life. The Ur-Fascist hero is impatient to die. In his impatience, he more frequently sends other people to death."
We would of course never argue that Rook is intended to be fascistic as a hero. Nor would we argue this for our companion Davrin, who as a Grey Warden is essentially in a death cult and who does manifest through the game a desire to die heroically because that is what he is supposed to do (Grey Wardens are meant to die slaying the archdemon and stopping the blight!) But: this is an adequate illustration of the type of commonalities that we must watch for.
Or if we borrow tumblr user Mythalism's point about the types of literature that were permitted by the Nazi state under its fascist regime, it's generally understood that there were four categories of topics in literature (we'll apply this more broadly to media) that met the Nazi criterion.
The first was ‘Front Experience’. This was to promote the camaraderie and good times that would be found in time of war on the front line. The most famous author in this category was Werner Bumelburg.
The second category was ‘World View’. Books on this promoted the views of Hitler and Rosenberg. Hans Grimm wrote ‘People Without Space’ in 1926 and it was heavily publicised once the Nazis gained power. The book gave the Nazis one of their most famous slogans: “The Germans: the cleanest, most honest people, most efficient and most industrious.”
The third category was ‘Regional Novels’. These books emphasised the excellence of the various regions of Germany. The most famous authors in this category were Agnes Miegel, Rudolf Binding and Börries von Münchhausen.
The final category was ‘Racial Doctrine’. Books in this category emphasised the greatness of the Aryan race when compared to Jews, Slavs and anyone labelled ‘untermenschen’. The most famous author in this category was Gottfried Benn who based his work on the “ancestral vitality” of the German people.
Literally nobody who is reasonable is going to argue that The Veilguard is a fascistic piece of media, but if you were to stretch the framework to make an argument for something like that, Mythalism points out that it wouldn't be too difficult to find commonalities between elements of the game and the criterion outlined immediately above:
camaraderie and good times found in war
simplistic world view with good vs. bad people
emphasized excellence of the countries represented and erasure of their flaws
we could probably swing the last one with how it frames elves as the source of literally all evil in the world
Voila, fascist game! (This is not serious.)
What we seem to have here is a simplistic view of "fascists = bad" and therefore the elements that are woke (aka good) are inherently the opposite of facist, therefore, anti-fascist. Here we must return to the fact that woke / wokeness were never clearly defined, and to the history of woke as a concept in Black communities in the United States. While I am not a scholar of the phenomona of how woke as a concept got mainstreamed into US politics, I'm generally given to understand that it came about in the Black Lives Matter movement and specifically with the sensationalization of the slaying of Michael Brown, which has since been appropriated into the Culture War as a shorthand for supposed political progressiveness by the left and as a denigration of so-called leftist culture by the right. (If this needs to be corrected or clarified, please feel free to let me know, but it appears to be the general gist of it as applies to how the author of the inciting article mobilizes the term.)
At the end of the day, you can't say 'this game kills fascists' and then not only fail to define what fascism is or what makes someone fascist but then also fail to illustrate why this game is anti-fascist and directly combats fascism. The definition of woke in this article simply hinges on just negating what being anti-woke means, and it's a manifestation of how the right co-opted woke to mean "anything that deviates in any way, perceived or actual, from established hierarchies" and then liberals and left-liberals responded to this with "let's go with that definition and be anti-anti-woke!" It's not a coherent interrogation of the politics of these terms, nor is the article able to coherently grapple with its core thesis.
I might write more about this at a later date and return more to some of the specifics of what she says about hope and the framing of the story (which is... inconsistent at best and deliberately disingenuous at worst), particularly because the essay is, in my opinion, extremely liberal in its construction, and in response to a game that was developed within a white, centrist, neoliberal political framework. The essay is attempting to moralize the game with pot shots in the dark and political buzzwords that ultimately mean nothing because she does not put in the introspection or effort to ensure that they mean something. And I think we need to move beyond the simplistic "i only like things that are not problematic and therefore if i like this thing it is not problematic and therefore if you are criticizing this thing you are problematic and also making a personal attack against me." I also think we need to return to the very basic rhetorical construction of "claim -> supporting evidence -> conclusion" until people learn how to actually structure an argument.
I've realized that there were two components of the author's inciting article on what makes this game "fascist bane" that I didn't really follow up on, and I wanted to do that (with thanks to the girlies in the group chat for helping me clarify ideas and ) in an informal shortform while continuing to talk about fascism. The first is the idea that this is the queerest BioWare Game yet [and therefore it is antithetical to fascism] and the second is the attempt to frame the heroism of this game as unique and also antithetical to fascism.
The problem is, neither of these concepts are objectively anti-fascist.
As far as queerness goes, what I will grant this author is that BioWare and particularly this game, have come under fire for being 'woke' as a shorthand for depicting or otherwise endorsing more quote unquote progressive social positions, although it's certainly not a new experience for the studio -- older fans may remember when BioWare and Dragon Age: Origins came under fire on Fox News because you could play a man who has [insert church whisper] gay sex with another man (who happens to be an elf, which somehow made it worse. idk I'm not going to get into that.) And I will grant that anti-woke (while imo not really a concrete ideology) is generally aligned with the sorts of ideologies, positionalities, and subjectivities (or perspectives) that modern fascism in US/CAN appears to appeal to as a form of safety. Transgender people at this time are at the forefront of this "culture war" which is being mobilized.
But. You can't just say that something is queer and therefore is antifascist. This just straight up is not a true statement inherently, and it's both ahistoric as well as a mischaracterization of the relationship fascism has with cultural mores and politics. It also wouldn't be outside the realm of reasonable speculation to suspect that this kind of neat little box of identities (you're queer vs you're fascist) might be demonstrative of a wider issue with the tendency towards packaging people within rigid hierarchies of identity that is so pervasive within liberal politics, which itself underpins the development of fascist movements that thrive on being inconsistent and opportunistic.
As I wrote above in what I suppose I can call Part One, fascism is opportunistic and it lacks an ideological foundation. Queerness, therefore, is not an absolutist opposition to fascistic ideology because at any point in time, fascism can adopt whatever it wants and/or needs to in order to manifest a fascist system.
Leopards eating faces / voting against their own interests is frequently used by liberal and left-liberal people as a sort of 'gotcha' that evinces a kind of intellectual and moral superiority over the people that goes nowhere very quickly, because while they are busy feeling better and smarter and righteous for having identified the apparent hypocrisy of the people they contend against, they fail abjectly to engage with the fact that this hypocrisy is a feature, not a bug.
Let me explain it another way. A friend of mine recently used the (albeit somewhat corny, we agreed, but still effective) metaphor of fascism being kind of like The Thing (from the 1982 film The Thing) in that it can co-opt identity in a bastardized form which cannot be easily explained/recognized (i.e. without rigorous critical theory that grapples with the foundations of hierarchical power and the outcomes that produces) to allow for it to gain social and political purchase until it is actually capable of achieving a fascist system.
I don't think you can actually generate a coherent or meaningful analysis if you analyze fascism in isolation from a total analysis that involves both the structure and its subjects (which is where I think understanding phenomenology is so critical). Frankly, it's why we see such incoherent as well as ultimately extremely superficial anti-fascist politics -- for example, liberals going on and on about "leopards eating faces" and trying to point out objective hypocrisy without accounting for ideology/positionality/subjectivity (perspective) of, like, any right-leaning ideology or hegemonic identity for whom fascism presents itself as safety.
And ultimately you can't actually be anti-fascist without being anti-kyriarchy and anti-capitalist because it is on the foundation of hierarchy, nationalism, and capitalism (and the nation-state) which fascism is built.
I resist calling this kind of analysis intersectionality, because I feel intersectionality does something a little different with axes of experiences within the context of feminist theory, but I do think it's a similar kind of methodology of examining the psychology/sociology relationship through like.... observation and more empirical data rather than any theory being read.
So-- I find it useful to cite bell hooks, who wrote FEMINIST THEORY FROM MARGIN TO CENTER in 1984 [PDF of the first chapter], which (and i am oversimplifying here) argued "that women's liberation has failed to become a mass movement because feminist theories have not accounted for the diversity of women." hooks identified that there was an issue with feminist theory and literature: it was written BY predominantly college-educated, middle- and upper-class, married white women who were housewives and mothers ABOUT college-educated, middle- and upper-class, married white women who were housewives and mothers FOR college-educated, middle- and upper-class, married white women who were housewives and mothers.
You can perhaps see how this might have presented an issue with a complete lack of inclusion of the lived experiences and interests for poor women and non-white women. Considering only a very specific subset of women's experiences meant, for example, that feminist theory at the time was proliferated with racism and which reinforced white supremacy. And you can perhaps understand how using a benchmark a statement like "all women are oppressed" -- the great unifying identity of being "woman" -- utilizing a narrow definition of womanhood and women's experiences and women's needs, is inadequate and leads to poor analysis.
hooks also points out that there is no universal experience of "womanhood" that all women everywhere, experience, regardless of sexuality, racism, class, religion, etc inform the diversity of experiences a woman might have. Sexism is a form of domination that may be institutionalized, but it is not an absolute experience for all women. From this, hooks drives at the idea that the reason the women's liberation movement has failed to be organized into a multi-voiced coalition and exists rather as a large, if incohesive identity-group, is because of the -- to borrow a turn of phrase -- identify-fication of experiences, a brand of identity politics.
"I am a Feminist*!"
hooks' points here applied specifically to women's liberation, but we can broaden this to feminisim in general, and the intersectionality of experiences when we talk about concepts like race, gender, sexuality, class, and more. The problem with this sort of identity politics, bell hooks says, is that we see people kind of start to metaphorically 'lose the plot' in terms of what their politics actually are: that is, with respect to feminism, the emergence of an identity (I A Feminist) rather being a person who is part of a political movement with a clear goal (feminism is part of my social advocacy.) And the problem with that is that it means that if someone calls themselves a Feminist, feminism is whatever they want it to be. Anyone can be a feminist, then, because we are no longer identifying feminism by its actions and its politics, but by the identity.
Is this a foregone conclusion? Does everyone who calls themselves a feminist fall into this trap? No, and no. There is, one would hope, a difference between person who uses it at a shorthand for praxis and the person who uses it to virtue signal that they're a good person. The temptation to think of oneself as a good person who does good things is strong -- specially in the US/CAN where we deal with Christianity as a significant influence on dominant culture, and therefore are influenced by a moral frame of the question of whether or not you are a good person, and how your actions influence this.
A contemporary of hooks, Mary Louise Adams wrote of her experience in her essay There's No Place like Home: On the Place of Identity in Feminist Politics [jstor link] on her experience with identity politics:
"Fifteen or so women crowded the tiny front room of the women's crisis centre [...] As the 'exercise' progressed, each women spoke in turn: 'I am a white, working-class, heterosexual woman'; 'I am a white, middle-class, lesbian Jew'; 'I am a white, middle-class, heterosexual woman and a mother'. The more politically astute would add further categories -'I am a white, middle-class, ablebodied, Anglophone lesbian' - and the facilitator would nod her approval at each innovation. We were meant to be learning about the complex matrix of oppression and privilege and about our individual relationships to it. We were in fact learning a brand of identity politics [...] Together we ascribed a moral significance to our individual litanies of oppression and privilege [...]
There's certainly something to be said about the marriage of experiences and advocacy as identities and the subsequent moralization of these identities. When we operate within the parameters of identity politics, the measure of your moral standing as a "good person" becomes rooted in your identity, rather than your actions. In the calculus of this framework oppression has positive points, privilege has negative points, and how good a person you are depends on your identity points.
A screenshot from the TV show The Good Place depicting and action and the point values ascribed to it as a pop-culture reference to point system morality. Spoilers for the show: the system didn't work.
I am quoting bell hooks in quoting Benjamin Barber from LIBERATING FEMINISM, where he wrote:
"Suffering is not necessarily a fixed and universal experience that can be measured by a single rod: it is related to situations, needs, and aspirations. But there must be some historical and political parameters for the use of the term so that political priorities can be established and different forms and degrees of suffering can be given the most attention."
Identity politics runs into the issue of, rather than contextualizing oppression within the systems that institutionalize them and how these forms of oppression can and do look different depending on how they intersect with other experiences, we see a sliding scale of 'least oppressed' to 'most privileged' that creates a framework which Elizabeth Martínez coined in 1993, the "Oppression Olympics." A simplified definition for this is the practice of comparing and ranking the experiences of oppression of various groups to determine who is The Most Oppressed, with an accompanying sort of metaphorical "race to the minority" that sees people collecting marginalized identities that might negate their privilege and afford them a leg-up in the race to be A Good Person.
(and white) :: If I am queer and disabled and leftist and mentally ill, the combined power of my oppression points negate my privilege points! :: Well. No. :: Sidebar, what's so annoying about making these kinds of critiques is that it kind of makes me sound like a neocon if taken out of context, which I think makes this as good a time as any to remember that contextualization is an important part of how you pull together your analyses.
This is how you see white women who think they're more oppressed than black men by virtue of both demographics existing underneath patriarchy. And this is how you see gay men who think they cannot be misogynistic because they're gay -- looking at you, David Gaider. (If you are not familiar with David Gaider's brand of misogyny and his many, many dismissive responses to such accusations over the years, well. This isn't part of the scope of the essay but I'm sure someone has collected examples of this, somewhere.)
It's worth consideration that this kind of parcelization of identity is pretty rampant in online spaces and especially in online fandom spaces. While this is anecdotal, I remember when The Veilguard was being developed and there was a lot of fandom buzz over the creators of the game. Corinne Busche, the project director, was a sapphic trans woman. John Epler, the creative director, was a bisexual man. Trick Weekes, the lead writer, was nonbinary. Karin Weekes-West, the lead editor, is a two-spirited biracial indigenous woman. One of the writers, Sheryl Chee, isn't white! Many of the voice actors for Rook and the companions are POC and/or queer! And depending on who you were and what your situation was informed what your response was going to be:
And now the game is woke. And queer. And antifacist. And there are pansexual companions. And you can be nonbinary. And Taash is nonbinary. And This Game Kills Fascists!
BioWare devs have long been deeply enmeshed with fandom, from the official BioWare Social Network forums to Twitter to what we now see on BlueSky, and they also tend to exist in same social and political climates as everyone else, because we do live in a society and game developers do not exist in isolation. Thus, it would certainly behoove us to ask the following question: is it possible that the terminally online character of these creators as they interacted with a fandom that also broadly mobilized this kind of identity politics shaped the decision-making framework of the creators as they made a game, where they were concerned with identity politics (of themselves and the game they made)?
The logical 'it follows' is that this game (and the reception to it) is in a good many ways a piece of media that is reflective of the mainstream politics we're being subjected to in US/CAN. It is made by people who have the oppression points that make them a Good Person and they made sure it contained and centered around characters with Identities that net them oppression points, and therefore identifier of being a "woke" game is what makes it a good game. Nevermind the actual writing itself -- this is, ultimately, inconsequential and subservient.
What makes the assertation that the game being BioWare's queerest game ever is also what makes it "fascist bane" so strange is that we see being queer positioned as a primary axis of analysis. The queerness (and specifically, I think, the depiction of and endorsement of transgender experiences) within The Veilguard is the loudest linchpin of contention between the anti-woke and anti-anti-woke noise we're seeing.
And through it, what we're seeing is that being queer, or advocating for queer experiences, in this framework, ends up being the 'race to the minority' concept mentioned earlier -- both from queer but predominantly white, liberal, middle-class creators and from the consumers. Centering queerness in your understanding of oppression (and potentially thereby limiting your understanding of oppression) is also what shapes your concept of liberation, and harks back to bell hooks and the problem with only examining the world through the lens of the college-educated, middle- and upper-class, married white women who were housewives and mothers.
Like "white feminism," mainstream queerness is out of touch. Mainstream queerness does not remember its roots in race and class based activism and it centers on whiteness, which has been negated or minimized by having a queer identity (or two) (or three).
And this is how we have a game that is "woke" for being "unapologetically queer" while being at the same time is extremely racist, both in the portrayal of the Antaam as a people based broadly on Islamic Arab peoples and in the absence of any meaningful sociopolitical treatment of the elves (particularly the Dalish) as a people based on Indigenous peoples of America with diasporic similarities to both Jewish and Rromani people. Race is not an important factor in this story that earns serious treatment, class is not an important factor in this story that earns serious treatment, and we do not engage with the canonical oppression of mages in this game.
Related to this is the concept of homonationalism, which can be extremely simplistically defined as "Homonationalism describes how nationalist actors and ideologies selectively incorporate LGBTQ+ people or their rights to reinforce racial, religious, and cultural hierarchies." Jasbir Puar coined this term to describe how, "...in the context of Western modernity, liberal power structures co-opt certain LGBTQ+ rights discourses to construct a national identity that is portrayed as progressive and tolerant, while simultaneously justifying racist, xenophobic and aporophobic policies, particularly against Muslim communities. As a result, sexual diversity and LGBTQ+ rights are sometimes used to support political positions opposing immigration, a strategy that has become increasingly common among far-right parties." Thus, for example, we see people unironically argue that argue that Palestine deserves genocide because Israel is more “gay friendly” than Palestine.
I think if you are advocated for genocide, you have perhaps lost the plot entirely.
All this is to say, when we talk about queerness and fascism, we must contend with the fact that queerness, or rather, queer people, have historically been aligned with fascism and there is nothing truly stopping queerness and queer people from aligning with fascism again. For a great primer on the history of homosexuality in the Weimar Era and the Nazi Party, see author Laurie Marhoefer (who wrote the book Sex and the Weimar Republic: German Homosexual Emancipation and the Rise of the Nazis) [ink to blog post that provides a reader's digest overview.]
I've just realized this post is getting enormous and so I'm going to call this Part 2 and hope it's as coherent as it feels in my brain.
Since I'm committing to Part 3, I'm going to jump immediately off the conclusion of Part 2 with the discussion of queer fascists (and expound on this a little more so there's a common working framework), and its relationship to the fetishization of aesthetics and the conceptualization of heroism. Heroism is not objectively antifascist and the notion that being a hero somehow obviates fascism is absurd. All the more absurd, then, is the idea that being a hero in The Veilguard makes one antifascist.
I left off the previous section of this (essay?) with a link to Laurie Marhoefer's blog post on queerness in the Nazis, and I really do recommend that you give it a read for a lot of different reasons. For the purpose of the time period we are working with (early 20th century), I am going to use 'homosexuality' while talking about fascism and its relationship with queerness. In that vein, it behooves me to iterate that the mythology of "Nazis = Gay" is just that, a myth, in the sense that gay Nazis existed (Ernst Röhm being perhaps the most famous, of course, as well as others) but also that the Nazi party, itself, was not inherently a homosexual organization. It might seem odd for me to write this, but: just as being queer is not inherently antifascist, similarly, being queer is not inherently fascist. And vice versa: being antifascist does not mean one is allied with queer politics. Indeed, many leftist, antifascist groups were themselves anti-homosexuality during the time of the rise of the Nazi party.
The publication of the The Brown Book of the Reichstag Fire and Hitler Terror (1933) (written by a member of the Communist Party of Germany - the KDP) popularized myth of Nazis and Homosexuality being linked (where both were bad), whereafter author Andrew Wackerfuss wrote in 2015 that it was the sort of mythology that appealed to opponents of the Nazi party because they believed that "...the heart of the Nazis' militant nationalist politics lay in the sinister schemes of decadent homosexual criminals". Homosexuality was linked with militarism, and the Eulenburg affair (in short, a big dramatic legal scandal over whether or not friends of the Kaiser of Germany were engaged in homosexual acts) did much to link militarism and homosexuality in the minds and politics of Germans. Globally, Germany was linked more broadly with homosexuality -- with quaint little euphemisms like "The German Vice" entering usage abroad.
In the Soviet Union, socialist writer Maxim Gorky claimed that "eradicating homosexuals [will make] fascism disappear". The Social Democratic Party (SPD) was also known to weaponize anti-homosexuality as anti-Nazism, and as the political climate of the late-Weimar Republic heated up, it was increasingly a tool utilized by leftist paramilitary groups in opposition to the SA led by Ernst Röhm, who himself had been a political target of accusations of homosexuality that ultimately led to him admitting it publicly. Thus, we saw slogans and heckles like:
"Hitler, heil, heil, heil. Heil Eulenburg!"
Geil Röhm ("Hot Röhm!")
Schwul Heil ("Heil Gay")
SA, Hose Runter! ("SA, Trousers Down!")
In 1932, Robert Smallbones was appointed the British consul-general at Frankfurt in Germany. He had a history of what we might think of as leftist politics -- anti-slavery, anti-persecution of minorities, and he was very much outspoken against the antisemitism of the Nazi Party. He is perhaps best-known for reading the writing on the wall and working to help Jews obtain visas in order to evacuate from Nazi Germany before the war broke out -- in fact, in October 1939 the British Government calculated that he had saved 48,000 people and had been in the process of issuing papers to 50,000 more when World War 2 began. He was also known to have personally visited Nazi concentration camps to demand the release of Jewish prisoners. One would think, then, as an ally to minorities and an opponent of bigotry, that he would be an ally of homsexuals as well. Not so. Smallbones blamed the emergent situation in Germany on homsexuality in a letter dated 1938: "The explanation for this outbreak of sadistic cruelty may be that sexual perversion, in particular homo-sexuality, are very prevalent in Germany."
Remember in Part One where I described that fascism is opportunistic and will do what it needs to, in order to consolidate power and bring about a fascist state? Hitler himself weaponized this rampant sentiment of anti-homosexuality, using it as a pretext in 1934 to execute The Knight of Long Knives, which purged many of the enemies and critics of the Nazi Party but was especially targeted toward the SA paramilitary group led by Ernst Röhm, who had been a longtime ally of Hitler and then became a sacrificial lamb in order to (among other things) improve the image of the Nazi party government in the eyes of the German people.
This is, of course, by necessity of the shortform of this essay an oversimplification of what all went down, and I am intentionally emphasizing the elements related to homosexuality for the sake of the point I am driving at, but the broad strokes are here, and the point is: historically being queer/an ally for queers was not a shorthand for being antifascist.
Historian Laurie Marhoefer writes about this subject, and especially with an eye toward dismantling the myth of Pink Fascism that has persisted to the 21st century (see: Republican National Committee official Bryan Fischer being fired in 2015 for calling queer activists "jack-booted homofascist thugs" / claiming that the Nazi party was founded in "a gay bar in Munich" -- statements that IMO likely would not have seen him exiled from the RNC in 2025.) Marhoefer writes: "Although remarkably long-lived, mutable, capable of regenerating itself in various contexts, and even entertained at times by reputable historians, the myth of legions of gay Nazis has no historical basis."
That said--gay Nazis did exist, and Marhoefer rightfully points out that the idea that queers are by definition are liberal or left-of-center is an extremely flawed assumption: like race, like gender, queerness is not a moral compass. Quoth Marhoefer:
"...they [right-wing queers] do not necessarily share the political goals of left-leaning queers. They see their broader, right-wing politics as compatible with their queerness. [...] Röhm was not a queer man who suddenly joined a homophobic political party in a fit of inexplicable, profound confusion. His views on sexual politics were, rather, comfortably within what in his day was a decades-old tradition of far-right queerness. Röhm’s queer fascism was identical to the Nazi Party’s ideology in almost all respects, save on questions of male-male eroticism. That was, however, a significant difference. Queer fascism was not synonymous with what one might call “mainstream” fascism – that is, fascism as articulated by big Nazi institutions, such as the Party."
To expound on this, Marhoefer cites to us a little-remembered essay called “National Socialism and Inversion”, written by an anonymous author who was part of the Röhm circle of queer fascism and engaged in discourse with a well-known center-left homosexual emancipation group, the Scientific Humanitarian Committee (SHC). Anonymous wrote what amounted to a form of "we're not like other girls (queers):
“Homosexuality” meant male femininity, Marxism, and Judaism.
There were multiple queer subjectivities, or multiple ways to be a queer person.
What he saw in himself was not “homosexuality” but something else entirely, a “manly Eros” that was spiritual rather than lustful, and was experienced discreetly among “healthy and respectable fellows” in the Nazi Party militia.
“Manly Eros” was “fundamentally” different from homosexuality as defined by the left-leaning SHC, a form of male-male eroticism he associated with feminine men, gender-crossing, and transvestitism.
Masculine, discreet, manly Eros was wholly compatible with a healthy “Aryan” racial consciousness.
What Anonymous wanted from other fascists was quiet accommodation, not public acceptance. He argued that most Nazis would overlook homoeroticism in the barracks as long as the men in question did their “duty.”
What's fascinating about this is that it doesn't appear as an attempt to mobilize queerness as a political positionality. As Marhoefer states, rather, it "...mobilized a certain kind of far right subject with a certain kind of sexual-political ideology. That ideology affirmed homoeroticism, albeit hidden homoeroticism, rejected “homosexuality,” and embraced violence and racism."
Threads of this type of sexual-political ideology have persisted into modern far-right positionalities -- take, for example, Milo Yiannopoulos, who was a commentator for far-right publications like Breitbart and a supporter of Trump's bid for presidency in 2016, who claimed that all of Islam, not simply a small group of radicals, was responsible for mistreating women and homosexuals (see: earlier mentions of homonationalism), who married his husband in 2017, in the same breath declared homosexuality a sin, and then in 2021 declared that he was an ex-gay dedicating his life to conversation therapy and that his husband had been "demoted to housemate."
Yiannopoulos seems aware of the linkage between homosexuality, masculinity, and the weaponization of sexual politics:
"“[I] only leaned heavily into it in public because it drove liberals crazy to see a handsome, charismatic, intelligent gay man riotously celebrating conservative principles,” said Mr Yiannopoulos."
Yet, we note, he did not disavow his husband at the time. Rather, whatever they are doing privately, remains strictly in the realm of private:
"The former Brietbart editor went on to describe his so-called coming out as the lifting of a “veil”, although he admitted that his husband might not be pleased at being demoted to the role of “housemate”.
“It helps that I can still just about afford to keep him in Givenchy and a new Porsche every year. Could be worse for him, I guess,” said Mr Yiannopoulos."
This might seem incoherent and wildly inconsistent from an ideological standpoint, but it comes into a greater clarity when you consider that the ideological basis of politics for men like Yiannopoulos is, essentially, whatever will allow them and their political allies to consolidate political power. Sounds familiar?
For the fascists, the Nazis, the hair ever splits. Sociologist Arlene Stein similarly articulates this as a difference between homoeroticism and homosexuality; homosexuality in particular was threatening because it emasculated the man and threatened the traditional family, this being a threat to usher in the “destruction of mankind” (Untergang der Menschheit). She does, however, allow that there existed a degree of homoeroticism in Nazi sports and physical culture, which was channeled into "militarism, brutality, and ideological fixations on powerful leadership figures," -- the Übermensch, the idealized man.
Tough place to be, really; as Geoffrey Giles wrote in his book Why Bother About Homosexuals? : Homophobia and Sexual Politics in Nazi Germany [link to Internet Archive] "The leaders, and above all, Hitler demanded fanatical devotion, indeed adoration! This placed his male followers in a bind, because that love could not cross a certain, never discussed threshold." If you read further, Giles goes deeper into the sort of mental gymnastics that allowed the Nazis to rationalize touch between men -- that the transfer of the mystical "Odic force" was best facilitated through touches, kisses, cuddles, etc. But it was never erotic, oh, no, absolutely not. It was "pure."
Untitled (You Construct Intricate Rituals). Barbara Kruger (American, born in 1945). 1981. [x]
"...she turns her eye towards the construction of gender identities. Kruger draws meaning from a found photo, highlighting the contrast between the joy of the men’s smiles and the violence of their fighting. The text directly addresses the viewer, implicating both the individual and society in forming ideas of gender and intimacy. Why is violence placed so close to intimacy? Why does she choose to show men in this piece?"
Giles goes on to write about the Nazi scientists and their efforts to assess whether or not someone criminalized as a homosexual "...was a “real” homosexual, and therefore genetically tainted, or whether he was someone who could be “cured” through discipline and hard physical labor." One cannot help but recall the story of Yiannopoulos, self-described as handsome/intelligent/charismatic who converted to ex-gay and began championing conversion therapy.
So where am I going with this?
Well, specifically, I'm interested in the trappings of masculinity within a framework like this. If effeminacy was a sign of being homosexual (and this was the realm of the Jews), then being the opposite of effeminate -- manly, masculine, etc etc etc -- ended up with an interconnected framework of gender and sexuality and racial politics. Nazi masculinity contained a systemic, racialized color; it was embodied according to social determinants and sexual orientation, and war was frequently the school of manhood. Violence produced gender, and in reverse, gender produced violence -- wrapped within these, the idea of male togetherness, a proximity to danger, and a sense of belonging to a conspecific community of men in the Volksgemeinschaft -- which you could think of as "people's community", "folk community", "national community", or "racial community" -- depending on the translation.
But more specifically (or perhaps more broadly, depending on how you want to look at it) I want to examine this in the context of aesthetics, as there is an aesthetic aspect to fascism that we need to talk more about, especially in its modern manifestation through the us of AI. I will briefly segue with a couple of articles re: modern fascism in the US and its link to the tech industry, and how it is manifesting with the push for AI. (Please note that this isn't a wholesale endorsement of any of these authors or websites.)
Good Night, Tech-Right: Pull the Plug on AI Fascism
You Can’t Post Your Way Out of Fascism by Janus Rose
AI: The New Aesthetics of Fascism by Gareth Watkins
Fascism and the Spectacle of Death by Ian Alan Paul
In a lot of ways AI art really feels like the culmination of fascist ideas of what art is and very utilitarian concepts of it. IMO there's something in the human/social problem with AI art (in relation to the alienation from labor) where AI art is the epitome of capitalism in that it ultimately seeks to redefine art as and create endless slop for purposes of soulless consumption rather than as a creative and enlightening process of labor which fosters connection -- which is obviously perfect for fascist ideology because it's a fundamentally dehumanizing experience focused on the aesthetic outcome. To quote Gareth Watkins (above), the absence of people in this is a feature, not a bug.
But how does masculinity fit into this? And what does this mean for the aesthetics of the alt-right and their conceptualization of masculinity?
For the tech bros and their brand of right-wing politics, do we look at Elon Musk, a serial womanizer with numerous children across many relationships who appears to firmly embody the fascistic ideal of pronatalism as a means to combat white genocide / the great replacement theory -- a concept that runs rampant in the Silicon Valley tech circles? Where Lucas Munn defines pronationalism as, “a political, ideological, or religious project to encourage childbearing by some or all members of a civil, ethnic, or national group” -- with strong ties to nationalism alongside race, class and ethnicity. Do we look at the infamous fascistic slogan, the "14 words" of white supremacy: “We must secure the existence of our people and a future for white children.”? Do we look at Mark Zuckerburg, who on the Joe Rogan podcast described the tech industry as “culturally neutered” and called for more “masculine energy” and “aggression”, and who has become significantly more muscular as the marriage between Silicon Valley and Trumpism has developed?
It is interesting to see someone like Zuckerburg delve into the concept of being emasculated, and effeminate, where his "community" is in need of more violence -- a hark back to the idea that violence produces gender, and in reverse, gender produces violence.
We see gender revanchism as a feature of AI art usage, and Watkins illustrates this with, "...much everyday AI usage demonstrates a particularly gendered form of cruelty: deepfake nudes, AI ‘girlfriends’ used as a rhetorical cudgel to show real women that they are being replaced, AI ‘art’ of Taylor Swift being sexually assaulted." It doesn't matter if these things are real, what matters is that they can be weaponized in violent forms against women. Watkins argues that it actually isn't coincidental in the slightest that the internet’s largest directory of deepfakes uses Donald Trump as a mascot.
Beyond the tech bros, what if we look at the right-leaning manosphere movement, and the influence it has had on politicians? The blogger Derek Guy of Die, Workwear! offers an interesting perspective on the aesthetics of the clothing of the far right in his Bloomberg article "The Evolution of The Alpha Male Aesthetic" alternatively known as "Why Do So Many MAGA Men Look Like Joe Rogan?" It's en excellent read, I highly recommend taking the time to read through it, but I'll reader's digest it for you:
“In the early 2000s, Raf Simons, Hedi Slimane and Thom Browne rejected the bulky, broad-shouldered shapes associated with American tycoons, action stars and Armani swagger. They put the male wardrobe through a hot wash and tumble dry: Shirts tightened, jackets shrank, and trousers contracted in every direction. In the 2012 documentary 90s Anti-Fashion, Simons said he made clothes he and his friends wanted to wear because they didn’t see themselves in the “huge, suntanned, muscled Americano” that dominated fashion imagery. Slimane, reflecting on his adolescence, remembered being bullied in high school for having a slight build. They “were attempting to make me feel I was half a man because I was lean,” he told Yahoo Style in 2015. “There was certainly something homophobic and derogative about those remarks.”
“New subcultures rebranded the look with more conventionally masculine associations. EDC (everyday carry) enthusiasts, armed with pocket knives and multitools, adopted slim-fit gear as part of a rugged preparedness ethos. Their slim tactical pants and fitted henleys weren’t about gender ambiguity; they were survivalist uniforms. The rise of athleisure for men, particularly centered on slim joggers, pushed the same silhouette in poly-stretch fabrics, forming a softer kind of masculine armor. In Silicon Valley, tech founders embraced minimalist wardrobes built around Everlane tees, trim chinos and all-white sneakers. An aesthetic once dismissed as “metro” was now emblematic of self-optimization.”
"The Tate brothers took the raw material of that worldview and repackaged it with a harder ideological edge—blending fitness and hustle culture with anti-feminist backlash, nationalist grievance and a theatrical contempt for liberal norms. Not everyone in the alpha ecosystem shares their politics, but many embrace the same visual grammar. Ashton Hall, whose cold Saratoga water face plunge became a TikTok trend, uses similar imagery. Liver King followed a comparable formula, wrapping primal excess in a veneer of ancestral wisdom. Andy Frisella, creator of 75 Hard—a boot-camp-style program that promises toughness through discipline, dieting and discomfort—delivers YouTube sermons on sculpting abs and building wealth. These men may differ in tone, but they share an ideal: masculinity is under siege, and the only way forward is to optimize, aestheticize and dominate. For them, the body is a billboard for self-mastery, and slim-fit clothing is the wrapping that proves it."
"This new wave of hypercurated masculinity is a backlash against a cultural landscape shaped by gender fluidity, body positivity and an ongoing renegotiation of gender roles. As celebrities like Harry Styles and Lil Nas X pose in dresses and blur the traditional lines between masculine and feminine, another current rushes in to reassert the old order. It pulls from earlier models: The mythic strength of Sandow, the beachside bravado of the Venice bodybuilders, the greed-soaked tailoring of 1980s finance and the tight-fitting clothes once labeled metrosexual. Today’s fixation on muscularity, discipline and traditional masculine aesthetics feels like a new chapter in that same historical cycle."
Tate, left; Rogan, right
xxx TWITTER ACCOUNT ON CLOTHES
It's interesting how we are seeing a merging of aesthetics in the tech industry, the manosphere industry, and the right-leaning political wing of the United States, where there's a politicization of tight-fighting, oft-poorly tailored clothes coupled with the fixation around ultra-buff men and an interest in Manly Man Masculinity.
There's a post I remember seeing go around fairly recently that showed a before and an after photo of a man who, in the before photo was, like, Just Some Guy; and in the after photos he was extremely ripped. A poll was put to the photos to ask women which photo they preferred, and generally the results slanted heavily in favor of the before photo. The response of the man in question, and of other men in his sphere, was that of incredulity. How could women not prefer this example of peak masculinity? The better question, truly, was: "who is this for?" If it's not for women, generally speaking, it's for other men -- who encourage each other's gains, compliment their muscles, compare reps and body fat percentages and "How much do u lift, bro?"
There's a kind of Manly Eros in this aesthetic of masculinity. To pull back from Marhoefer's article regarding “National Socialism and Inversion” -- a kind of a male-male eroticism that's supposedly spiritual rather than lustful; ~enlightened'~ as our men's health and fitness gurus are enlightened. It doesn't matter if this is actually not real, it doesn't matter if the six pack only appears when we're dehydrated, it doesn't matter if you can't "get women" because they're "not interested" in you, or what the fuck ever. What matters is the community of masculinity.
The imagery around people like Donald Trump and Elon Musk within these right-wing spheres reflects this -- plenty of images of both of these as Giga Chad Buff Alpha Males proliferate as a means to signify their domination where their physical appearance otherwise does not. It's a real disconnect between the aesthetic and the real (for lack of a better phrasing).
And then we see the kind of strong-man aesthetic in the attempted assassination of Donald Trump, where his response to being shot in the ear is to posture: he is strong, he is powerful, he is triumphant, he is manly, he is an ideal:
By Nazi standards, fine art was not propaganda (but it was totally propaganda). Its purpose was to create ideals, for eternity. This produced a call for heroic and romantic art, which reflected the ideal rather than the realistic. This was showcased for the first time in 1937 at the Great German Art exhibition. The most decisive element [of this event], wrote one critic, was "...that it is the fighting call against any problematic. There is no room for experiments here."
Warner Rittich of the Kunst und Volk wrote, "They were not an art fair with special reference to the newest, but the visual expression of the eternal -- external and internal -- values of our Folk. Created by artists of our time, as clear and truthful as the building, they are exhibited in a temple of art, not in a factory."
Dr. Hans Kiener wrote of the art of the Nazi Party showcased at this event, "But the National Socialists not only influenced the style of the works, they also made sure that the artists would choose the right subject. The Leader wants the German artist to leave his solitude and to speak to the Folk. This must start with the choice of the subject. It has to be popular and comprehensible. It has to be heroic in line with the ideals of National Socialism. It has to declare its faith in the ideal of beauty of the Nordic and racially pure human being."
Dr. Wilhelm Späl wrote, "A walk through the exhibition proved that the principles of clarity, truth, and professionalism determined the selection ..... The heroic element stands out. The worker, the farmer, the soldier are the themes ..... Heroic subjects dominate over sentimental ones ..... The experiences of the Great War, the German landscape, the German man at work, peasant life ..... The life of the State with its personalities and developments. These are the new subjects, they demand new expressions and styles ..... In accordance with the subject, the style of most of the works is clear, strong, and full of character ..... there is a whiff of greatness everywhere. Healthy, fresh, and optimistic artists are showing their work with manifold individuality. A new era of art has begun."
Paintings which were permitted included:
those that were traditionalist in manner
that exalted the "blood and soil" values of racial purity, militarism, and obedience.
that depicted the Volk at work in the fields, a return to the simple virtues of Heimat (love of homeland)
the manly virtues of the National Socialist struggle
the lauding of the female activities of child bearing and raising symbolized by the phrase Kinder, Küche, Kirche ("children, kitchen, church").
Hitler was styled as a heroic figure. The warriors of Germany's past were styled as heroic figures. The mythic - even the mythic of the every day people - was idealized. You can, perhaps, see the elements of these sorts of ideals in the neo-Nazi, neo-fascist movement of the 21st century, the idealism of heroism and the revanchism of culture and gender and the idolization of a strong man. If you'll forgive the comparison, modern figures like Donald Trump and Elon Musk are generated in a superman costume and not as Lex Luther for a reason.
ANYWAY. The point, here, finally, is that was constitutes a "hero" is an entirely subjective concept -- no liberal or left-liberal, for example, is going to conceptualize someone like Adolf Hitler or Donald Trump as heroic figures.
It's interesting, then, that Rook is supposed to be a hero, and specifically a hero that, as the author of the inciting article purports, fights fascists and fascism in some capacity. If we recall the verbiage of the bylines the game had, in 2020 the BioWare website described Rook as:
Enter Thedas, a vibrant world of rugged wilderness, treacherous labyrinths, and glittering cities. The Dragon Age is a time of warring nations, savage combat, and secret magics. Now, the fate of this world teeters on a knife's edge. Thedas needs a new hero; one they'll never see coming. Forge a courageous fellowship to challenge the gathering storm. Friendship, drama, and romance abound as you bring striking individuals together into an extraordinary team. Become the hero and light the beacon of hope in their darkest moments.
It was later changed to, at least as of Dragon Age Day 2023:
Enter the world of Thedas, a vibrant land of rugged wilderness, treacherous labyrinths, and glittering cities – steeped in savage combat and secret magics. Now, the fate of this world teeters on a knife's edge. Thedas needs a new leader; one they'll never see coming. You’ll forge a courageous fellowship to challenge the gathering storm. Friendship, drama, and romance will abound as you bring striking individuals together into an extraordinary team. Become the leader and light the beacon of hope in their darkest moments.
Okay, fine, this dovetails well with the actual presentation of the game, which is that Rook comes into the story already "a hero" -- that is, someone who makes hard choices and saves people and kicks ass and take names and etc etc etc, well before we ever chase Solas down to his ritual site in Arlathan. The author of the inciting article "This Game Kills Fascists" has also cottoned onto this fact, and explains it to us firstly by extolling the many choices of character we have for Rook, the hero:
"...their real name is up to you. Also up to you: your look, your background, your race, your sex, your gender identity, your pronouns.** You choose whether you shoot or stab or zap. And once your character is out in the world, there are additional roleplay options that come up through dialogue in the game—not gameplay choices, but dialogue about your background, attitudes, and beliefs—and I really liked these “yes, and” improv opportunities to give my Rooks more texture and independent character."
Okay, fine x2, although we'll note with some irony that the author revealed that they have only played three characters, all of them elves. She then goes on to explain the nature of Rook's, shall we say, uniqueness as a hero.
"What you don’t choose is whether you are a hero. In past games, the player’s goodness was measured by the player’s choices, not their adversaries’. Which is to say you aren’t good just because you’re fighting bad things."
"But Rook, whoever they are and wherever they come from, is a hero. Not a reluctant hero, not an asshole who does heroic stuff for petty pragmatism, not a person with heroism thrust upon them. At the game’s start, Rook has already earned their place in the big events following the climax of Dragon Age: Inquisition."
"And contrasting with previous games, some can find Rook’s hardcoded virtue a constraint or even an unacceptable loss, particularly when so much of the previous games was painted in blood and moral gray. The shine of Rook’s halo might well make you squint if you’re so devoted to the gloom."
What, prithee, is the distinction here, actually? She never really explains it beyond "asshole" behavior or "pragmatism," the latter of which realistically isn't even true because Rook is forced to be pragmatic by the narrative -- "whatever it takes," after all. As far as I can tell, it appears that Rook has the following defining features as a hero:
They come into the story a hero. Their goodness, their morality, is measured by their adversaries rather than the choices of the player. And since they are fighting bad guys, they are a good guy. They end the story a hero. Their morality is absolute.
I would actually argue that the author is incorrect in that Rook doesn't have heroism thrust upon them -- they very explicitly are put in a situation where their leader, Varric, is out of commission and Rook is expected to step up. Varric died and the vibe was, "You're in charge now, kid, good luck." If we ignore that the acts of heroism prior to the start of the game are basically a non-factor to Rook's characterization and story, we can still at least allow room for its existence, with the idea was that when Rook had circumstances thrust upon them that required they step up, it was natural for them to just slide into more heroism.
What I find particularly problematic about this is that it undermines a key component of storywriting for protagonists in that protagonists are supposed to change, they're supposed to undergo a moral journey. If your starting premise is that the character is Heroic, and you want a character that changes, you can't just make them Heroic Squared. By and large that's that's a boring premise all on its own, and bad writing if that's all that it is. In this kind of storytelling framework, Rook really would have needed to do something unheroic in order to transform their personal narrative. Which. I would personally argue they ultimately DID do unheroic things, but the game tries very hard to tell us that it was a moral victory anyway because the framework of the game and the meta the writers give us insists on Rook being Heroic™️. Which makes for a really unsatisfying protagonist.
The author also seems to be confused about what grey morality looks like in a story, as she hits us with these:
"There is a buffet of moral gray being served with seconds in Veilguard, primarily by the character everyone expected to be its Big Bad Wolf."
"Whether you personally believe Solas is right actually, can change course, or must be put down like a dog is up to you. Rook cannot entertain the first idea, much as the Inquisitor couldn’t, because the cost in lives will be unimaginable. Yet the game will insist that you grapple with the destructive price of Solas’s pure motives all the way to the end. And to do that conflict real justice, Solas needs a hero as strong-willed and as sure as he is to be his adversary."
"Unlike Solas, who rationalizes a greater good, these gods are purely malevolent enslavers. They, too, want to turn the clock back, but to the days of their unlimited rule before Solas overthrew them. Not much ambiguity there, but good contrast. Solas is sidelined by events, relegated to advising Rook as they seek to defeat two sadistic gods and their Super PAC of bad guys rising across the nations of northern Thedas. But you’re not only fighting the gods and their allies, all of whom are explicitly fascist."
(sidenote: Super PAC of bad guys takes me out every time I read it; where's the Squidward pointing meme that says LIB! on it when you need it?)
I would actually love to play the game that Angela apparently thinks we played, where we "grapple with the destructive price of Solas's pure moves all the way to the end" but this is just straight up not something that happens. I saw another user write that "...Rook's characterization begins and ends with "Stop Solas". The other elven gods, the blight, the archdemons, the antaam, the venatori, all serve the larger goal to "Stop Solas.' They are fundamentally incidental the The Actual Goal of The Game. At no point do we actually pivot from "Solas is wrong" to "maybe other things are worse"" -- and I agree with this. There's a fundamental lack of any real hesitation on Rook's part, that maybe Solas might not be wrong, that maybe what they're doing -- being the hero -- might not actually be the right thing. Where's the dissonance? Where's the crunch? Where's the transformative storytelling that actually has something to say about its protagonist and their role in both the story and the storyworld?
It's just not there. What we get instead is a very straightforward good vs evil story, with the conceit that everything Rook does is heroic.
If you've talked to me at all, you've likely seen me talka bout the Game Maker's Toolkit video on "Commanding Shepard" -- discussing the construction of Shepard as a Hero and how the framework of Shepard as a protagonist and the Mass Effect trilogy as a storyworld both fundamentally frame everything Shepard does (even war crimes, even murder, even abject cruelty, even genocide) as Heroic -- where the games ask us to consider the morality of a story framing like this (somewhat tacitly, with the Paragon and Renegade system) and at times more implicitly or overtly through the characters that Shepard encounters throughout the story, who embody different viewpoints and moralizations and challenge not only Shepard but also many of the base assumptions or constructions of right vs wrong that dominate the galaxy.
It's a good video. I highly recommend you give it a watch if you have some time to do so.
I also think that this modality for Rook as a character, while attempting to mirror what made Shepard successful, falls flat because unlike Shepard, Rook (and through Rook the Player) is never challenged or asked to consider the morality of what they're doing and what their end goals are. As the author puts it: there's no real ambiguity.
Another thing that really rankles about this is the idea that choosing to be a hero is somehow morally superior to being a reluctant hero or a morally grey hero -- as if the reluctant hero isn't one of the most celebrated character archetypes across many, many genres. Our first protagonist, the Warden, earns another title at the end of Dragon Age: Origins. The HERO of Ferelden. I really question the direction of the writing team and their conceptualization of a hero. See the following question from a BlueSky user about whether or not blood magic as a specialization would come back, and Veilguard Lead Writer Trick Weekes' response:
"key to a lot of nasty stuff we arent interested in having heroes do"
Tell me you have lost the plot of Dragon Age without telling me you've lost the plot of Dragon Age. You can literally save the entirety of Ferelden -- the world of Thedas, really -- as a blood mage in Dragon Age: Origins. Does this somehow make the Hero of Ferelden any less of a hero? Or the Champion of Kirkwall, who can be a blood mage? And what does that say about the Grey Wardens, one of the most morally grey (...lol) factions in the series that literally utilizes a form of blood magic during the joining ritual for all Heroes of Ferelden and all Wardens of All Time. Alistair, Garahel and Isseya, Davrin -- none of them are heroes now, because they did literal blood magic done to save all the peoples of Thedas? What about the mages who utilize lyrium -- the blood of the titans? Are all mages of all the games and all of history precluded from ever being a hero?
No, of course not. We play three heroes in the previous three games, inherently, because that's the framework fo the narratives we're presented -- all with different circumstances and different questions on what makes a hero, a hero.
What's outrageous on Angela's part is that she's somehow trying to argue that Rook stands apart from our previous three heroes as a Moral Absolute of True Heroism (or something?) and somehow this makes Rook the kind of protagonist in the kind of story that kills fascists. Never mind that it's not even remotely controversial to say that the modern literary modality of the traditional morally white hero vs. the morally black villain is exactly the type of mythologizing stories that were used as propagandist tools of fascism. This is... widely accepted. It's not a good argument on its face, and it's especially a poor argument when there's no actual supporting argumentation to fill out the body of the thesis.
What's also outrageous about the fact that she's been able to draw this kind of conclusion, albeit with little to no grasp of what she's actually arguing for, is that we are never as players permitted to interrogate the text, and our player characters are never permitted to interrogate the storyworld. Rook is a Hero, therefore everything they do is Heroic, and this fits within a very bad guys = bad and good guys = good dichotomy that is at odds with the fundamental conceit of the storyworld of Thedas that was established in Origins and carried through DA2 and DAI -- how does history construct and deconstructs its heroes and its villains through propaganda?
I've written a good deal about subjects related to this already, so I'll just throw some links at you to save space:
The Second Sin (in Defense of Corypheus as a villain)
Why the Evanuris Are Weak Villains in DATV
The Importance of Literacy and what Escapism Means
I will also once again link to Mythalism's essay:
on the ways Dragon Age as a series prompted us as players to engage with the politics and ethics of the storyworld
The thing about being heroic is that it's not an immutable character trait. One is not born a hero, or awarded the title of hero. One must act to become a hero. If Rook is a hero, we must ask ourselves, "why," and the story must tell us how and why Rook is a hero -- what is the praxis of their actions? In the absence of an actual dialogue between the player and the character and the storyworld, being being a Hero™️ becomes a form of identity politics.
As Mythalism put it, the #1 most embarrassing and distasteful thing about the game DATV is that developers fell into the ideological trap the entire series was set out to deconstruct (regarding what makes one a hero and the idea of moral absolutism), and they seem to be unaware of this. The game itself appears to come to the table with a blind faith in the audience intuitively understanding good people versus evil people, with no interrogation of what that actually means in the storyworld as established or how that can be misused -- both narratively and in the real world.
I wrote several months ago in the Literacy and Escapism essay that I think we should be very careful to embrace media like [DATV], because how we engage with media does not exist in a vacuum - it isn't merely just entertainment. Mythalism articulated in a similar vein that what makes something like Veilguard dangerous is that, if you are telling stories about heroes and villains and don’t actually have an objective metric for what makes a person a hero or any critical thinking about how those kinds of narratives have been construed in the past, you run the very real risk of engaging in the same same sort of black and white rhetoric used in, say, military propaganda movies, or fascistic mythic films.
And again, this is how we get a story that is wildly racist and still somehow being upheld as hopeful.
"Or how beliefs are often flawed, but no one’s rights are negotiable."
except the elves' rights, i guess. or the spirits' rights, i suppose. or mage rights.
"Or how no one is free until everyone is free"
except the elves... or the spirits...
And corny as it may seem, knowing that this story is out there right now gives me hope for our world, too.
You're right, Angela. It is corny. And you know what? You ever actually explain how the fuck the Heroes of the Veilguard and their game "kill fascists." If you are going to mobilize the concept of a protagonist being a hero to make them antifascist, you have to explain the framework you are operating within. Like the developers and the assumptions they put into their dyadic of good vs evil, as an author you are making the assumption that the the readers will understand what you mean by your dyadic of hero vs fascist, nevermind that you don't explain a damn thing and you've built your essay on top of the sand pit that is DATV's framework. You can't just say that the hero = good because their villains = bad = fascist.
[taps the mic, steps real close to it] Hello? Is this thing on? TT-TT
Who actually thought we’d be getting a part four of this essay? I sure didn’t, but here we are. We’ve gotten a lot of information this past summer that has really solidified a lot of the neoliberalism hopecore (but really, copium) inherent to the game, and if you’re reading this and are unaware of the panels Trick Weekes did for the Digital Foundry, well… lucky you, I suppose. And I’m sorry in advance: it will come up later. I need to unpack some more stuff and probably rehash a few things from above (I will try to be brief!) to get to the part I really want to talk about, but this will probably still be long, so buckle up. As always, I owe much to all of the wonderful people who have collaborated in various spaces with myself and others to interrogate what we have been looking at, and you can consider them co-authors of this essay.
And as a general note: because this is fucking long (52 pages in the document I am working in) I am breaking it up to part 4 and part 5. If you want the whole thing, wait to reblog until I get part 5 up.
There are several video essays pulled together by Ben Hoerman that I am linking to for this part 4 entry, which I do recommend watching, but if you’d rather read (and I know many would), don’t worry about it, I’ll sum up a lot of it going forward.
The Aesthetics of Fascism
The New Aesthetics of Fascism
The Aesthetics of Anti-Fascism
Bonus: Enter The Manosphere
The first video is stuff I’ve already largely talked about in previous entries, and has a fantastic opener of, “Fascists used to have style.” It’s all downhill from there, baby. It’s a great, if brief, examination of a wide gamut of the visuals of what we’ll for the purposes of this essay call era of classical fascism. He also includes an important throughline: “Fascism does not equal fascism.” More on that later.
The Trojan Horse of Fascism
Trojan Horse • noun
1 : someone or something intended to defeat or subvert from within usually by deceptive means
2 : a seemingly useful computer program that contains concealed instructions which when activated perform an illicit or malicious action (such as destroying data files)
Hoerman talks about the goal of dehumanization as inherent to fascist goals; can can probably further clarify this with a discussion of fascist politics as an extension of hierarchy where social purification necessitates an Otherization, which means inherently dehumanizing the Other. The question we must ask then is: how do you convince people to give up their freedom, their autonomy? By glorifying it. By tapping into populist aesthetics and populist politics, co-opting them for your own imagery, and utilizing them to craft a victimhood narrative that promotes hierarchies and encourages the people you are attempting to mobilize to opt into as part of your special in-group in order to generate a sense of belonging or community. The importance of mythmaking in fascism cannot be overstated.
“...fascist victimhood drives away from material conditions to a narrative that's mostly based on emotions, scapegoats, myths, and conspiracies. Every cult needs enemies to sustain the constant feeling of victimhood and revolutionary progress. Defining in-groups and out-groups is crucial in every fascist ideology. Otherwise, the illusion of righteousness and progress would fall apart. Everyone is out to get you to destroy the beautiful thing you are being part of. To destroy your cause, to destroy your leader, to destroy what you love, your country, your culture, your identity, and your life. There's always one conspiracy after another.”
One thing that I wanted to tack onto this was some information on the mythmaking of nation states, which I did write a bit earlier but wanted to add a little more onto. I am based in the US and this game is a US/CAN game, so I will link to some historians who write about American mythmaking, but it’s a phenomena that’s certainly not unique to the US.
Article: In Need of a New Myth by Eric Foner (4 July 2024)
Video: Richard Slotkin on American Myths — Conversations: Truth, Myth & Democracy (Mark Twain Library, 30 Oct 2024)
It’s really interesting that fascism simultaneously promises revolutionary change while also evoking some version of The Good Old Days; a nostalgia for the past is thematically weaponized. This is of course part of mythmaking, and it’s a big part of what Slotkin writes about. Whether or not these nostalgic things actually were like how they are touted is beside the point – it’s about the vibes, the aura of it all, the ideal. The development of these nostalgia-bait aesthetics are also intended to promote hierarchies fulfill people being appealed to as part of the in-group: a good example of this is the fitness subculture, which I wrote about earlier. Hyper masculinity → patriarchy → signal dominance → taps into nationalist aesthetics → conveys superiority → interplay of an abstraction of the Volk and yourself.
The second video deals with a more modern era of fascism, which I also wrote about previously and which I will call neo-fascism for this portion of the essay (and if this contradicts something I wrote in a previous essay, that’s my bad; I wrote that months ago so it’s possible I am not being completely consistent with my terminology.) Fascism does not equal fascism – because what popular culture looks like and what informs populist politics of today are not the same as the classical fascist era. What remains, however, is the mechanism of the aestheticization of politics, which in the modern era facilitates the presence of “friendly fascism.”
The aestheticization of politics, in brief, is the spectacle which mobilizes and allows the masses to express themselves and their desire for a different society but which does not affect the relations of property structure and ownership. When you want expression without effect, you get aesthetics. Drain the swamp – but we will not actually do this. Release the Epstein files – but we will not actually do this. Social media is a perfect breeding ground for this phenomena, as it platforms anyone and everyone and can be monetized and algorithmized and therefore manipulated by the powerful elite, lending the impression of action without the effect. This concept is pulled from Walter Benjamin’s 1935 essay “The Work of Art in the Age of Its Mechanical Reproduction.” Benjamin was primarily concerns about the aesthetics as related to artwork, and to quote Alexander Stern’s summary of this concern:
“Benjamin’s essay deals provocatively with a shift he locates in the very concept of art when media like film and photography came on the scene, and as the techniques of modern reproduction got hold of the old art. Technology rends art from the elevated, quasi-religious domain occupied by the masterworks of painting and music, which were imbued with a certain “aura” or authenticity. With mass reproduction these are brought into the grasp of the masses—a new audience that floods into the marketplace and begins to erode the aristocratic stratification of culture and aesthetic elitism.
No longer do artworks occupy a withdrawn sphere, Benjamin argues; no longer are they to be contemplated with detachment by a hushed, pious, and privileged audience; no longer do they gleam with originality and uniqueness. Instead, they seek out their audience, integrating themselves into our experience and asking little of us in the way of attention or effort. Art goes from an object of veneration to a print on a coffee mug, a video we watch on the toilet, a narcotic beat injected into our heads while we try to endure the miracle of air travel.
[…]
But with the decay of aura, Benjamin writes, “the whole social function of art is revolutionized. Instead of being founded on ritual, it is based on a different practice: politics.” This doesn’t mean that all art has political content, but rather that its significance lies not in its past—its moment of creation, its ownership, authenticity, the tradition to which it belongs—but in its future—the impact it has on people, how it gets incorporated into their lives, how it spreads, and the mass movements to which it contributes.
It thus makes possible and accelerates the intertwining of culture and politics that characterizes our society. The new art is readily available, easily assimilated, profane, disposable. It is more akin to what we now call “media.” No longer capable of taking our breath away, it is instead the very air we breathe.”
If this sounds familiar, it should: I talked about something very similar to this concept in an earlier part of this essay with the way art has been commodified into “content” to be “consumed” – the logical conclusion of which has manifested in the way so many people internalize and externalize their media consumption habits as political praxis.
Put another way, this is media consumption as activism and identity; and it is identity politics as praxis: I am a good person, and I like and read and watch and play good things, therefore this thing I like/read/watched/played is good.
Hoerman’s second video on The New Aesthetics of Fascism cover many of the same concepts I already talked about, again, in brief – and he draws especial attention to the connection between the futurism of tech bros and the glorification of war through their deep ties to the military industrial complex. This glorification of military dominance is tied with the glorification of power, progress, and masculinity – and of the aestheticization of these concepts. Hoerman also makes an effort to emphasize the vaunting of a specific kind of utopia of the future – the attempt to sell a cyberpunk future with a more optimistic and less dystopian appearance, such as that of solarpunk. Think: Israel’s plan to turn Gaza into the next Dubai – a solarpunk utopia following an ethnic cleansing.
The caption describes this image as a CGI Image, but in reality, it is an AI generated image using a generative large language model (LLM).
The article itself is interesting, and I’ll extract a particular quote:
“As outlined in the trade publication The Architect’s Newspaper, the plan envisions postwar Gaza as a tabula rasa, purged of residents, on which Netanyahu can realize a cartoonish, convoluted vision of fossil fuel extraction (an estimated 1.7 billion barrels of oil sit in the Strip’s coastal area), preemptive greenwashing (there’s talk of “electric car manufacturing cities”), and total fealty to the technology and real estate industries to shape the land. The proposal was accompanied by AI-generated images showing hyper-modern skyscrapers, offshore oil rigs, solar energy fields, and other details that evoke a generic technocratic vision of urban progress.”
Progress! Momentum! Visionary futures! Environmentally conscious industry! The preservation of property structure and ownership and the ruling elite’s ability to enact control and extract resources! This is, again, a Trojan horse – an illusion of a beautiful image that’s worth aspiring to and fighting for, which is inherently designed to sell what should be a bitter pill.
The thing about the aestheticization of politics is that, again, when you want expression without effect, you get aesthetics. It’s like empty calories, if empty calories wanted to (among other possible acts) commit genocide. This includes the aesthetics of social change that will never come (Eliminate the so-called Deep State.) This includes the aesthetics of nostalgia (Make America Great Again.) And this includes the aesthetics of community and belonging that rely on Otherizing and therefore dehumanization – things like the incel community, the Manosphere community, the AI (really, generative LLM) Positive community, I would argue the TERF networks, and etc. A lot of fascist groups and recruiting events cultivate a sense of belonging in the face of ever-exacerbating alienation, but nevertheless the communities and sense of belonging that form from engaging with these specific forms of dehumanization ultimately becomes alienated themselves because they are mediated through impersonal means in this era of capitalism. This is a feature, not a bug.
I’ve already talked about the Manosphere previously so I won’t delve too much into it here, but as a reminder, this is a deeply insecure and irony-poisoned social media zeitgeist which doesn’t even adhere to its own ideals. Its existence within the current social media climate dovetails with both the broader conservative retrograde and the current transitional period of pop culture and media, which straddles the line between a postmodernist irony-poisoned exhaustion and a desire to return to authentic, sincere narratives – either through a synthesis which gives us metamodernist narratives, or a regressive, retrograde modernist narrative.
Hoerman observes that Gamergate overlaps heavily with the Manosphere – Gamers with the gymbros and fitness influencers. There’s a strain of Gamers who just want to keep “politics” out of their games – which is itself a political stance, and vague enough. But fascists know exactly what they’re doing when they’re trying to tap into these disaffected male Gamer communities who feel disenfranchised by what was supposed to be their male refugia, their last safe manly space that protects them from being feminized, where real men could still be men.
And this of course dovetails with intense memefication and the heavy use of AI. For example, think about Elon Musk and how he named his cryptocurrency DOGE coin, and later he was given free rein by the Trump administration to use the Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) to gut US government at every level and access all sorts of private, protected information that is now no longer at least nominally protected from private capitalists. And who could forget that Musk paid actual gamers to play on his account for him in order to give him that sweet, sweet, Gamer cred. Quoth Elon Musk: “I am become meme.” It’s also certainly not a coincidence that Donald Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner, is involved in the big EA leveraged buyout that is looming on the horizon.
If we are people who occupy gaming spaces, and we are people of a political consciousness, we cannot ignore this. In recent history, the response of US government officials with regard to the inscriptions on the bullets of the Orem, Utah shooting really highlighted to me a critical disconnect between people who are involved in online culture and people who are not. Anyone with a passing understanding of the online language of internet spaces recognized the phrases etched immediately and could contextualize them -- and meanwhile we had police and politicians who were so perplexed and mystified by them. Calling something like "Owo what's this" a niche meme when it is proliferated across numerous platforms and has a "know your meme" entry is just bonkers.
There's a lot of stuff you can say about the internet, and I'm not going to delve into that, but one thing that is noteworthy is that while internet culture obviously isn't a monolith in terms of ideology, it does have a shared language. I found it incredibly bizarre that there was this whole class of people who positioned themselves as literal news and politics experts who were completely oblivious to all these connotations that were immediately apparent to huge groups of people who spend time online. But because it’s happening online, they can discount it as niche and unimportant, when clearly it isn’t unimportant because it keeps getting people literally killed.
Quoth Ben Hoerman, with a good deal of frustration and also incredulity: “Try explaining to someone who’s not online all the time that a fucking frog or wojack could be a Nazi symbol. They understandably think I’ve lost my damn mind.”
But I think even people who are online a lot are sometimes able to exist in bubbles where they aren’t aware of these things, and this is something that actually informs their ability to parse the politics of the games they engage with and the politics of what is happening in the fandom spaces they navigate. Obviously, not everyone who plays video games is a Nazi. Not everyone who participates in memefication or the use of frog or wojack memes are fascists. Nor is everyone who likes anime (more on this soon) a fascist: fascism is supposed to be appealing, and it’s intentional in co-opting popular culture to make itself appealing. I myself use some versions of these memes from time to time, because they are part of the shared Internet language, and I think Fullmetal Alchemist might be one of the best pieces of media ever made, period (shout out to user Mythalism who I know would enjoy this take if she were still hanging out on Tumblr xoxo.) But what I am saying is that we should be aware that this is A Thing. It’s especially a thing that is relevant to a studio like BioWare, which has been historically targeted as part of the culture war – as far back as Mass Effect 1 in 2007 and Dragon Age: Origins in 2009.
User Dalishious was kind enough to collect a number of headlines that hark exactly to this:
This targeted and pointed Gamer response to the incursion of women / SJWs / gays / etc saw Jennifer Hepler receive death threats (including threats to behead her children) to the point that she was forced to completely move her entire family. Andromeda was memed to hell during the height of GamerGate (to the point that even after quite a few QOL bug fixes “My face is tired” as a meme has retained its staying power) and Dragon Age: The Veilguard has received a segment of criticism from the so-called tourists or grifters crowd who pan the game for being Woke. Why can’t we just return to the olden days of BioWare, the classic era, when games were games and men were men and--
--insert a big, long suffering sigh here. I’m not going to spend much time talking about that particular phenomenon. You should have enough information here to understand why it’s janky as hell. But if you want to watch another video, I do recommend Innuendo Studios’ video on Gamergate, which he titles “GamerGate: Endnote 5: A Case Study in Digital Radicalism (UC Merced Talk).” (I generally like his series on The Alt-Right Playbook, too.)
As I mentioned earlier, Hoerman also talks about anime, and how anime is proliferated into some fascist circles – specifically moe anime girls which are cute, innocent, mostly underaged, and sometimes sexualized – who also happen to frequenly do extremely deranged, fucked up shit and are often depicted with military imagery. The anime Girls und Panzer is a good example of the appeal to this specific demographic. This is a form of whitewashing of fascism that makes it friendly – that afore-mentioned friendly fascism, because goosestepping in the streets with swastikas and Nazi flags hasn’t been working. It makes fascism more accessible, it makes fascism more palatable, and it’s all about the straddling the line between the patriarchal aesthetics of beauty and the fetishization of violence, where war is beautiful.
If you’ve watched any amount of anime (and I’ve watched… so much of it, by proximity, because my spouse enjoys it), you’ll probably be aware of the fact that a lot of it is at its most charitable, unoriginal – I would term it slop, myself. Yet Another Isekai. Yet another cheaply-made anime with generic, formulaic tropes and hardly-there writing shoved out the door as quickly as possible to make as quick a return as possible. And I don’t think it’s a coincidence that we’re seeing that within a wider global rise of formulaic mass produced media and now in the last half decade a dramatic uptick of the use of generative LLMs.
As I’ve said before, these LLMs used to generate images and video footage are effectively the pinnacle of fascist goals of dehumanization – there’s no originality, no creativity, it’s appropriative and exploitative, it’s hierarchical – it’s hostile. Hoerman called Nazi art of the classical fascist era “soulless and empty” and this manages to pull forward to the modern era. It’s art that is safe, it’s art that does not push the envelope, it’s art that lacks any kind of avant-garde aesthetic thrust.
Remember Walter Benjamin, who I quoted earlier? He essentially wrote that the artifice of mass culture voids the artistic value (that is, the aura) of a work of art, and that the capitalist culture industry (publishing and music, radio and cinema, etc.) continually produces artificial culture for mass consumption, which is facilitated by mechanically produced art-products of mediocre quality displacing art of quality workmanship; thus, the profitability of art-as-commodity determines its artistic value. In a word: slop. These LLMs are a logical continuation of this trajectory.
Another writer, Guy Debord, wrote in 1967 The Society of the Spectacle, where he observed that neo-liberal capitalism would co-opt avant-garde art into a commodity at all levels: financially, commercially, and economically – and therefore politically. And he was right, really – we have a culture of mass produced media in the form of video games which prefers profit to cultural change and political progress: where art and making art is subsumed and packaged in order to worship at the almighty altar of corporate profit and shareholder value, although for EA it appears that shareholders will soon be a thing of its past once it transitions to private ownership, resulting in an increased concentration of the elite and powerful who control the production of mass media.
User Mythalism wrote an essay in around May 2024 about the presence of revolutionary politics and more specifically the depiction of revolution in modern media, to serve as a counterweight to the claims that BioWare was never going to write a story about revolution because their super duper evil corporate EA overlords wouldn’t let them. Specific examples include: The Hunger Games; Star Wars; Fullmetal Alchemist. Star Wars in particular is such a wild addition to this list, and there’s something to be said about the idea that if you are being outrevolutionaried narratively by fucking DISNEY of all megacorps, there’s something insane about that.
The girlies (gender neutral) in one of the group chats I’m in were discussing the way BioWare played it “safe” with their “art” and the way identity politics and cancel culture have also extended to both a sense of “write what you know” (hello, John Epler and Trick Weekes) but also to this sense of “do not speak over people” (for example: if are not Jewish, do not speak about Jewish experiences) that has been amplified and regimented into this good-bad dichotomy within the larger sphere of identity politics as morality, where the ability to distinguish between the amplification of voices and the talking over of voices is obfuscated and the political inclination is to be protective of one’s goodness and avoid doing the wrong thing.
There’s an old quote that comes to mind here: “Scratch a liberal and a fascist bleeds.”
This isn’t to say that all liberals are secretly fascists in disguise (although some may well be.) Rather, it is an indictment of the veneer of liberal democratic politics, where beneath their superficiality lies an authoritarian impulse that is quick to emerge when the so-called liberal order and its interests are threatened. This is especially apparent when the liberal order is threatened by calls for systemic change (by, say, something like landback. Hello, white neoliberal Canadian landback anxities.)
This quote is also intended to communicate that liberalism and its inherent investiture in centrist politics and the sacrosanct status quo isn't a political ideology is that in any way meaningfully opposed to fascism and that in fact it ultimately actually leads to and is supportive of fascism. If nothing else, opens the door for fascists to get their foot within.
Dragon Age: The Veilguard is a centrist story with centrist politics. Nothing fundamentally changes, the status quo is upheld, revolution is done via reform that does not fundamentally change the hierarchies of power in place, and it’s better if we just resign ourselves to this so that people can eat their Soylent Green <3 yay <3
In this context, I think there is something else that really needs to be said about revolutionary narratives as pertains to Dragon Age as a story – and really more broadly in storytelling spaces writ large – which is that if you don't attempt them, and you don't attempt to imagine a better future, that desire for revolutionary politics will be co-opted by someone far more opportunistic and with far less equitable goals. Really: if you are a do-nothing, that particular space will be occupied by these kinds of people.
Not to once again flog my own previous posts, but I’m going to link my post on The Nature of Escapism again. As always, I keep coming back to Le Guin’s quote:
"The moneylenders, the knownothings, the authoritarians have us all in prison; if we value the freedom of the mind and soul, if we’re partisans of liberty, then it’s our plain duty to escape, and to take as many people with us as we can.”
- Ursula K. Le Guin, The Language of the Night: Essays on Fantasy and Science Fiction
If you do not at least try then you will not be making any effort to leave the prison you are trapped in. Politics is not a thing you passively experience – it is not the “wish upon a star, hope it happens without me having to actually do anything” – in the most basic of concepts, it is the praxis, the action, the practice, of the exercise of your politics that enacts change. How can you hope to change anything if you do not try? If you do not have the courage to perhaps do Wrong, and learn, and grow, and keep trying? A botched revolutionary narrative can be harmful, yes, this is true. But I don’t think it will ever be as harmful as looking the people suffering in the eye and saying “don’t try it, I want to keep buying bread.”
When interviewed, Hajo Meyer, a Holocaust survivor who spent nearly a year in the Auschwitz Concentration Camp, also spoke of the nature of dehumanization in the context of Israel’s genocide of Gaza and the Palestinian people:
“I saw in Auschwitz that if a dominant group wants to dehumanize others – so as the Nazis wanted to dehumanize me – these dominant groups must first be dehumanized in a way themselves, by diminishing their empathy due to propaganda and indoctrination. I am appalled at how hateful, how dehumanized, that they do not see any human aspect in any Palestinian anymore. It’s terrible. The Zionists have not any right whatsoever to use the Holocaust for any purpose. And if you are Jewish, you could be again be seen as a parasite that conspires against your people.”
If one can only truly speak about a specific topic or concept if they are exactly the right person with the perfect identity vortex, then the pool of Valid Commentators will return with increasingly smaller numbers. In the case of the genocide of the Palestinians, we see a tightening criterion of who ‘counts’ as Jewish, and who is a race traitor, and who is authorized to speak on behalf of Jewry. The in-group by necessity must become smaller in order to consolidate authority in the “right hands.” This is not to say that on the inverse ‘all opinions are valid,’ but rather, it is okay for people to have wrong opinions, and to be able to have a dialogue about it. This is where neoliberal civility politics comes into play, to do its best to ensure that we are not having these kinds of dialogues and that we are not pushing for social change that comes at the expense of the status quo.
The thing is, this kind of politicized art aka slop reproduces and reinforces the norms and national myths of the society it is being developed for, and it serves to enshrine the hierarchies already in place. If we quote Gareth Watkins: “The right wing aesthetic project is to flood the zone with bullshit in order to erode the intellectual foundation for resisting political cruelty.”
“Historical events, fascist ideologies, even war crimes or genocidal fantasies are being transformed into superficial aestheticized content. Everything is made beautiful. The obscene is being normalized. Everything becomes Tumblr core slop.”
-Ben Hoerman, The New Aesthetics of Fascism
The thing about friendly fascism and its ability to integrate is that the so-called “culture war” it has weaponized is not simply just a reactionary rhetorical response to things people have anxieties over: it is a structural tool of governance that mobilizes anxieties that usually are already extant and additionally manufactures moral panics over them. The idea that Big Science and Big Government are doing heinous biochemical shit to your kids to fuck them up is actually historically very much a founded anxiety, for example! Western medical science refusing to contend with the eugenics and racism baked into much of its foundation and pathologization is also a real problem, where people have been dismissed and hurt and killed because of this! These anxieties are very much valid.
The problem is that that these institutions are built around the concept of liberal democratic ideals, and there is a real failure to systemically interrogate how they fail people every day. And if liberalism is not taking these problems seriously, if people are sick and dying and feeling unheard and disaffected and disenfranchised, it creates a breeding ground environment where populists can take advantage of this, where literally anything that promises to do something (anything!) to shake the status quo for the victimhood in-group looks and feels revolutionary; which is how we see the rise of anti-vaxxers, science denialism, tylenol and circumcisions give your children autism, giant Jewish space lasers cause wildfires, ritual baby-eating in pizza parlor basements, etc.
The use of spin to confirm biases and make people feel heard and included doesn’t need specific details to ever be expounded upon, and it doesn’t need to make sense. All this mythmaking ultimately needs is the right vibes and the right aura to form the emotional bedrock of this alliance: nevermind that emotions are inherently very changeable and it will never be a stable bedrock. It just has to last long enough to jump to the next thing.
Relatedly, if you haven’t watched JasperDasper’s video on the way the pathologization of trans people is an insidious, eugenicist, and frankly racist political axis, I highly recommend giving his deep dive a watch.
Woke virtue signaling is used to promote supposed inclusivity and allyship by corporations as a way to obscure their inherently dehumanizing nature (Corporations are people!), where liberalism inherently does nothing about the fact that this facilitates the brand of fascism that comes with, as Hoerman puts it, a corporate memeable ironic wink.
This is, in fact, exactly how Dragon Age: The Veilguard managed to be marketed and received as the wokest, queerest, most trans-friendly Dragon Age game ever, a laurel which largely dominates the tone and form around the game in the culture war discourse while allowing liberal enjoyers of the game to ignore how antirevolutionary the politics of the game actually are and how racist (specifically, anti-indigenous and Islamophobic) the game is.
This Game Kills Facism!
Unrelated and real talk on a question that I think anyone who considers themselves a partisan of liberty should be asking themselves: are you okay with the way this game dehumanizes entire groups of people?
Liberals get so hung up on the way that anything (but specifically creative expression) that challenges right-wing ideals or conservative social values is labeled woke, DEI, a neo-Marxist, a communist, a beta sheep, a fat feminist, blue hair and pronounces, a Social Justice Warrior, etc etc etc that they fail to see the forest for the trees, they fail to look beyond the optics and see how policy builds on itself. Democrats in the US expanding apparatuses of repression while normalizing and executing authoritarianism apparently has nothing to do with the present moment, because it was gay <3 yay <3 The perpetual budget expansion for ICE and impunity in how they operate and the concentration camp infrastructure under every administration results in a shocked Pikachu when a fascist mobilizes them into the gestapo. The liberal equation of all criticism of Israel with anti-semitism, the broad strokes condemnation of student protesters and universities, the facilitation of diplomatic/political/economic support for Israel, the spread of propaganda which dehumanizes Arabs and Muslims, etc. – results in a Confused Krabs when a fascist accelerates that into a more authoritarian form.
The Aesthetics of Anti-Fascism
The fascists want you to be complacent. They want you to be silent, and paralyzed, and unable to act. They don’t want you to find your way forward. The benefit when you feel despair, and doom, and wonder what is the point of it all, what can you possibly even do. Consequently, one of the aspects of this video from Ben Hoerman that I find really important to talk about is the ability to sit with the things that made you sad, that make you feel dread, that make you disappointed, that bring you sorrow and grief – and to persist anyway. To understand that if we are to strive for a better tomorrow, despite it all, we must endure in this life we have before us. To have the courage to face these hard, uncomfortable, upsetting, even scary or dangerous things and to find your way forward, anyway. This is part of being human. This is part of being in a community. Hoerman asks that you do not kill the emotional responses you have to life around you, but to instead use it to work toward a better tomorrow. As Camus said, there is no guarantee that there will be an afterlife, a life after life – so we may as well stick it out. We may as well try.And as my homie Fox Mulder says:
[mulder quote: you got to stay alive if you want to stick it to the government gifset https://sandetigerrr.tumblr.com/post/780911233700397056 ]
Hoerman also talks about a lot of the things I’ve already talked about, including the history, intent of, and bastardization of modern left-liberal identity politics and the ways in which this has contributed to muddying the waters, particularly as the criterion for what constitutes your identity has broadened (your eating habits, your media habits, who your favorite celebrity is) to the point of absurdity, where the application is so removed from the intent of the concept that it diminishes its efficacy. Hoerman raises an excellent point here, in that this has manifested a trend in which these identities have resulted in the segmentation and increased isolation of in-groups that frequently get smaller and smaller as a means of self-protection. That these groups then find it difficult to let in or collaborate with people who do not match the requisite identity points, which runs antithetical to the entire purpose of intersectionality in the first place. By doing this, we are playing into the hands of the fascists and right-wing populists, Hoerman adds. When the self and the traits that make up one’s identity are overemphasized and placed front and center, it provides a perfect attack opportunity for fascists. Or anyone, really (hi there.) Because now every issue can be interpreted as part of one’s identity. It leads to greater polarization, more individualism, and less solidarity.
What this does, is it cuts off communication. It cuts off empathy. It closes doors and draws lines in the sand. It obscures the fact that the vast majority of people have far more in common with each other than they do not, and it obscures the fact that, in a world where there are a plurality of experiences and contexts and needs and desires – in order to build a better future for all, together. This should be the goal of leftist politics. For example, one of the distinguishing features of anarchist communism and syndicalism is that it proposes a rock solid foundation of epistemic humility. I don't know what's best for you, I don't know everything everyone is capable of. I only know that we all need material and cultural freedom to find out. Classical anarchists were deliberately reluctant to lay out a total vision of the anarchist, because the idea is that we make it together.
As the Brazilian educator and philosopher Paulo Friere has articulated in his work Pedagogy of the Oppressed, first published in Spanish in 1968 and translated to English in 1970 (which you can read a pdf version of here), oppressed groups are often silenced by both a lack of power and by the beliefs which they have internalized, which is intended to enshrine and uphold unequal and unjust hierarchies of power. One of the foundations of how to break this silence and stand against these power structures is through communication with each other – interpersonal connections which empathize with and humanize.
“Dehumanization, which marks not only those whose humanity has been stolen, but also (though in a different way) those who have stolen it, is a distortion of the vocation of becoming more fully human. This distortion occurs within history; but it is not an historical vocation. Indeed, to admit of dehumanization as an historical vocation would lead either to cynicism or total despair. The struggle for humanization, for the emancipation of labor, for the overcoming of alienation, for the affirmation of men and women as persons would be meaningless. This struggle is possible only because dehumanization, although a concrete historical fact, is not a given destiny but the result of an unjust order that engenders violence in the oppressors, which in turn dehumanizes the oppressed.
Because it is a distortion of being more fully human, sooner or later being less human leads the oppressed to struggle against those who made them so. In order for this struggle to have meaning, the oppressed must not in seeking to regain their humanity (which is a way to create it), become in turn oppressors of the oppressors, but rather restorers of the humanity of both.
This, then, is the great humanistic and historical task of the oppressed: to liberate themselves and their oppressors as well. The oppressors, who oppress, exploit, and rape by virtue of their power; cannot find in this power the strength to liberate either the oppressed or themselves. Only power that springs from the weakness of the oppressed will be sufficiently strong to free both. Any attempt to “soften” the power of the oppressor in deference to the weakness of the oppressed almost always manifests itself in the form of false generosity; indeed, the attempt never goes beyond this. In order to have the continued opportunity to express their “generosity,” the oppressors must perpetuate injustice as well. An unjust social order is the permanent fount of this “generosity” which is nourished by death, despair, and poverty. That is why the dispensers of false generosity become desperate at the slightest threat to its source.
True generosity consists precisely in fighting to destroy the causes which nourish false charity. False charity constrains the fearful and subdued, the “rejects of life” to extend their trembling hands. True generosity lies in striving so that these hands — whether of individuals or entire peoples — need be extended less and less in supplication, so that more and more they become human hands which work and, working, transform the world.”
How can we go forward, if we are at each other’s throats? How can we go forward if we don’t really, truly care about figure out how to go forward with each other? Obviously not everyone always will ever be an ally, and you have to learn to recognize who are potential allies and who are threats. This takes practice – this takes praxis. And it requires grappling with not only understanding the world, but also grappling with the question so many should be, asking themselves within these political structures, in one shape or form or another, is: am I safe? What does safety actually looks like? And what it actually looks like to be really, truly unsafe?
Liberal Safety
At the risk of sounding like an old man yelling at the clouds, I am not in the habit of watching TikTok videos. I don’t have an account and everything that I have seen has been shared with me on an individual basis off-app. That said, I am going to link a tiktok from user nopebrigade0 and provide a transcript of what I felt was relevant.
“Some of y'all leftists are not going to make it through this era of fascism we're in. I'm sorry, but you're not. You want to know why? It's because you cannot tell the difference between what makes you uncomfortable and what makes you unsafe. And you are so committed to your own comfort and your own 'emotional safety' you're willing to pass up opportunities to build coalition. You literally cannot recognize allies even when they drop into your lap.
---[anecdote on organization and trying to find a place to meet, ending with an inclusive church, which got a lot of pushback.]---
But most of these people didn't want to go just because they didn't like Christians. It didn't align with their political vision.
---[workshop was held there anyway.]---
But this is an example of prioritizing comfort over safety. This is an example of being unable to recognize blatant allies right in front of you. [...] But y'all have lived in safety for so long that you are so accustomed to prioritizing your comfort that you don't even understand when your comfort is not as important as your safety. You have to learn to separate those two. You have to learn to prioritize coalition building with people who may not align with you on every single thing.
This attitude, this mean girls attitude, this puritan attitude, that came from your upbringing. [...] The folks in this group are queer and I'm seeing this - not exclusively - but a lot from white middle class queer people.”
One of the things that keeps coming up in discussions I am involved with regarding the historiography of how we are talking about the critical and positive reception of Dragon Age: The Veilguard, is the way it tends to be very defensive, or self-protective, of their emotional experiences. The white, middle-class queer callout is especially salient, I think, because this seems to be the demographic that most enjoys The Veilguard for what it is, and which seems to have the strongest reaction to criticism of it.
Topical to this, there was a really fascinating (tongue in cheek) interaction on Dragon Age Tumblr a while back where a user was talking about the Islamophobia inherent to the game’s depiction of the Antaam, and the user put in their tags a very, very mild critique: a suggestion that there likely is some Islamophobia inside of you if you can look at the Antaam in Dragon Age and not feel sick. The response to this was… not good. Other Tumblr users who felt very positively toward Veilguard dogpiled on this user, who was observing the ways Islamophobia is baked into the game and is also rampant in Western societies, but especially in the US with regard to the war on terror in a post-9/11 context. It got pretty nasty!
And for what? A video game?
No, it’s more than a video game. It’s personal. It’s the media consumption as activism and identity, it’s the identity politics, it’s the moral prescriptivism. And it’s the protectiveness of one’s own sense of goodness, one’s own identity, one’s own emotionality. It’s an inability to handle the discomfort of having something about themselves challenged – not even a tiny, tiny little thing like “maybe your ability to be okay with the Islamophobic depiction of the Antaam indicates you have some Islamophobia within you,” a critique which offers an opportunity to self-reflect and instead generated panic and rage.
Case in point: a real Muslim person’s real observation that this video game has Islamophobia baked into it generates attacks and increasingly more absurd attempts to explain away this critique in lieu of even an iota of self-reflection. This user is emotionally dysregulated and needs to touch grass. This user engaging in leftist white knighting. This user is a saboteur. This user is a Russian bot. They’re not real! You don’t need to take this critique seriously because they’re not a real person with a real critique!
...Meanwhile, Islamophobia is ubiquitous in the West. There is no way to opt out of this experience – the only thing you can do is control your response to it. Meanwhile, one of the lead writers literally expressed Islamophobia when the news of the EA leveraged buyout broke. Meanwhile, while insane mental gymnastics are being utilized to protect the enjoyment of a game, it comes at the expense of empathy for another person.
Dragon Age: The Veilguard does not ask you to question your beliefs. It does not ask you to introspect, or reflect, or examine your behavior or biases, nor does it entertain the possibility that you might be wrong about something. It tells you that if you are queer and neurodiverse you are Good, actually, and more right. The kind of people who invest in these sorts of identity politics as praxis will of course love a character like Rook, because Rook's story affirms to them that there are people out there who can do no wrong because they are good people!
Never mind that politeness can be very mean. Never mind that kindness isn’t always nice.
There’s a passage from the book “I'm Still Here: Black Dignity in a World Made for Whiteness” by Austin Channing Brown that I want to quote here, from the chapter on “Nice White People.”
“My colleagues were much too nice to be racists. I don’t know where this belief comes from, but I do not it has consequences. When you believe niceness disproves the presence of racism, it’s easy to start believing bigotry is rare, and that the label racist should be applied only to mean-spirit, intentional acts of discrimination. The problem with this framework—besides being a gross misunderstanding of how racism operates in systems and structures enabled by nice people—is that it obligates me to be nice in return, rather than truthful. I am expected to come closer to the racists. Be nicer to them. Coddle them.”
This is all, in a word, civility politics. And the thing about civility politics in the context of things like white supremacy and class stratification is that is it incentivizes people to avoid discomfort. Here, the word niceness can be used interchangeably with the word comfort, where being nice keeps people comfortable and where the truth matters less than the more important priority of asking if they’re comfortable. In a framework like this, people who have invested into this worldview of “nice = good” will do anything to maintain their comfort. And it is this context that we will see these kinds of people insist that, yes, Veilguard is a good game, where the insane, incoherent, even entirely made up explanations for why this game is good are passed around and people who criticize it are bad and insincere and also possibly not real.
I would also argue that it’s related to white fragility. I wouldn’t go as far as to say that there is a “queer fragility” at play, but there’s something fascinating at play from a historical feminist standpoint where many of the people who got kicked out of feminist spaces for their failures to be intersectional or have any perspective on the world outside of upper middle class America might have ended up in queer spaces, and where now Mainstream Queerness is similarly out of touch, forgetting about its roots in race and class based activism and centering on whiteness. The queerness here is not what is fragile; rather, within the framework of identity politics, queerness (and relatedly, neurodivergence) are used as shield to defend against the uncomfortable culpability that comes with whiteness (and more broadly, these get out of jail free cards are used to deflect against privilege and critique in general.)
As I said before in the sections earlier where I talked about identity politics and quoted, among others, bell hooks – this kind of hierarchical spectrum of ‘most good’ to ‘least good’ axes of identity is a misunderstanding of the purpose of intersectionality. We are not in a race to the minority, we are not in a contest with each other to see whose identities render them most worthy of being listened to as an authority figure on any particular topic. The point of intersectionality was to highlight the ways that various axes of experiences interact with each other in ways that contribute to experiences of inequality.
I think there is also something to be said about the way that Veilguard as a story and piece of art is by and large disinterested in examining intersectionality and interrogating it within its own wider storyworld and setting. The other games, by contrast, were. Did they do it well? Frequently, no. The writers were, after all, predominantly white, centrist, middle class, Canadians based in the imperial core. But they still managed to ask many of the right questions, even if inadvertently, and to ask us to consider the humanity of the concepts and stories within the series.
But at least Veilguard has vibes, right? You just have to stop asking questions, because you’re killing the vibe and that’s not very nice.
Coddling in particular is really quite relevant insofar as Veilguard is concerned; a common theme which has emerged from many of its staunched defenders is the centering of emotionally charged language and personal emotional experiences. This comes with the expectation that they are entitled to have these emotional experiences protected and coddled. Your feelings are valid, after all! And nice people simply do not say that your feelings are not valid! Nice people simply do not critique why you like something, and they do not draw attention to how you interpret things, what you choose to focus on, what you deliberately ignore or inadvertently overlook, and what this might say about your values. Nice people do not criticize the media you like and have hooked onto as part of your media-based-praxis, and nice people absolutely do not this burst this illusive bubble of safety that has been wrapped around them. And nice people never, ever, ever point out that you might be giving more weight to your own experiences and feelings and values than literally anything else anyone else has to say. You’re a team player, after all, and you would never do that, for realsies.
This is also why we see responses from the same quarters which emphasize enjoying how nice the companions are, how you as the protagonist can’t really be a bad person, and which also articulate displeasure with (and perhaps even a sense of smug superiority over) anyone who was frustrated by the lack of depictions of racism, slavery, religious bigotry, or even slurs. These aren’t nice things – they are also part of what contributed to making the game feel real, and lived in, and reflective (if imperfectly) of deeply human experiences.
If you distill it, the response is effective: my emotional experience right now in this difficult time in the world is more important than yours because you’re mean, and not only that but I’m (insert useful axes identity here) and I need to feel okay more than the xyz writing choice needs to be criticized, and also how dare you.”
And to that, I quote Tumblr user miseria-fortes-viros:
This enshrinement of civility politics as The Right Way To Be is a pretty textbook example of the left-liberal use of a conservative playbook: just change the players to be Queer, and this is how they can win the game. And it literally manifests the dehumanization of other people in order to achieve a political goal – in this case, conflating niceness (or comfort) with goodness.
Write large, this is all quite reflective of the way Western empires insulate their people against discomfort at the expense of the lives of those it exploits, where whenever they as citizens of these empires experience any discomfort, this discomfort is treated like violence on the level equal to the violence that insulates them in the first place. The inability or unwillingness to recognize what is actually unsafe and what is more simply uncomfortable is a feature of these systems, not a bug – and this is by design.
There’s another really good article I want to link, "Feminine, Not Feminist": Trad Truth-making on Social Media by Alexandra Deem. Truth-making is a really interesting concept, and while one of the things that strikes me about this article is the insistence that there simply must be clear hierarchies and binaries, what is perhaps more-so salient is the emphasis on being protective of emotional experiences, where politics all the complexities therein are reduced to the personal. One of the self-idenitifying trad-wives interviewed for this article expressed of politics, “How does it benefit the actual hearts and souls of the people? What is it doing to their mentality and mental health?” And as the author writes,
“Despite being driven by emotional rationale, trad truth-making typically approaches the quandaries of a mad world by spinning conservative views as logical, while anything that contradicts them is discredited as being emotion-driven.”
This may, perhaps, sound familiar.
The thing about this kind of truth-making is that I think it runs along very similar parallels to the idea of myth-making, which I referenced earlier in this essay. The historian Richard Slotkin has written and said a good deal over the years about the way mythmaking is utilized at a structural level to organize sense of the world into a coherent identity. He in particular writes about national myths, which I think could be more broadly applied to cultural myths:
“National myths are developed through long-term usage in every medium of cultural expression: histories, school textbooks, newspapers, advertisements, sermons, political speeches, popular fiction, movies. They are the form in which we remember our history. But they are also, and most critically, the means through which we turn history into an instrument of political power. In any major crisis, one of our cultural reflexes is to scan our memory archives, our lexicon of myths, for analogies that will help us interpret the crisis, and precedents on which to model a successful or even “heroic” response.”
And one of the things I have been pondering regarding this concept is if there's something about identity politics and mythmaking here. That perhaps there is something to the idea of the spectacle of internet discourse, where we see attempts to cultivate a kind of gladiatorial arena of internet battles where the goal is to dominate and win. On Tumblr, we see the staunchest Veilguard defenders tag their posts with as many things as possible to get as much reach and hate engagement as they can. There are more than a few YouTubers who have taken it upon themselves to spearhead the Veilguard Defense. That these people are typically queer, often non-binary, and white, is almost certainly not a coincidence. They often experience attacks from the anti-Woke crowd who want video games to be free of wokeness, DEI, cultural Marxism, politics, etc etc etc is also not unexpected. That these self-same warriors of the Veilguard also tend to tar with the same brush anyone who is critical of the game, regardless of their axes of experience or the actual material body of their critique, is deeply unfortunate. That it ultimately serves to be protective of their own perception while also undermining their ability to identify potential allies.
Tongue in cheek: fight the good fight, warriors of god.
Cultural Christianity, Literalism, and Moral Prescriptivism
Less tongue in cheek: perchance, this all has something to do with the overtly puritan underpinning of the American work and morality ethos, and with the struggle to reconcile a kind of cultural conservatism with these more progressive identities.
Perchance, we are also seeing cultural Christianity being uncritically reproduced the same way the fantasy genre uncritically reproduces Tolkienian Catholicism in its world design and mores.
It’s certainly worth asking why people in fandom (and why the developers themselves) behave as it Veilguard is an instruction manual on how to think and act in order to be a Good Person, on how to give TikTok therapy speak to your friends in order to be a Good friend, how to do Ethical Crime, and how to think about the world The Right Way.
Why are we getting a prescriptivist experience in this game?
When I learned that Weekes was ex-Catholic, a lot of the way religion was treated in the storyworld of the Veilguard started to make sense to me. It’s not that we have to contend with the Fantasy Catholicism injected into the game. Rather, it has the shape and feel of an atheistic deconstruction of and rejection of religion. It’s about the Complete Absence of anyone with religious faith that means anything. It’s about the way religion is denigrated. It’s about how all of these various religious traditions -- the Dalish traditions, Andrastianism, dwarven Shaperate traditions, the Tevinter Imperium's worship of the Old Golds -- are all papered away as fake and unreal. And at the core of it is The Truth.
This is something is sooooooo typical of ex-Christian aetheists in Western societies who substitute faith in religion with faith in science as their form of truth. And generally speaking they have not don't the work to deconstruct the way their religion still informs the framework of their worldview. They think they've left Christianity but Christianity followed them; they unlearned the religion but not any of the mental frameworks it created in them. In a lot of cases they also don't understand that Their One True New God (The Truth (Science)) in the Western tradition was developed by and large with a Christian framework and a relationship with God that informed the kinds of questions that were being asked and the kinds of answers that were being derived.
This isn’t to say that Weekes was forcing the writing team to write like this, or that the devs/writers were all intentionally infusing their specific brand of religion and bible-thumping (or anti-religion and anti-bible-thumping) on purpose, but – as a brief tangent that will be relevant – one thing I've noticed a lot in leftist spaces I've threaded through is a prevalence of a disdain for religion and for Christianity in particular that is extrapolated to apply to all religions. The framework for morality and truth and how one relates to their conceptualization of anti-religion with science juxtaposed as the antithesis of faith, is often extremely Christian in its shape. Even if you grew up secular, you inherent both a cultural framework of morality steeped in this distinctly Christian puritanism and you often grow up being taught by parents who either were religious or were raised by people who were religious – and frequently there hasn’t been a concerted effort to unpack how this shapes your own sense of morality and the ways in which this shapes your politics.
Imagine, if you will, the hole in the wall left behind by the Christian kool-aid man. Or perhaps the afterimages left behind after a bomb has gone off.
I was feeling some kind of way about this in Veilguard when we started to see the Evanuris/ancient elves transition from the realm of religion and faith to the realm of "real"/science/technofantasy. I certainly am not opposed to the idea of technofantasy, but when I encountered it during my gameplay, to me it felt at odds with Dragon Age as a setting in general as well as being, like... not very thoughtful in terms of what kind of cultural norms were being perpetuated.
The kind of question I have asked myself a lot in terms of, say, philosophy, was how does one actually go about drawing a line between what is religious philosophy and what is secular philosophy. For example, I have see claims that Plato wasn’t religious because he denied the existence of the gods, but his model for reality was still very much informed by the deities of his culture. This is similar to how later German or American philosophers who were supposedly secular but in fact were protestant; it was just that, because of the specifics of their Protestantism which allowed for far more abstraction, it allowed them to appear that they weren't "religious" to someone who also grew up in a "secular" society – one where where both the philosopher and the reader will have internalized a protestant Christian ethic and worldview without realizing it is one.
A great example of this is how you might see people try to talk about the "irrationality" of Christianity, a great irony when, to my knowledge, no other religion has dedicated as much time and brainpower towards proving that their religion is rational as Christianity has. The whole entire pretext for the argument for rationality in the first place is so Christian-coded!
It is possible, I think, to divulge from this an understanding of Veilguard’s construction with regard to the arguments for a rationality and a truth of the world and how a narrative with these ideas are presented to us.
There’s something about God's word as the absolute truth (the word of God) that is really quite immutable in Christianity, which has always felt really weird to me because in Judaism the whole point is that we're constantly interrogating the Bible, and constantly arguing with God. Is This Really The Best Way To Live Our Life? This Is Really What You Want For Us? Is This Really Just, And Fair? This kind of absolutism is especially prevalent in the specific brands of Evangelical Christian that underpin US/CAN religious traditions. As a result, Christianity in the US/CAN largely perceives writing and storytelling as a morally prescriptivist endeavor.
This dovetails well with a rising cultural conservatism domestically and with the staggering increase of reach and power of Evangelicalism, which has facilitated the encroachment of morally didactic literature into places and people who otherwise might have different worldviews. The idea that start and storytelling and literature should be morally prescriptive should be diametrically at odds with the worldviews and belief systems of liberal circles in general, and most definitely of queer liberal circles.
This attachment to the Bible as needing to be read literally rather than allegorically may also have bled into secular popular culture, where there is a very specific kind of modern fandom-esque misunderstanding of the goal of literary analysis as discovering The One True truth of the text. This is generally at odds with an approach taken by anyone who is academically trained in literary analysis and is taught to examine literature and storytelling through different theoretical lenses. Critical thinking is dead, but only because people are too brainrotted to see The One True (Secular) Truth. It’s not necessarily a new phenomenon (in 2011 people unironically believed that anyone who liked Anders probably also wanted to blow up a church irl) but it certainly seems to be heightened.
And so, the truth is...
Well. The truth is, the idea that a story’s purpose is to teach people How To Be Good and Behave Right is fundamentally limiting and conservative. The way modern liberal storytellers appear to be trying to do exactly this but with a reskinned framework of what is Being Good and Behaving Right is still fundamentally limiting and conservative. The fact that Veilguard does feels preachy and finger-waggy as it endorses a very narrow and very specific kind of morality is also fundamentally limiting and conservative. This unfortunately makes the game a good example of how groups of people who consider themselves to be diverse liberals can and still do use fundamentally puritan and conservative rhetoric and modes of writing and information sharing, but in an attempt to counter those conservative messages.
It doesn’t work. It will never work. And it literally cannot work.
As Audre Lorde once wrote:
“Those of us who stand outside the circle of this society’s definition of acceptable women; those of us who have been forged in the crucibles of difference—those of us who are poor, who are lesbians, who are Black, who are older—know that survival is not an academic skill. It is learning how to take our differences and make them strengths. For the master’s tools will never dismantle the master’s house. They may allow us temporarily to beat him at his own game, but they will never enable us to bring about genuine change. And this fact is only threatening to those women who still define the master’s house as their only source of support.”
Using existing power structures to promote diversity without genuine commitment to change only maintains the status quo. If you do not have a paradigm shift, all you have is a glorified paint job – the landlord special.
Technofantasy and The Absolute Truth
If you’ll allow me to jump back to Tolkien, I think it's also really topical to bring up Tolkien with respect to this subject in the sense that Tolkein fantasy really did set up a lot of very fundamental fantasy genre definitions and parameters. There's a lot of racism baked into how they were set up that has been replicated and perpetuated in subsequent iterations of what boils down to white European vaguely medieval storyworlds with magic and other races. And soooooo many fantasy writers are incapable of examining that and examining how those biases underpin the genre conventions they're both working with and attempting to subvert in reaction to. This is a similar issue with fantasy and its derivative nature of Tolkien fantasy because the framework of morality Tolkien was writing with was very Catholic and people just. Uncritically reproduce this without thinking about what it actually means and what the implications are for the scenario they're setting up.
With regard to this uncritical reproduction of culturally conservative ideas and Christian mores; I previously outlined that it seems to me that we are also also seeing it specifically reproduced by DA4 and their writing team within a genre which already is primed for this kind of uncritical reproduction. Relatedly, I also find myself thinking about the way fantasy as a genre is supposed to explore The Impossible Possibilities, and by its nature it's meant to be exploratory. The dreaming of "what if" for things that aren't really real in our world but do still allow us to explore real-world concepts. Terry Pratchett once called it a genre that serves as "...an exercise bicycle for the mind. It might not take you anywhere, but it tones up the muscles that can."
I think there's also something potentially about the direction they took Dragon Age 4 as a way to sort of serve as a limiting factor for the storyworld and the options presented in previous games. The Dragon Age setting historically has been specifically geared toward examining the way the dominant cultural forces tell us to behave and tell us what is good/moral/just and what is bad/immoral/evil. There's a post user Mythalism wrote about how previous Dragon Age games, while imperfect, at least asked you to THINK about these concepts being presented to us and THINK about their implications, but now we've got, uh. Something with an abject lack of political consciousness, historical consciousness, or cultural consciousness.
The specific way science fiction was introduced into the setting in Dragon Age: The Veilguard via elven technofantasy is particularly unsettling if you ascribe to the idea that fantasy is exploring the impossible and science fiction is exploring the possible (and the way they can blend together into science fantasy) – here, there is something specifically about taking the elves from a fantastical framework to a technomagic framework, whereupon we the writers saying something about how the world really is; whereupon someone like John Epler says that the ancient elves weren’t really any better at magic, it was just different – it was technology, and easily learned technology at that.
Prescriptivist, indeed.
What makes me start to feel really squirrelly about this is that genre shift is that it introduces what amounts to an uber tech. Scifi as a genre relies on uber tech as a fundamental narrative conceit that shapes its storyworld, and it’s frankly an insane choice to shift the high level concepts of the storyworld building blocks to include science fiction's main narrative conceit within the 4th game where you're wrapping up the series' overarching storyline.
The idea was that it was basically all lost -- we'll never get that Empire back. That's a KEY part of Solas's whole character conflict and motivations. It's THEE underpinning of what shaped the trajectory of the Tevinter Empire and forms the entire history of modern Thedas post-fall of Arlathan. Like the broad strokes is the entire continent is in the shadow of this decaying empire that is still shaping their entire reality. By reintroducing this uber tech as "jk it's still there" and "jk the elves’ time in the sun is done" and "jk we're giving them a win" and "jk slavery isn't happening anymore and the Dalish don't need connections to their clan structure and their history" and "jk we can just have Tevinter be the diplomatic hub of the world"
It's a literal new world order as we shift genres.
There is something very indigenous about that to me. This isn't to say you can't blend scifi and fantasy, science fantasy is a genre type for a reason and it can be done very well, but typically you have to lay the groundwork for it and you also have to have like... a coherent narrative that supports that kind of transition. I think it's symptomatic of a wider issue of injecting a prescriptivist morality to the framework of the story that is not tethered to the previous games or the overarching meta plot / thema.
Once you've untethered a fundamental building block of your story thesis, I think it's a lot easier to untether your genre as well.
And it feels incoherent, because it IS incoherent!
If we're looking at science fiction as being an exploratory dreaming of "what if" for things that aren't really real, and science fiction being more about the "what if" of the actual possibilities of our world -- ie being more grounded in reality -- then with the inclusion of science fiction genre conventions there's this shift in Veilguard toward this idea of the narrative itself being more grounded in reality and how the world really is. And so we're being told, in Veilguard, not only a thematic departure of This Is The Absolute Truth! but also a thematic departure of This Is The Right Way To Act, And Believe! -- and it's the writers telling us these things via their story. (Just to be clear, this prescriptivism isn't inherent to Science Fiction as a genre, but rather it's a design choice that the writers themselves made because rather than exploring ideas with us they wanted to dictate ideas to us.)
There was, in my opinion, a difference between:
a/ this is extremely ancient magic that the people of Thedas were tapping into more and more as actual beings from the ancient world themselves start to really act (ie the activation of the eluvian network)
and b/ the introduction of, specifically, technomagic uber tech that the lay people are able to reverse engineer and access for themselves.
And It's all about how you frame it, right? We have to remember that in the context of the storyworld, this ancient technology and the magic used to sustain it is increasingly dwindling/decaying because the Veil has been starving it all for thousands of years, and the WHOLE point is that the Veil itself is degrading, too, which should be destabilizing magic and also destabilizing all ability to use it -- we literally have three whole entireass games that reinforce this idea. In my opinion it really didn't make a lot of sense that after all these centuries of the Dalish scraping by and Tevinter jealously hoarding the magic and technology they'd managed to salvage from the ruins of Arlathan and the demons that taught them, suddenly the Veil Jumpers in Arlathan are utilizing all kinds of ancient magic that miraculously isn't degraded and can miraculously be repurposed for this New Kind Of Dalish Who Aren't Really Dalish Anymore.
If I were going to add onto that concept, I'd say that I've been saying for years that storytelling is inherently a collaborative endeavor - you can't tell a story without having someone to tell it to, right? But dictating is... there's a level of paternalism to it, I think, rather than sense of community and even peer-to-peer. And it makes me think what you and others here and others outside of here have said about the level of contempt that the writers and the story itself appear to have for its player base.
Dragon Age Writers to the Dragon Age Fandom:
My use of paternalism here is intentional, in that it is meant to serve as a callback to the earlier discussion of Christian conceptualizations of writing and storytelling. What we are seeing from developers like John Epler and Trick Weekes is that they appear to genuinely think they’re exempt from this critique because what they’re trying to teach us is “right” because it’s progressive (insofar is that means to them, at the very least.) Even these binary conceptualizations of idea of Right versus Wrong / Good versus Evil are so fundamentally Christian. The only difference is that they have just put a pride sticker on this simplistic and anti-intellectual rhetorical playbook of the black and white worldviews they purport to be battling against.
If you're right you're a gay hero and if you're wrong you're going to super gay hell – sorry Solas.
And on that note, I am splitting the essay I wrote here. I'll have the rest of it in part 5.
And here is Part 5 of the essay response to "This Game Kills Fascism" -- where I continue what I started above and really dig into, well, if we know what fascism is now, and if this game doesn't doesn't kill fascism, well: what is it, then? And why does Solas have to go to super gay hell in it?
Living In An Empire
User Corseque transcribed Trick Weekes’ Empires panel, which you can access here. And I won’t quote or sum up too much of it because it was lengthy enough and there’s been a lot of good criticism of it already, particularly with regard to the deliberate choice to remove slavery from the front and center. I'll link some of the stuff that made it onto my blog, although it is by no means an exhaustive referral.
This [1] & This [2] & This [3] & This [4] & This [5] & This [6] & This [7]
That said. I did want to draw attention to a particular quote regarding violent revolutions, the kinds of writing Trick believes they are good at, and what they chose to prioritize:
“...And again, looking at it from a writer perspective, I think it's important to figure out what's your goal? If you're writing to influence people, if you're writing to say, here's what I want the reader to come away with. And I think you owe it to yourself as a writer. You, broad you, all of you, owe it to yourself as a writer, to be honest about what you're going for. Are you trying to get someone who thinks everything is cool to have the scales fall from their eyes and realize that they live in an evil empire? Well, that's one kind of book. You know, for a while I wanted to write that, but I realized I just, I don't have the educational background. I can do an okay job at it, but I'm not going to do it justice. The type of writing I know I can actually do is, for want of a better term, the defiant existence kind of writing. I can write people living in an empire despite that empire. Because I am several things the United States has currently said they're making it a priority to get rid of. And I'm not going to write a novel about destroying the United States because I'm not good at that. I don't have that sort of attitude. I don't want to destroy the, I don't want a civil war. So many people would die. But what I can do is write a novel about someone who is neurodiverse, someone who is trans, someone who is not straight, living defiantly because that is something in the empire that I can push back against directly.
I think on the video game front, one of the areas we showed in Dragon Age: The Veilguard was Tevinter, which as the full name is the Tevinter Imperium. It's an empire and it has slaves and it's not shy about it. And we didn't show a ton of slaves being beaten and whips and chains. We showed an urban marketplace as the main part of Tevinter that you go to because we were trying to make two things clear.First off, empires can be seductive. Empires are normal life for a lot of people, like we've talked about earlier.
And second, when you say, "We're going to destroy that empire," you're also destroying the marketplace full of people who are arguing over the price of bread. And if that's what you're committed to, just be aware that's what you're committed to, that maybe a better way of thinking about it is we need to change that empire. We need to change the government of that empire and get accountability. Maybe that's not as easy a message. Maybe that's not possible. Veilguard does end with a whole lot of violence and a whole lot of things destroyed. But we tried to show that an empire isn't made up of completely evil people. It's made up of a lot of normal people who, when mobilized, can stand up against evil when you give them a direction to stand up and march in.”
Remember when I said earlier that the specific framework of identity politics as praxis which so many neolibs have bought into posits that you are conferred radicalism and revolutionarism simply by existing as a person with a marginalized identity within the empire? Trick is telling us this exactly: the defiant existence. This existence is defiant because it is neurodiverse and queer. This existence is radical because it is neurodiverse and queer. To exist is praxis.
And on some level, yeah, okay. But on the other hand, as I have already outlined in previous writing, it really is not simply enough to passively exist while queer, because simply being queer does not actually confer radical politics. As I have written before, praxis is practice, it is doing. It is not simply being.
It is telling, then, that Weekes does not actually seem to have a problem with the structure of the empire in and of itself. The problem for Weekes lies with who is leading the empire and what they are telling their followers to do. Weekes does not appear to see themselves as part of the privileged few within the empire despite being a person of considerable privilege who lives within the imperial core, which ultimately makes their commentary about the importance of the marketplace in Veilguard come across as particularly ignorant.
Because here’s the thing. Those people who are trading bread in the market – who Weekes appears to desire to somehow exonerate and protect from the scary bad violent revolution where people die – are the same people who are going home and using the bread to feed family members who are those fresh military recruits being taught to dehumanize people or maybe the ones teaching the soldiers to dehumanize. There’s a disconnect in understanding the role of a populace’s general complacency while living in an empire, and how this passivity actually facilitates the empire. It also betrays an understanding that this complacency must be rooted in personal deliberate action rather than passive existence, which is. Well. Incorrect.
There’s also something a defense of cozy fantasy baked into this response (and coupled with their escapism panel) that reads as both self-concious as well as an attempt to affirm to themselves that they aren’t actually impassive – that they are doing something, defiantly, in the same breath that they admit that they haven’t put in the work to actually understand what it means for them to be someone who lives in the imperial core.
What’s particularly crazy-making about this is that it also sort of betrays a lack of thought regarding the mechanisms of, for example, example how those average everyday regular people in the heart of the empire are able to argue about the price of bread in the first place. Who grows the wheat they make their bread from? Who brings it into the city? Who ensures that you have your mangoes in December? Whose staple grain is being exported en masse to feed the health food market while the growers starve for lack of their staple grain? Who is literally enslaved and sacrificed to build and run the machinery of the empire to ensure that free citizens can argue about bread? And why, exactly, are we so worried about the preservation of an "everyday life" which depends on inequality and slave labor and mass exploitation; is it possible, perchance, that maybe this "everyday life" needs to change, and that perhaps it will make people uncomfortable?
But don’t worry, the nice regular Tevinter citizens at the heart of the empire are just at the drag brunch drinking their mimosas and munching on their bread. Later they will worry about their groceries. Sometimes they are gay, and the empire hates them because of this, which is very sad, but at least if you are surviving you are resisting. Keep up the good fight.
And the thing is, Weekes literally said they didn't want to write a story about destroying an evil empire with major systemic abolition because a bunch of people will die (this is bad because we are hurting the every day people) and then they write about destroying an evil empire with major systemic (albeit extremely unsupported by the storyworld and logic of cause-effect) abolition where a bunch of people die anyway. They do have a bunch of people die to create some kind of political change! But at least the protagonist isn’t the agent of this change, it’s the turboblight and the evil gods and the evilbad Venatori and the evilbad boogeyman of the Antaam. Sadly, most of southern Thedas was destroyed, but again, it wasn’t by Rook, and it also wasn’t by the horde of demons that Varric claims will annihilate Thedas if we allow Solas to bring down the Veil, so it’s okay, actually! The moral integrity of Rook and their friends are preserved!
What has emerged from these panels, is the sense that Dragon Age: The Veilguard is protective of Trick Weeke's white colonizer guilt specifically, and because itfcoddles its players the same way. It prioritizes white queer experiences at the expense of everything else, where perhaps the principle leadership of the game -- Corinne Busche being a white neoliberal trans woman, John Epler being a white neoliberal bisexual man, and Trick Weekes being a white neoliberal nonbinary person – is reflected in how the politics of the story are framed.
The pitch that we are supposed to buy into is that DATV is an inclusive game. Our protagonist can be a man, a woman, nonbinary, cis, trans. They can have a variety of skin tones and can be any number of the races of Thedas – human, elf, dwarf, or qunari. They can be queer. We have companions who are older, younger, with varying skin tones, who are pansexual. One of our companions is nonbinary. We have two Dalish elf companions, a surfacer dwarf companion, and a qunari companion. One of our companions will still romance you if they turn into a skeleton. One is an abomination. Several of our companions have prosthetics for missing body parts. We have companions from Tevinter, Rivain, Arlathan forest, Nevarra, Ferelden, and Antiva. We have companions who are Andrastian, who are Dalish and worship the elven pantheon, who practice Nevarra death worship.
Source: deliberately anonymous because I don't want anyone trying to track them down and attack them. That's not the point.
And yet. All experiences of all Rooks and all companions in the storyworld are pinkwashed as they are funneled into a single specific experience that just so happens to line up with extremely white queer experiences. It is literally just about white queers in the heart of empire. Religion doesn’t matter because we’re going to stop worshiping the evanuris and we just won’t talk about it. Andrastianism doesn’t matter because we disproved it! Whatever the fuck Emmrich has going on with his death worship is actually really secular, don’t worry about it. If you as a Rook were a former slave, it won’t affect your character at all because it’s only dropped as a brief piece of dialogue later in the story. If you are a Shadow Dragon elf living under Tevinter rule, your experience is the same a dwarf, qunari, or human Shadow Dragon. If you are a mage, your experience is the same as if you are not. It’s a flattening of all these axes of experiences, and it’s like. The experiences of a queer black man in the heart of empire is not the same as Trick Weekes’ experience as a white nonbinary person. The experience of being a brown woman in a white queer community in the heart of empire is not the same as being a white nonbinary person in a white queer community in the heart of empire.
But. Uh. Write what you know, I guess? By jove...
This may also be why many of the staunch defenses of The Veilguard seem incapable of parsing what intersectional politics actually looks like, because if they were more coherently aware of both what intersectionality looks like and what it is attempting to achieve, we wouldn’t have responses that boiled down to “this game is so timely and brave and important because it’s so diverse” that fail to interrogate what diversity looks like and what makes diversity important in media.
BLM, Land Back, and White Canadian Settler Discomfort
There also something in particular to be said about the anxieties of liberalism and the way they have been exacerbated in the last five years – and pertinently during the crucial years of Veilguard’s development. 2020 saw the soaring of the Black Lives Matters protests and the Land Back movement – where a common liberal response to these “riots” was to be uncomfortable with the violence and to avow “nonviolence.”
I am by no means an expert on land back, but what I have been given to understand is that, in a North American context (but specifically, here, a Canadian context) it bounces against the fact that Canada is a settler colonial state which has a national identity that is bound to the idea of the empire which followed the British imperial model of signing treaties and then encroaching on these treaty rights. The unceded land the Canadian state claims has not been conquered, but instead has illegally occupied. Legally, the Canadian state should not exist, and it is held together by the instruments of the state and the fact that the material of the population consists of settlers.
Obviously there is no monolithic polity of what other political questions and aims accompany land back – thousands of nations will of course have a diversity of histories and realities – but specifically when we talk about land back we are talking about treaty rights, which a) are possible to restore and b) would be a legal obligation by international law if indigenous were recognized as nations, which c) they have to be, because treaties of this nature can only be signed with sovereign nations.
But if you accept that the Canadian state is illegal, if you restore treaty rights, if you legally admit to being on stolen land – what then? What happens? For anyone who is a settler, this can be scary to think about; for liberal Canadians, who see themselves as politically progressive and empathetic to indigenous peoples, this is an existential source of anxiety. The answer is, of course, not white genocide or mass expulsion, but this seems to be a common belief. Most people do not understand land back, and there’s a decent chance that if they tell you it is impossible or it will be violent or lead to the collapse of society – they’ve invented a straw man scenario.
What the narratives around how scary and violent revolutionary overthrow of empire tend to be obfuscate, whether intentionally or inadvertently through a poor understanding of the apparatus of the state, is that these systems of empire and slavery are already incredibly violent. Empires just tend to cultivate a monopoly on violence and which restricts which forms of violences are legitimized and which are unacceptable.
And like, all things considered: the idea of imperial collapse is indeed very scary if you are living in the imperial core.
It’s just really hard to ignore that Trick Weekes has expressed that they find this scary, and it is hard to ignore that Weekes is living in a way that is dependent on a settler colonial enterprise within a state built on racialized slavery within the context of a global balance of power that in operation materially harms millions, if not billions, of people. It’s also hard to ignore that Weekes has expressed that they may be more concerned about the average everyday people who go to the market place to buy bread and may have to compromise this.
This spectral boogeyman of violent collapse of course is not limited to land back, and there do seem to be commonalities to the anxieties in response to, say, a violent revolutionary overthrow of the government. Within a structural framework which incentivizes recentering comfort, the discomfort these thoughts prompt appears to manifest among other things a need to either ignore or to push back against encountering this discomfiting thing in fandom spaces and the media one consumes.
So when Trick says, “It’s[the empire] made up of a lot of normal people who, when mobilized, can stand up against evil when you give them a direction to stand up and march in.” They’re being literal. Get out and protest at a sanctioned protest with a permit. Get out and vote. Sign another petition! Kneel in the capitol building while wearing pink! Be the change you wish to see in the world.
In the context of Dragon Age: The Veilguard, there is something to be said about the American and the Canadian geographic immunity from the violence of war over the course of the last several centuries which has created a distorted perception of the violence of war; I don’t think it’s a coincidence that mainstream American history has mythologized what few wars it has experienced as part of its national mythmaking (see: the Revolutionary War, the Civil War, Manifest Destiny & the wars of Western Expansion). The fact that this can be paired with a dominant streak of neoliberal politics and a degree of cultural Christianity – but specifically Protestant values (more on that later) – is a breeding ground for shaping a very specific understanding of both the utility and the morality of violence, particularly revolutionary violence. That we see a strong institutional academic and cultural emphasis on the value placed on “nonviolence” in the US is at least in part because of the level of remove the baseline geography affords them. We can probably further pare and parse the way certain axes of privilege allow US and CAN citizens to remain insulated from violence within these countries. If you are a white person who lives in a white suburb, chances are very good that you will never see war, nor will you see a violent protest, it’s unlikely that you will see police violence – and all of this will work to obfuscate your ability to understand how the state uses violence. You are, in a word, “safe.”
And you know what? It’s good be safe. But this kind of safety imparts a completely distorted idea of what the world actually looks like and how it functions, and the reality is that this kind of safety always comes at someone else’s expense. And the thing is – if it comes at someone else’s expect, it’s not truly safety. (Wow, almost like everyone else’s safety came at the expense of Solas being locked in the Omelas Fade prison forever.)
Returning to the context of Dragon Age and the use of Tevinter as a setting, what we were looking at – or what we should have been looking at – was the question of both the collapse of an imperial power structure and abolition on a significant scale. This tends to be drastic – we can look at the Haitian Revolution in real life as an example. It was an incredibly violent overthrow. And overthrowing a system of empire and slavery can be incredibly violent. And unfortunately any meaningful discussion around this was immediately muddied by the projection of the writers of their own anxieties about being a citizen of the imperial core.
The way I had it explained to me was that in Dragon Age: The Veilguard -- Tevinter was like if we took Rome and Byzantium, smashed them together and inserted our ideas about chattel slavery which we haven’t bothered to unpack, so the dynamics mimic the racialized slavery systems of the British Empire and the United States. This is all on top of a settler colonial situation. And that is all crammed into a framework around liberal queer anxieties about US Republicanism and the realization that maybe the geopolitical impact of the United States isn’t very good. It’s a continuation of the specific heightened settler colonial white liberal projection on a vaguely medieval European setting that never really unpacked how these things all fit together beyond The Vibes and the ways in which the individual writers personally related to the political landscape around them as they were writing – resulting in a series with writing that was extremely messy. It has always been there, but Weekes’ choice to project white queer politics onto the storyworld landscape as priority for Veilguard stands out much more starkly than previous games.
One of the more immediately relevant stock responses to criticism of Veilguard “xyz thing you are criticizing has always been in the series, you’re being a hypocrite because of recency bias,” which can be hard to argue against. What I would argue, however, is that there are some key differences between DA:O/DA2/DAI and DATV in terms of how their stories are presented. I’ve already outlined a few of the differences, including the framing of absolute truth and absolute evil, but what I will add is that Veilguard’s narrative differences can be pared down to the sense that where a game like DAI was very obviously a story made by white centrist US/Canadian neoliberals, Veilguard is a game made by white centrist US/Canadian neoliberals who are trying to convince you to be a neoliberal with them in order to validate their neoliberalism.
Veilguard is less willing to engage with the politics of Thedas than even DAI was, and it lends the game a surface-level appearance of being less political than previous games. The removal of all of Thedas’ politics undermines the ability for them to tell a coherent story for many reasons, but not the least of which is that in their absence, the real-world contemporary political thinking of the writers themselves are brought to the center stage of the game, and there they remain. Every companion quest is shaped by these white queer dilemmas and anxieties, and while Thedosian politics may or may not matter, at every major event, you will without fail be reminded of BioWare’s politics and who they see themselves writing for. By white queers of the imperial core, for white queers of the imperial core, at the expense of everyone else.
People in the American and Canadian experience of the imperial core who benefit from this kind of arrangement of safety (namely, white people) are by design insulated from the discomfort of acknowledging the particulars of this arrangement. When this insulation is breached, and they are made aware, it sparks discomfort. And again – when you have spent your whole life in relative safety, this impacts your ability to discern what it actually looks and feels like to be unsafe, and it is from here that the conflation of discomfort and safety stems.
Acknowledging Your Capacity for Evil (This Is Uncomfortable)
User da2supremacy made an excellent post that opens with “I bring a sort of "The watering down of the acknowledgement of oppression in Thedas actually started in Inquisition" that I think a lot of people for whom DAI is their first game aren't going to like.” that I really wanted to share. I won’t repost the whole thing here (go read it!) but I am going repost the next three paragraphs, as I find them very relevant:
“The problem is, and always has been, that the alleged research the writers did for DA2 means that each of those white writers had to come to a specific crossroads:
As a white person in the imperial core you have to either accept that no matter when or how you arrived here you are and will always be complicit in the racist and imperialist dynamics in this world and you have to make a constant and consistent effort not to perpetuate that injustice. You will fail sometimes and you have to accept that you failed and then be better with what you’ve learned. You are going to have to do that over and over. You have never finished becoming Not Racist or One of the Good Ones and to be frank that shouldn’t be the goalpost. The goalpost should be being good to the people you share the planet with. It is a forever effort.
Or you rationalize and double down on your current beliefs to avoid cognitive dissonance. Sometimes this will include a certain amount of willingness to advocate for incremental change but often this will come with the side effect of not actually understanding how to make that incremental change happen bc it will inevitably involve examining biases that you are simply unwilling to examine. Trick Weekes wanted to solve the racism and slavery in Tevinter but they did not want to even bother looking at it and therefore their “solution” was tone deaf nonsense.”
To this, I reply with one of my favorite post screenshots that has been shared with me over the years, where user quasi-normalcy says,
“I don’t trust anyone who hasn’t acknowledged their capacity for evil.”
[...]
“’I’m just a smol bean uwu’ No sir, what you are is someone who is so habituated to thinking of yourself as innocent that you will continue to do so even when you’re guilty.”
And as Chris Fleming put it:
"You know that thing where the most toxic person you've ever met over-relates to woodland creatures on social media? I call it Vibe Dysphoria. She'll put up a picture of a mouse in a jean jacket with 'It's me.' That is not you. I don't know how you got under the impression that you are a mouse in a jean jacket. You are an eel with a gun. She posts a toad with a basket of mushrooms like 'Me doing my little things.' Oh madam, there is nothing little about your things. You gave me psychosexual issues I'll carry to my watery grave. You are not a toad in the forest...You are a cruel woman who just happens to be small."
What I am driving at here, and what I hope you may already intuitively understand from the quotes I have shared and from, hopefully, having already read everything previously written in this essay, is that if there is a tendency to be protective of one’s own emotional experience in a manner that tends to inherently come at the expense of others, and if there is a tendency to conflate one’s identity politics and media consumption as praxis, where nice (and really, comfortable) = good – then what is also inherently complementary to these phenomena is the inability or unwillingness to acknowledge one’s own capacity for culpability and wrongdoing. This is the cognitive dissonance, this is the mechanism which allows one to maintain the illusion that they are a good person who does good things and practices good politics.
If you have been living in the heart of the imperialist core where you are by design insulated from ever having to acknowledge your own culpability and capacity for evil – being asked to do this will be uncomfortable. It may also make you feel unsafe in that it requires a fundamental paradigm shift which dismantles your entire identity. That is scary! If you have been coddled, and you are habituated to expect to be coddled, it may seem perfectly reasonable to engage in what are in actuality insane mental gymnastics to never be at fault – because if they are at fault, that fundamentally changes who they are. In these moments, there's crossroads where you either work toward deconstruction and or you seek validation.
Christian persecution complex ahoy!
Rook as a protagonist is in many ways designed to be a perfect character to project this upon. Rook is a good person who does good things, and the game never, ever allows Rook (and therefore the player) to feel the real impact (and perhaps the guilt) of understanding the horrifying consequences of their actions. Rook is the one who sabotages Solas’ ritual, and it is, in fact, Rook’s fault that the blighted Evanuris are unleashed on Thedas. It is Rook’s fault that major cities are under attack by the blighted Evanuris and their swarms of faceless Antaam and nameless darkspawn. It is Rook’s fault that Solas is trapped an unable to properly mount a defense as perhaps one of the sole people alive in modern Thedas capable of truly doing so. It is Rook’s fault that a double blight has been unleashed on Thedas. It is Rook’s fault that by the end of the game the entirety of southern Thedas has been obliterated by the blight. By the time the game concludes, unless you play for the so-called bad ending where BioWare wordlessly castigates you for playing the game Wrong, you will be lauded as a Hero of the Veilguard. Never you mind that Minrathous is in ruins and countless untold numbers of people have perished. Never you mind that you have trapped someone in a prison for all eternity, bound to the Veil and bound to preserve the status quo Varric insists at the beginning of the game must remain – never you mind that the benefits of Omelas come at the expense of someone else. This is all good, and fine, and dandy – you are the Hero. Therefore, everything you do is Heroic, and Just, and Good.
The fact that this game is supposed to be thematically about regret, and then platforms a protagonist who is not designed to experience real regret, is in many ways bad writing. If Rook never feels regret, and is always validated for their actions, then what we miss out on is the big moral journey we’re supposed to be traversing as a main character. A main character is supposed to go on a moral journey, this is a major arch-plot that gives the story purpose and meaning, and results in a satisfying conclusion. Sometimes that moral journey can be improving for the better, and sometimes it can be devolving for the worst – usually doubling down on being wrong/bad.
Good guys good. Bad guys bad. Neat, clean, clear.
As far as I can tell, DATV positions the “original sin” to be of corrupting Wisdom when Wisdom takes a body. The great sin all of these so-called gods committed was not heeding Wisdom, and in the game we see both Solas and Elgar'nan struggle with the same weaknesses but never really see a profound struggle from Rook that mirrors these. Both Elgar'nan and Solas “know what is right” for people, and take action, and they’re vilified, but Rook does the exact same thing with confidence and the narrative supports this every step of the way – The Veil must remain. Varric said so.
Rook as a protagonist starts the game convinced they are right, they go through the game convinced they are right, and they end the game convinced they are right. There is no point or series of points in the story where it asks us, in this grand story about the failure to listen to Wisdom and how so much of what ails us stems from this cosmic misstep, when exactly are we supposed to listen to Wisdom? The story never asks us to examine whether or not we aren’t being prideful for assuming we’re right and Solas is wrong. It never shows us the line that separates us from Pride. We never really grapple with the idea of if there’s actually a possibility that disrupting Solas’ ritual actually made things materially, measurably worse, with more deaths and a much more fucked worldstate. (We don’t know this for sure, and we will never know! But what if! Are you telling me Rook never once grappled with this self-doubt?)
Solas is a bad guy whose desire to bring down the Veil is framed as bad and wrong from the very beginning – a framing that never once wavers in this game. So we can’t have elves – arguably one of the most oppressed classes of people in the storyworld – who might want this world to come crashing down and are willing to fight for Solas to see it happen. We can’t have elves fighting for their own wholeness, and us fighting them to the death, because that would be horrible and more importantly it would make Rook (and therefore us, the players) feel bad, and then we would have to explain Solas’ motivations, and wouldn’t that be horrible? Wouldn’t that unravel some of the neat little threads we’ve tied together in this narrative here?
Being the Hero isn’t a moral journey. Achieving a goal is not in and of itself character development And never once, NOT ONCE, do we get to as a character wonder about Solas being right. It doesn’t ever become a narrative framing device that drives the story. Instead, inexplicably, counter to its own themes, the narrative of the protagonist’s journey tells that that Wisdom is always wrong.
And I’m really struck again by that comment from Trick Weekes about how they decided not to have blood magic specialization be a thing for this protagonist because they had decided to make it the key to a lot of really nasty things, and they weren’t interested in having a hero do those things. “Blood magic is unlikely because we’ve shifted it from a power boost to really being the key to a lot of nasty stuff we aren’t interested in having heroes do.” But Solas does blood magic. Solas’ big conflict is wanting to undo his mistakes involving blood magic, and to do so he does yet more blood magic. This itself is infinitely more crunchy than anything Rook does – in a game where the mantra is, “Whatever it takes.”
And I think that there's a merit to comparing that with what Solas had planned to do. And it kinda comes down to, well, do good intentions matter? Because Rook and Solas both have good intentions in the moment. I kinda wish we'd seen more of, like. Rook looking at their antagonists and villains -- Elgar'nan, Ghilan'nain, and ultimately even Solas -- and thinking, "they're me if I'm not careful." Because not ONLY is this a dyadic between the experience of the mundane and the divine, but it's a mortal being thrust into a mythic story, where there frequently are morals to the story. The shortcoming it comes back to is again and again with a Rook that instead essentially goes “I’m built different.” Chad Rook to the Soyjak Solas.
A person Rook sacrificed is telling them “Solas sees people as pieces on a board to be discarded” – but Rook did the exact same thing in the game with the exact same mantra of ‘whatever it takes.’ What, precisely, is the difference between Rook sacrificing their friends and Solas sacrificing people? Is the difference that Rook doesn’t ruminate about it? But then they said Solas refused to think about it – except he’s also trapped in rumination, and that’s why he couldn’t escape the Regret Prison on his own. Regrets can trap you, so you have to move forward, which is why Rook is able to escape so quickly. Except Solas is constantly in motion, moving toward a goal, so he’s not actually trapped… but also actually his goal is part of his regrets trapping him? When Rook goes through the Regret Prison sequence, all the dead characters assure Rook that nothing was their fault because they made their own choices. Rook overcomes regrets by portioning blame and kind of ignoring it. At the end of the game, a dead character assures Solas that not everything was his fault, and that’s how he is able to overcome regrets. I keep thinking that they were attempting to approach the Man On An Island conversation from DAI but with… Solas fixating, and Varric’s “it is what it is” philosophy by proxy of Rook? And even after all that, like. Even if you help Solas with his regrets and he overcomes them, he still goes into a Prison of Regret forever in the end. Is he free from regret or is he not? Is it even desirable to be free from regrets?
The game forces you to make choices that you could possibly regret but refuses to let you do anything that's actually a moral challenge. Like even with the companion that dies in the endgame, it's like. You're not deciding whether or not sacrificing someone for a distraction is worth it, you're just choosing who to sacrifice because there's no other choice for you to try. So the game tries to draw you into this parallel with Solas, but it doesn't really work because the game does not allow you to make mistakes or be shitty in any real capacity. When it comes to the 'whatever it takes mentality,' Solas has to coax it out of you. Accepting nothing else you say until you get to that conclusion.
It is telling then, I think, that perhaps the single-most agonizing decision in the game – the decision of whether or not to save Minrathous or Treviso from the dual-pronged attack by blighted dragons – was introduced fairly late into the game’s development, and only after the Community Council asked.
As an aside, it’s also interesting that one of the crunchiest scenes I’ve watched out of all the DATV material I’ve looked at is directly tied to this choice. If you are playing a Crow Rook who is romancing Lucanis and you choose to save Minrathous and sacrifice Treviso to the blight (but it’s not really your fault, remember), Lucanis breaks up with you and your mentor, Viago de Riva, is incredibly disappointed with you. Lucanis can’t even look at you in this interaction. Viago just fully crashes out. Everyone is PISSED. And then none of this matters except that Lucanis won’t have sex with you after, and you’re still friends because this is the friendship game where all the matters is that you make friends except that there’s no way in the game to not be friends so, uh, don’t worry about it kitten.
Liberal Hope Core
There are some features or facets that run a common thread between things we have heard from developers of Dragon Age: The Veilguard; the Veilguard game itself, and the Positivity Only crowd that has largely risen up to support it:
moral prescriptivism,
protective of own comfort at expense of community,
identity politics as praxis,
media consumption as activism and identity,
literalism / inability to parse allegory
inability or unwillingness to acknowledge capacity for evil,
'escapism' as avoidance
User Corseque was also kind enough to transcribe Trick Weekes’ Escapism panel, and so while I’ve already talked previously about much of these bullet points, I think I also need to talk about that last bullet point a little more, as it's relevant to both the discussion around video games as escapism and to the meta politics that underpin the construction of the game itself. And to get to that, I need to first segue to talking about modes of storytelling. Namely: Modernist, Postmodernist, Metamodernist, and what the heck does Conservative Regression have to do with any of this?
Well, fascinatingly, Veilguard may actually be a conservative regression to a modernist storytelling in response to post-modernist irony-poisoned fatigue. But with, you know, a gay paint job.
Here’s what I mean by that.
In popular culture, we’ve been watching alongside the observable conservative cultural retrograde a similar return to a very modernist way of storytelling that was standard in Old Hollywood. Here, I will link a video by Thomas Flight: "Why Do Movies Feel So Different Now"
Some quick and dirty comparisons of Modernism vs Postmodernism, if you decided not to watch the video:
In an irony-poisoned world of post-modern insincerity, this very lack of sincerity has reached a point where people are attempting to return to more modernist types of storytelling. Modernist storytelling is straight-forward, and it appeals to people like Veilguard’s Creative Director, John Epler, who are exhausted by how complex the world is and are nostalgic for this kind of simplicity. But because it is regressive, in the process of doing so we are seeing a loss of nuance, ambiguity, and complexity despite these things not being inherently mutually exclusive with sincerity.
The thing about simplicity, as well, is that it by nature tends to be reductive. It may be comfortable, but that comfort comes at the expense of dimensionality. This is especially true when it comes in the form of stories told by white Americans and Canadians: this simplicity broadly tends to serve the status quo and be insulative in its messaging. Thusly, this is how we see a thread of movigoers who went to see the 2025 Superman film – a film which is relentlessly optimistic, which is uncomplicated and unnuanced (“does not pull its punches”), which reinforces left-liberal politics, and tells you that you are good person for being a certain way, where the director himself says that the film is about “kindness” – and came out feeling that it was subversive because it had clear pro-Palestianian messaging.
Marvel and the Marvel Cinematic Universe (MCU) – and the wider Superhero genre, in general – in many ways have defined much of the storytelling of the last twenty years, and I think it has starved audiences for sincerity. The MCU in particular has become incredibly formulaic and optimized, and is afraid (or, perhaps more specifically, unwilling) to actually say anything that goes against the status quo. Part of that is probably the fact that it's owned by Disney, which has long been The Evil Supercorp of media. But it’s also just this broader pop cultural experience we’re in the midst of. I think this is part of why people are falling over Andor as a Star Wars story made under Disney ownership, where we all know on some level not to expect much from Disney in general, even if we don't understand it explicitly and consciously. I think this is also what made Robert Pattinson’s The Batman feel fresh and interesting, and it may also be why a sincere Superman would have felt like a breath of fresh air when compared to a movie like Deadpool, which was fun and novel at first but lost its luster because fourth wall breaks aren’t really interesting anymore. People are starved for meaning.
The question is, what makes something meaningful? What are the underlying mechanisms behind this?
Postmodernism as a mode of storytelling in the United States was in no small part influenced by the Civil Rights movement, which highlighted that the modern values of the time were not actually universally good. Its fundamental conceit lies in the idea that perhaps we should be skeptical of any broad, overarching narrative which seeks to explain the world. There is no One Truth. There is no One Great Book. Moral prescriptivism does not fit in here. For a protagonist like Rook, they cannot exist in a postmodernist mode of storytelling; and unfortunately for a protagonist like Rook, a postmodernist story mode is baked into the bedrock foundation of Dragon Age as a franchise.
The exhaustion with postmodernist modes of storytelling is certainly valid. Postmodernism has struggled with a deepening and chronically wellspring of critical irony that became afraid to be sincere. The soulless lack of meaning could be felt. The irony became too much, and failed to strike a balance. With that said, however, the foundation of self-awareness which allowed criticism and critical thinking to be a part of the message was necessary, and the answer to combating this supersaturated glut of irony was not, in my opinion, to return to a simplistic and prescriptive mode of storytelling that explains to the audience how things are, posits that this is good, and asks us to cheer for the uncomplicated hero of the story.
Thusly, this kind of intentional flattening does work for a film like like Top Gun: Maverick, but it doesn’t work for Dragon Age: The Veilguard.
It’s interesting, then, that John Epler’s praise of Superman includes the idea that it’s “deeply, wonderfully uncynical.” which to me echoes the early reviews of Veilguard which lauded the game as sincere and earnest. I know I am not alone in wondering how this game reviewed so highly when there are so many issues with it from even just a narrative standpoint, and I suspect that one contributing factor may be a reactionary response rooted in postmodernism fatigue that overshadowed the ways that it intrinsically made the game itself incoherent with previous installments of the series.
To be clear, what we are seeing is not classical modernism, because we are definitely in a different era of storytelling. The trappings are there, but the context of how we got there is what makes this phenomena stand part; it feels, specifically, like part of a greater cultural regression. The case of the 2025 Superman film in this context is also really interesting, because it both harks to modernist film and purports to be subversive, which evokes the Hays Code.
To me there appears to be a fundamental difference between modernist media that is subversive in its sincerity whilst operating underneath an oppressive law vs a modernist media climate that is more conservative and conformative as part of a larger cultural retrograde but where there isn't necessarily a legal overhead forcing it. Something like Superman fundamentally does not challenge the status quo; on the other hand, in order to be subversive of the Hays Code, storytellers were forced to be creative with their subterfuge: see, for example, the queer coding in film which arose as a result of depictions of homosexuality being depicted; or the way physique films which were effectively vintage gay pornography films were distributed by skirting the legal grey areas of the Hays Code.
It's been a hot minute since I looked at US film history but to my recollection the Hays Code being lifted coincided with the rise and popularization of the anti-western genre, which was a pretty openly seditious genre, and they didn't have to hide that kind of sentiment because of overt censorship from on high.
The nostalgia for Top Gun: Maverick is especially interesting to me, because it frequently comes with the sentiment, "They don't make them like that anymore." This echoes stories my spouse, who does work in film, has told me about conversations he’s had with older actors who have lamented the lack of real hardboiled westerns as a genre in film and television; gone are the days of Gun Smoke and the Lone Ranger.
And the thing is, westerns were a dead genre walking even when they were real history, and at the hey dey of the genre in the 1950s, it was 100% dead. That’s because the western is fundamentally an American genre that deals with the American nationmaking and creation myth of the colonial frontier. It’s the genre that deals with the idea of being able to move westward and reinvent ourselves, and it's the genre of building civilizations where there aren't any. And that is NOT something that we really accept in the year of our Fen'Harel 2025, especially not in a climate where land back is in discussion and we have acknowledged (grudgingly) the genocides enacted on indigenous peoples in the name of building these colonially settler states.
Furthermore, as postmodernist storymodes began to develop, it was really hard to ignore that when you go west, you still bring your bullshit with you. This is why the anti-western subgenre went OFF after the Hays Code was weakened and then officially lifted. From an aesthetics, I am not generally a fan of the western as a broad genre but one thing I do tend to appreciate about the anti-western genre is that it often takes a look at the way that the western frontier and the mythos of the western relies on this pretext of a so-called clean slate and does not, in fact, have a clean slate. And the thing is, westerns are fundamentally modernist stories, and anti-westerns are fundamentally postmodernist.
If we take a brief segue to talk about another form of speculative fiction – apocalyptic/post-apocalyptic fiction – there’s some interesting similarities to the classic western vis a vis the nature of post-apocalyptic fiction as a new cultural frontier. Both employ this concept of wiping the slate clean: the former by “going west” to a new frontier; the latter by utilizing a calamity of some kind that forces a catastrophic rewrite of the old world to usher in the new world. In theory, they both build something new. And in their own ways, neither really reckon with the social order of the past – a cop out to avoid the responsibility of the ways that our societies and civilizations have failed peoples in the past, and the ways injustices went unaddressed, although I would argue that there are certainly many apocalyptic stories which do use the collapse of civilization to examine how the old world failed them, and what it means to bring that old world forward into the new. (I thought Horizon: Zero Dawn did a respectable job of this, for example.)
The problem leaving these things unaddressed in any capacity is that, if there is ANY memory of what life was like before. If there is ANY concept of the history of before. Then that which precedes these people in the story really must remain a lingering influence; you can break down society but unless you specifically include it in your story premise you can't erase its memory. Humans are cultural species, and the temporal nature of our species is such that our histories, languages, traditions, landscapes, etc, are echoed across time, an inheritance that spans beyond even written language.
In a way, post-apocalyptic fiction relies on a frontier horizon. A new world. They're not 1:1 with westerns, but there are similarities in the construction of a western frontier and a cultural frontier – the new beginning, the idea that you can reshape your destiny in this brave new world. It is unclear whether or not the devs necessarily intended this, but the premise of frontier exploration rooted in the western genre as both a physical frontier and a cultural frontier actually opened the gate for some really interesting explorations of the way these societies collapse and rebuild.
The problem inherent to the western genre trope of the lone gunslinger is made glaringly obvious when contrasted with the apocalyptic/post-apocalyptic genre: that is, that The Man isn't an individual, not really. As a rule people struggle to grasp the ways in which our temporal experiences are influenced by a much, much wider period of time and spanse of events than just the immediacy of proximal existence. Most can understand how we still experience the echoes of the collapse of the Roman Empire, and it wouldn't shock me even remotely if we are still influenced by the Bell Breaker Culture. Hell, our DNA is still influenced by Neanderthals, which are believed to have faded into extinction some 40,000 years ago. Peoples are interconnected; they do not exist in complete, total isolation.
So, even if civilization collapsed in an apocalyptic scenario or a revolutionary scenario (girl… the blight..), people would still behave in accordance with their existing prejudices, and bring that into the New World Order™️. It's not a hard reboot, and the work still needs to be put in. You can't scaffold this critical labor of addressing injustice and inequality by sweeping through with revolution and the violent reshaping of society, or the total collapse of society in wake of a great disaster. Failure to do this means that the end of civilization is not a reset, but a dooming of the future to be trapped by the mistakes of the past.
I can’t help but notice a level of regression in Veilguard that mirrors the issues I see with the commonalities between westerns and apocalyptic/post-apocalyptic fiction. According to DATV and the developers, southern Thedas was effectively nuked by a category 7 apocalyptic calamity – scorched earth, good day sir! And the follow-up? "Given the state of Thedas at the end of DATV, Minrathous has become the diplomatic hub for the entire continent." Slavery is magically ended, the Veil is magically fixed, we’ve probably solved the issue of the circles because they’re apparently just schools now, and now they made the hates-elves-loves-slavery-opposes-the-southern-chantry-been-at-war-with-the-qunari-for-300-years city is now the the site of the Thedas UN. AND the elves got a win. Somehow. Don’t worry about it. :)
I feel like I have probably shared this post before, but I’ll link it again – on why I felt that the endgame for Veilguard was a deeply fucked worldstate for the elves, not the least of which was: we just [check notes] gave every surviving nation in the entire continent, which already oppressed elves and considered them subhuman, including the fucking dominant religion, a new, more immediate reason to fucking hate their guts because [check notes] again, it’s elves that are responsible for all blights including the two in recent living memory. And I am somehow supposed to accept that, in this post-apocalyptic scenario, everybody is going to simply reinvent themselves and they won’t bring any of their bullshit forward with them to this new world order. Somehow. Harold hide the pain.
Modernist regression also stands apart as distinct from metamodernism, where the former is a retrograde and the other is an attempt at a synthesis of what Gregg Henriques terms different "cultural logics" such as modern idealism and postmodern skepticism, modern sincerity and postmodern irony, and other seemingly opposed concepts. A film like Everything Everywhere All At Once (2022) has emerged as a response to the internet and globalism, which blew the doors wide open to give us access to the perspectives, opinions, and narratives of millions (billions) of people with completely different and often conflicting lives. This awareness – this plurality of meaning – is a significant part of what defines metamodernism.
“Then we saw Everything Everywhere All At Once, which feels like the culmination of something new. It explodes into a chaotic whirlwind of film styles and references, declaring everything meaningless in the midst of this chaos and then somehow still finding meaning there."
This is also a very similar thema to the first season of True Detective (2014) (one of my all-time favorite pieces of media, by the way), which is a deeply cynical story with deeply cynical characters which grapples with the existentialism of the meaningless of existence (“Time is a flat circle.”) but ends with an extremely sincere and hopeful conclusion – the idea that, maybe it is all meaningless. But maybe the point is that we make our own meaning, anyway. Maybe we choose to be a small, glittering light in the night sky. The night sky is indeed dark and vast and filled with the great empty nothing, but as the protagonist Cohle puts it, “Once there was only dark. You ask me, the light's winning."
What makes the existence of metamodernism and these kinds of stories really interesting is that it means that choosing to tell a modernist story in 2024 when we do have that access, that storyworld framework, is a deliberate rejection of all of those alternate perspectives. This is also what makes Veilguard feel so regressive – it could have told a metamodernist story, but chose not to.
The other thing about Veilguard that makes it incoherent is that it’s ostensibly supposed to feel earnest and cynical, but it still ended up being a deeply cynical piece of media. It’s thesis, for example, is essentially "nothing can be changed" -- but the game doesn't frame this failstate as a tragedy like say cyberpunk does, which is a pretty glaring omission. I think you could make a case that they were going for a more modernist storymode but the underpinning was fundamentally cynical both in the construction of the storyworld (and therefore it was incongruous with its own identity) and in its meta construction (see: Epler's approach to Anaris and Solas, below, but likely also on a much wider scale). Where a metamodernist story might try to synthesize these seemingly opposing concepts (idealism/skepticism, irony/sincerity, etc), in this game these elements are in conflict, like oil and water. What’s worse is that I’m not sure the devs were really aware that this was what was happening.
(You can read more 'Psychic Damage' quotes as she calls them on user Sunlight-Shunlight's blog here)
There's something possibly interesting in how its construction of earnestness is directly informed by the cynicism it's trying to combat, similar to how we see that Western atheism is general directly formed in shape by Christianity and is often very specifically anti-Christian, rather. You can feel how the game was constructed to be safe and to ward off the kind of criticism fandom has levied against BioWare over the years – which I find reactive and weird. See: the Lords of Fortune being ethical pirates who consult one (1) Dalish keeper about cultural artifacts; see: the Antivan Crows are just freedom fighters who definitely don’t traffic in slavery or child abuse. At its core, Veilguard is just irony-poisoned meaninglessness with a modernist earnestness paintjob slapped atop it, but hey! At least it's fun to play ❤️ yay ❤️
This failure to really synthesize a genre-appropriate story that nails the beats is certainly not a new problem for BioWare. One of the big criticisms of Mass Effect: Andromeda was and still is the MCU-ification of the game that made it feel soulless and bland, and additionally I actually think that game also kind of falls flat with the fact that it had all the trappings of a western but really should have been an anti-western that dealt with the colonial settler narrative that was baked into the story. But, like Veilguard, that would have meant engaging with the Mass Effect trilogy and the new setting in a specific kinda way that I don't think the devs were prepared to do, so, we just got this... thing... that exists. It's fun to play ❤️ yay ❤️
ksdfadhga I had to break it up to an additional Part 6 because Tumblr wouldn't let me reblog it with everything else I had on the post block. I must have hit the magical word limit or something, idk. Anyway, after half an hour of trying to figure out why I can't post it, here it is!
COVID-19 and RETVRN
One of the things that has struck me over and over as I have examined this game is the emphasis on the status quo, and the emphasis on returning to the status quo. More than once, I wondered if it was echoing the kind of neoliberal political response to both the first Donald Trump presidency in the United States and to the disruptive nature of the 2020 BLM protests, the Land Back movement, and the broader COVID-19 response. The Veilguard was rebooted as a multiplayer game in 2018, the COVID-19 pandemic ~officially~ began circa February 2020, and the pivot back to a singleplayer game took place sometime during 2020-2021. Much of the game would have been made remotely, during the height of the pandemic, when people were still social distancing and RTO mandates hadn’t been rolled out.
So. there are two parts to this. The first is the kind of neoliberal hopecore in the face of a widespread social stressor. The second is a desire to return to normalcy, but, really, truly, RETVRN.
From Weekes, on the Escapism panel:
“Trick Weekes: So I can only really define escapism for me because I think it has to vary from person to person. There are people for whom escapism is the cozy romance or a cozy mystery. I honestly really like fight scenes. And so for me, escapism does include fight scenes, but escapism for me kind of goes to… the promise that it's gonna be okay. There's the promise of the happy ending. I personally really like the feeling of being embedded in a different place. It doesn't even have to necessarily be a fantasy or a science fiction setting, but just someplace that is really different from the world I experience. So that I'm, you know, yet when people are having problems, they're new and different problems that have nothing to do with the reality I have to live in day to day. And so that combination is what works for me as escapism, going to some place different and having excitement and adventure and romance, but with a promise from the author or the game designer that it's going to be okay.”
A very annoying, very white, very liberal response to the pandemic and the social unrest during it was indeed a kind of hopecore where they were not hoping for a better and more equal world, but rather they were hoping that they could experience a return to normalcy, where “normal” was a societal equilibrium wherein they did not experience the level of emotional distress they were then-presently experiencing. For so many of these people, this was their first experience with being impacted by a widespread systemic failure.
The way this parallels with Veilguard is that we have in our hands a game where the ending is a world made manifest where the remainder of the main characters are without emotional distress or demands. If you contextualize it with BLM and land back, what we have isn’t really, truly a hope to an end to systemic racism, or systemic economic inequality, or fascism. It’s a kind of hope that boils down to “I hope you people who keep making me feel bad about not doing enough will shut the fuck up and leave me alone.”
The pandemic was a chance for our societies to reevaluate how they functioned and how we might be able to change it for the better, and then to actually do that. It involved asking real questions about how these systems in placed failed so many people, and what could actually be done about them to prevent something like this from happening again. There could have been a real momentum coming off the first few years of the pandemic, and it could have really changed a lot of things for a lot of people – for the better, we would hope. David Graeber wrote a short article on this exact subject that I am choosing here to share: Please Do Not Go Back To Sleep.
The problem is, this kind of change is antithetical to the concept of a “return to normalcy.”
And the problem is, the return to normalcy is a return to the status quo of systems that allowed this kind of systemic failure to happen in the first place. In the US, especially, the way liberals capitulated back to a comfortable, complacent status quo comfort did incredible damage to our ability to mount a meaningful response to the way people suffered and continue to suffer from covid, and I think there’s an argument to be made that they are more culpable than than even the Trump-esque Republicans, the latter have always advocated for this kind of world, whereas the former made a conscious choice to cede any opportunity to radically agitate for a better world.
And I think at this point I am bringing a certain “a progressive desire to return to normalcy is really a neoliberal desire to RETVRN” that a lot of self-styled progressives really aren’t going to like.
Return • verb
1 a : to go back or come back again
b : to go back in thought, practice, or condition : revert
Derivative of this, RETVRN, spelled with a ‘V’ instead of a ‘U’, is used to intentionally evoke Roman aesthetics; it is used to signify a desire to "return" to an imagined past, one which is frequently linked to socially conservative, ethnonationalist, or even fascist views and which often rejects modern societal norms and technological advancements.
For neoliberalism, any kind of RETVRN surely evokes a fantastical reality where the marriage of capitalist venture and liberal social mores is functional and stable. It’s the kind of marriage that keeps the market happy and ensures that the global neoliberal democracy project is in place to prevent the rise of fascism (or, more broadly speaking, totalitarianism) once more. That modern neoliberalism project was explicitly devised to ensure a strong democratic state and healthy capitalist market so as to prevent the kind of political and economic instability which created opportunities for the Nazi Party in Germany to rise to power. The idea that neoliberalism could be ideological was an opprobrium; it was designed, instead, to engage through social aspects of life—namely, morality.
The actual reality is. Well.
In the context of covid, return to normalcy is a return to what allowed Donald Trump to be elected the first time around. Return to normalcy is what allowed Donald Trump to be elected the second time around. Return to normalcy quite literally has facilitated the naked, mask-off rise of fascism, which the very neoliberalist project was meant to prevent! This goes hand in hand with the way that the liberal veneer of law and order was eviscerated and also the way it also laid out a red carpet for fascists to seize on populist narratives and governmental control because, as it has been proven again and again and again, liberalism will never, ever meaningfully combat fascism.
Because here’s the thing. If neoliberalism is the praxis of people who are moral and just, and it is used to construct a system around these beliefs while also continuing to enshrine a system of capitalism, which intrinsically relies on the continued existence of hierarchies and inequality, then you have created a system that posits that that there is a case where the continuing existence of hierarchies and inequality are moral and just. As Hayek outlined in his 1961 address on The Moral Element in Free Enterprise, “...so long as we keep within the accepted rules, moral pressure can be brought on us only through the esteem of those whom we ourselves respect and not through the allocation of material reward by a social authority.” In other words: if you are niceys with me, I will be niceys with you, and you will therefore deserve to have access to economic prosperity and the safety that comes with it. If you are not niceys, then you are a degenerate reprobate and you deserve to suffer.
This is evidentially a system that is vulnerable to stressors. Morality within this neoliberal framework also necessitates an in-group and out-group dynamic that becomes increasingly smaller as people fail to meet the criterion for what counts as moral and niceys, and what is in truth a liberal facade is prone to slipping when the thinning line between the mask and the face of the system prompts them to engage in tactics that are, really, truly, not very niceys. From revealing the violence and engaging in the authoritarianism that has always lay beneath to the mass gaslighting and manipulation by the state and media apparatus/cultural institutions to the bloodthirsty liberals trying to mask their evangelical attachment to the system in an increasingly thin veneer of moral righteousness and sensible politics.
And you know what? When you decide people aren’t playing niceys the right way with you, and so you decide to stop playing niceys with them, you are, in fact, partially culpable for the deterioration of the ability to communicate and built community. The fact that so many neoliberals cannot understand this and insist that they are the victim or persecuted party in this dynamic in my opinion betrays an inability or unwillingness to acknowledge one’s own capacity for evildoing.
Elliot Sang’s video “The truth behind MAGA regret” deals with this topic, and specifically this liberal obsession, this liberal glee, with the concept of “fuck around and find out.” There comes a smug sense of moral and intellectual superiority, a finger-wagging “I told you so.” that doesn’t actually do anything beyond be self-congratulatory and self-reinforcing of one’s own worldview. It’s arrogant, and it also ignores the real, systemic motivations behind why these kinds of politics gain support in the first place that also conveniently and by design overlooks the fact that the neoliberal project does not meet everyone’s needs adequately.
I actually feel the same way about this kind of critique of "they're so stupid" that I do with the way I do about left-libs who periodically crow about how Trump or Putin or who-the-fuck-ever is "the laughingstock of the world" when it's not actually a cogent critique, it's just a put-down that makes them feel smarter about themselves while completely ignoring the fact that it's meaningless and won't actually stop these political actors and their politics from, like, doing the bad things that supposedly are stupid or comical. It's so ineffectual! And it also completely ignores the way these supposed laughingstocks of the world are materially harming real people. Where is the empathy, and why is it being expensed in order to uphold your own moral purity and intellectual superiority?
And like. Here’s the other crucial part of this that these kinds of gotcha’s obscure. Even if it does seem stupid. Even if it does seem comical. Even if these things do seem ridiculous. Crucially? They work.
The ideology might be dumb as in nonsensical, illogical, hypocritical, contradictory, etc.. Modern fascists do look dumb as hell, their fashion is bad and the manosphere is stupidly insecure and tradwifism is bizarre and oh my god imaging having to calmly explain what a groyper is how embarrassing is that and, and, and – and it WORKS. That’s the point. Like yes, the aesthetics are also often stupid but that is intentional, that is a feature both because it's an appeal to the populism as exists today but also to obfuscate what's actually going on underneath the hood. It's the silly teehee we're just doing funny memes and edgy dark humor. It’s the plausible deniability right up until the moment where they decide to go mask off. We're just funny little guys.
The reality is that the people enacting the policy to proliferate the ideology are not dumb. They are not stupid, they are not uneducated. They have law degrees from Yale and decades of experience in politics. They have an incredible understanding of the weak points of neoliberal democracy and of the psychological landscape of their followers, and they are expertly using both in concert with this “dumb” ideology as a tool to amass support from the people who do truly believe, and they are doing it incredibly effectively. They have quite literally done more effective, consequential strategic “governing” in ten months than the Democratic Party has done in the last fifty years. This intellectual superiority complex that left-libs espouse is one of the main tools used to turn their support base against politicians and policies which might (marginally) enact better policies for them because they prey on the hurt that comes from that infamous Democratic Elite Condescending Intellectualism.
“Fascism is the most counterrevolutionary movement in existence. A violent mass that fights to preserve the status quo of the nation. No change. By placing themselves in an imaginary hierarchy and deeming their group superior, fascists justify violence against others to create a sense of pseudo revolution, without actually changing the system at all.
We all know something is deeply wrong. But to embrace an ideology that maintains this very system [this status quo] is not revolutionary. It’s reactionary.” – Ben Hoerman, The Aesthetics of Fascism
And the more we call them dumb, the more that we buy into this intellectual neoliberal project of moral and intellectual superiority which enshrines the status quo as sacrosanct, the more we are unable to see how these very politics and these very moralizations feed into fascism, the less prepared we are to fight the actual fascists right in front of our face.
Again, there is this kind of liberal complacency in the face of the empire that intentionally fosters a disconnect in understanding the role of a populace’s general complacency while living in an empire and which obscures the ways this passivity facilitates the empire. If they are moral, and just, and right, and they are keeping on keeping on with the great neoliberal democratic project, the inherently superior intelligence of their project stand as a bulwark against a repeat of fascism. Denial is quite literally baked into it.
The other thing to consider here is the impact impact of covid-19 and the way conservatism has proliferated in online spaces and especially in online fandom spaces as a consequence of lockdown. Matt Bernstein and Kat Tenbarge posted a video titled “Why Is Everyone One Back Into The Closet” where they lay down the broad strokes of this:
MATT: “I mentioned that only to say I do think COVID uh and lockdown specifically in 2020 was such a traumatizing time for so many people in so many different directions. We saw so many people become, you know, antivax conspiracy theorists. We saw so many people go down so many conspiratorial rabbit holes. And I think this is in line with a lot of that, the amount of people who went under these like new religious journeys.”
KAT: “Yes. And I want to like talk about this more as we go along, but it's like the fact that these things happened in like the 2020 era is no coincidence because you saw all of these things that were already starting to happen on the internet. You saw the beginning of this like pendulum swing toward conservative culture online. That was already happening before 2020. But 2020 accelerated everything. All of a sudden it went from like being very online, being extremely online, being a huge fan of YouTube, etc. It was still somewhat niche. For young people, for people who grew up online, being in YouTube culture was already sort of a majority experience.
But what happened in 2020 was like you saw this massive acceleration in like across all demographics because of like the conditions of lockdown and quarantine. were spending so much more time online than before. And because of these other like sociopolitical, economic, cultural factors that were happening in the wider world, you saw this intense burst of conservative content. And YouTube in particular was primed for this because in the decade leading up to the pandemic, there were so many career influencers who were building these conservative networks online. And this is the pipeline that was set in place that so many people fell down. And this aspect of it, this like conversion therapy aspect of it is very unexplored compared to like the manosphere.”
And what’s really interesting about this to me is that, prior to the pandemic, we saw Trick ostensibly on the same page of understanding that Solas's story was tragic and in general appearing to have a grasp of the kind of narratives that Dragon Age fans in general were looking for, but then the pandemic happens and it's scary and upsetting and so they retreat to escapism media where the messages are hopeful and they know that everything is going to be okay in the end. This is happening in the context of a developer/writing group that retreats to social distancing and remote work and is very much terminally online in a fandom climate within a broader social media climate that has seen an explosion of "normie" participation that has broadly swung the compass of discourse to a more conservative modality, and then Dragon Age: The Veilguard releases and it has a message that is “hopeful” where “everything is okay in the end” and it seems largely unaware of how steeped in conservativism it is.
When people say they miss lockdown, it often seems to stem from a fundamental misunderstanding of what they miss, why they miss it, why they don’t currently have what they miss, and what the context of that experience was. It isn’t that they miss lockdown itself; rather, what they miss is the freedom of time and energy to explore hobbies and practice skills and care for their homes and go outside to touch grass in a manner which is normally not accessible to the average person in the imperial core under late stage capitalism. Crucially, however, we must remember that this destabilized the entire world, and the context of having that apparent freedom is that at least 6 million people died. It is important to remember that this was effectively a case of making sourdough while the world burns.
Here, I think again of Weekes’ talk on Empires, and of the entreaty to please think of the people buying bread in the market. Remember:
self care is resistance under the empire
just showing up as a queer person is all you have to do to be radical
resisting fascism is whatever makes you feel warm and fuzzy in the immediate moment (because you’re gay)
baking bread under the empire is, therefore, radical
A pair of unfathomable ancient and ontologically evil elven mares are loose, there’s a turbo double blight afoot, the entirety of southern Thedas is getting nuked to hell, all of the major cities up north are under attack, and we’re dealing with the sword of Damocles in the form of a catastrophically unstable magical Veil which could hit critical mass at any point in the near future and spontaneously collapse on its own, unleashing untold devastation on the entirety of an already beleaguered Thedas.
But we have time to go on a nice little coffee date in a cute cat cafe. Bellara is getting caught up on her naps. Lucanis doesn’t have to worry about his supply chain being disrupted and he can cook all of his fancy Antivan meals. Bellara gets to enjoy taking the naps she so loves and enjoys. Harding as the time to take Emmrich on a camping adventure in southern Thedas, and he’s very excited because he always wanted to travel to Ferelden. Davrin is always able to go back to beautiful Arlathan and take a moment to vibe in the woods away from it all.
During the lockdown, the mood around most of these little hobbies was a very Could A Depressed Person Make This attitude which was often a mask for varying degrees of terror and/or denial which were barely concealed as people struggled to figure out how to cope. The Veilguard, by contrast, is done with zero self reflection. Aren’t they so lucky that they get to go camping? It’s it great that these little things they do are framed as necessary and revolutionary acts of joy? Don’t you know that taking time for yourself in the midst of their enormous humanitarian crises is important because you can't fight the good fight on an empty tank if your inner peace is disrupted? Thank goodness it was possible to access a very exclusive eluvian network and be able to leave the worst of the devastation and go for a nice little camping retreat in the middle of a crisis in order to touch some grass and rebalance the chakras. Stop saying we had the privilege to be do that while a lot of people were trapped in the middle of it of the worst of it. But you don’t understand. It was So Hard for them to socially distance from the majority of the consequences while they lived in their cozy little Lighthouse with their friends.
Don’t you know how hard it was to have to do remote work and zoom calls with the god of lies during the blight pandemic?
The game fucks with the lore of the previous games so that the present blight can be scary but also basically manageable instead of existential threat and category seven natural disaster. Its danger is minimized, and the CDC has removed the blight guidelines from the website. It’s back to normal and it’s okay now you can return to office I mean go outside now because covid I mean the pandemic I mean the blight is over now! Thank all secular reasoning that Rook and co have ensured that we live in a post-blight world where it has been calcified and neutralized as a thing of the past!
It’s back to normal where the Veil is still in place and people are still endangered by its existence and the political structures which were created around this systemic issue are still in place and the stratifications of class and race and magical ability are still in place and we’ve simply decided that they don’t matter and won’t address how this is a normal that comes at the expense of the safety and wholeness of huge swathes of the population of Thedas (but at least the elves got a win…).
Listen. Revolution and wide scale social change is very scary and it’s hard to make reforms work when there are these evil corrupt politicians in the way. And I am not going to advocate for violence because this affects the everyday people. There was this one guy who wanted to take radical measures against the plague and equalize society but he’s not playing niceys the way we require him to so we’ve banished him to jail I mean Omelas I mean the Fade and we’re never going to see him again. Very sad… ANYWAY. What if this plague shows up and the “good guys” are able to inoculate us with their Pfizer joining booster shots. Wouldn’t it be great if, now that the evil is defeated and the entire evilbad Tevinter Magisterium filled with supremacist Venatori has been annihilated by a random Act Of God™ (remember when Trump and Bolsonaro had covid at the same time and for a brief period in time we could collectively wait to see if a random Act Of God™ might kill two horrible right-winger leaders in one fell swoop? Pepperidge BioWare remembers) and now the good members of the Magisterium which are still around – like Dorian and Maevaris and Kamala Harris and their dem allies – can fix everything with their reformist policies that will definitely work now.
There is a non-zero chance that we paid money to play some neoliberal covid-19 anti-Republican hopium wish fulfillment. And as an aside, user hallahart put it all in a way that I thought was particularly funny: the game's refusal to address societal upheaval and trauma is itself a postmodern commentary on post-covid politics of denial. Ben Affleck Smoking Dot Jpeg.
Part 7 -- this concludes the essay entry that is Part 4, 5, 6, & 7
Times are bad. Be Hopeful.
Weekes, again, from their panel on Escapism:
Trick Weekes: "Well, I mean, I think it's a question of balance. I think you have to do what's right for you. The question is, to some extent, what gap in your life are you trying to fill with art right now? I don't know if this is 100% true, but one of the things that I had heard was when the economic times in the United States are good, lots of jobs, the price of groceries is reasonable, then people kind of like dystopias because they have the resources to explore. If their lives are more comfortable, then people on the whole have the resources to explore the more negative stuff and process some of that. Whereas when times are hard, escapist movies and escapist books become more popular because people are looking for a way out. It's not that I don't think there's a problem if you consume only one or the other. I think it's that if you're consuming only one or the other, that's more likely a sign that your life is kind of out of balance. It's an indication of something wrong somewhere else rather than the cause of the problem. I will say, I think if you consume nothing but dark, despairing stuff, it does make it harder to think in terms of the possibilities of a brighter future."
“Times are bad. Be hopeful.” HOW are times bad, exactly? WHAT makes something hopeful in response, precisely?
Paired with the quote on hope’s role in escapism, in some ways this is the distillation of my critique of Veilguard: a hopeful message of good triumphs over evil but it kind of just… paints over the context of what might have made it hopeful and ignores how this in fact makes it pretty bleak as a message. You cannot pare away the context and the nuance and expect for it to have the impact you need if you want a message of Hope. You especially cannot do this when you are ignoring the worldbuilding and the lore which has already set your story up for some manner of tragedy.
I further think there’s something particularly disingenuous about this kind of framing of hope; in general I don’t think people with more liberal political frameworks have “revolutionary” conceptions of what joy and hope themselves mean and how their own ideas are shaped by hegemony and individualism. Hope especially is very much still seen as a very passive “wishing upon a star” type of thing rather than an active hope that exists through the social interactions and counter-hegemonic social relations that can be practiced on a day to day level. Like politics, hope is not a passive thing we experience. It’s not something we go into a book or a game or a movie and come out with as a vague, nebulous sense of. And to me hope is related to escapism, where escapism is the drifting possibilities and hope is grounded. Hope is something that we bring back with us to our reality. Hope is something we strive toward.
I was writing about the escapism of Dragon Age: The Veilguard as far back as April this year, and I think anyone who thinks about it with any seriousness can see that it was a deeply avoidant piece of media in so many capacities. I quoted Ursula K. Le Guin and J. R. R. Tolkien but I’m going to extract the Tolkien quote here because I think it’s particularly salient in light of what we’re seeing in DATV as a piece of media, the discourse around DATV, and the authorial framework that went into DATV:
“I have claimed that Escape is one of the main functions of fairy-stories, and since I do not disapprove of them, it is plain that I do not accept the tone of scorn or pity with which “Escape” is now so often used: a tone for which the uses of the word outside literary criticism give no warrant at all. […] Why should a man be scorned if, finding himself in prison, he tries to get out and go home? Or if, when he cannot do so, he thinks and talks about other topics than jailers and prison-walls? The world outside has not become less real because the prisoner cannot see it. In using escape in this way the critics have chosen the wrong word, and, what is more, they are confusing, not always by sincere error, the Escape of the Prisoner with the Flight of the Deserter.”
- J. R. R. Tolkein, “On Fairy Stories”
What we are seeing from these talks and from the surrounding discourse is the proverbial Flight of the Deserter – the mechanism of using media as a tool of avoidance, rather than a tool of escape, of liberty. As I quoted Le Guin earlier: “…if we value the freedom of the mind and soul, if we’re partisans of liberty, then it’s our plain duty to escape, and to take as many people with us as we can.” If we are to seek messages of hope, if we are to seek a better tomorrow, we cannot escape from, but we must escape to. In a sense I had always kind of felt that Dragon Age was a story which had a grounded hope: not necessarily that all of these horrible things will change and we will achieve a utopia, but that beauty can be made regardless of the horrors we perceive, in finding and practicing our shared humanity and in trying, anyway. It feels bad, then, to see this replaced by an abstraction of what amounts to But What If Omelas Was Good, Actually.
Di Carlee Gomes wrote a thought-provoking piece of film criticism in The Puritanical Eye: Hyper-Mediation, Sex on Film, and the Disavowal of Desire . The whole piece is effectively a scathing condemnation of Veilguard despite having been written a year prior to the game’s release. But really, Veilguard is emblematic of a deeper problem across the breadth of our current media culture, and the ways in which both the creation and the engagement with media does not exist in a vacuum. I’ve chosen to extract some relevant passages from the larger body of the essay which cover much of what I have already talked about, but I highly recommend you go and read the whole essay.
“It is a revolving door of commodification and alienation — commodification of ideas, of bodies, of feelings, and alienation from ourselves, from our own bodies, from others. The way we consume and talk about films and art in this hyper-mediated environment (largely on individualized and individuated digital platforms) has not only impacted how that media and art is made (the modes of production), but also what types of media and art get prioritized (what gets made at all)…”
[...]
“The current state of cultural and material decline plays an important role in the shift toward Puritanism in media and art, in consumer appetite, and in the political posture of the State. That is to say, with the compounding crises we are bombarded with (everything from climate disaster to rampant racialized police violence to genocide) as a part of our daily lives under late capitalism, the need for escape, and indeed, the need for that escape to be completely unchallenging and non-confrontational, has become imperative. Moreover, as control over our own material realities becomes less and less feasible, the last lone place we believe we can exercise agency is within the landscape of that which we consume. This has resulted in the consuming public approaching all media and art with a moral imperative — that which we consume must be perfectly virtuous, sanitized of all problematic or complicated ideas and depictions, because it has become the stand-in for our very realities, our very political action as citizens; consuming has become our praxis.”
[...]
“The desire to exclusively engage with media and art made by “unproblematic” artists is a direct result of Americans viewing media consumption as an inherently political act because that is the supreme promise of Western prosperity and the religion of consumerism, and because it’s seemingly all that’s left. We’ve been stripped and socialized out of any real political energy and agency. Our ability to consume is the only thing remaining that’s “ours” in late capitalism, and as a result it’s become a stand-in for real (or perhaps the sole defining quality of) every aspect of being alive today – consuming is activism, it’s love, it’s thinking, it’s sex, it’s fill in the blank. When the act of consuming is all you have left and indeed the only thing society tells you is valuable and meaningful, the act must necessarily be a moral one, which is why people send themselves down manic spirals deciding what, who is “problematic” or not, because for us the stakes are that high now.”
[…]
“These critics (and audiences today generally speaking) are only interested in a sanitized, moralized, and ideally, completely non-controversial experience with their media and art, an experience they readily commodify into an easily digestible opinion (or tweet, meme, headline) to exist as an artifact online, one that’s representative and reflective of their personal political and moral ideologies. They want a film (just like any other commodity they consume) to stand as a totem, a badge, for their specific belief system rather than challenge it (or not serve as representative at all).
[…]
“What’s lost when movies just become a series of memeable one-liners and action scenes that can be distilled down into a gif? What’s lost when the necessary implication of the audience in the experience of viewing a film is removed and we become merely passive consumers of moving images that stir nothing in us, that don’t engage our bodies, our hearts, our minds, or shake us from our late capitalist catatonia? Why does it matter that we now only interact with trauma narratives through prepackaged IP nuggets delivered to us neatly in a series like WandaVision (created by Jac Schaeffer, 2021), or the Halloween franchise? What’s lost when the sex scene disappears from our movies, when the very presence of sexual desire and bodily expression incites revulsion? What’s lost is our connection to one another beyond the fetters of capitalism, indeed the very thing that makes us human. What’s lost is our “sense of the real” (Telotte), the visceral and radical experiences that Verhoeven’s Hollywood films, even and especially through the persistence and abundance of sex scenes, were dedicated to recovering, all of which today’s cinema is inevitably without. What’s lost is the last thing that stands between us and the system that forever seeks to turn us into nothing more than another product.”
A lot to like, but one thing that did stick out with me was the “religion of consumerism” that pervades American media and pop culture habits, and actually while I was watching the afore-linked video by Matt Bernstein with Kat Tenbarge titled “Why Is Everyone One Back Into The Closet,” another thing which that popped out at me was their discussion around the YouTuber Lohanthony, his platform as an online queer influencer, and his love of the musician Lana Del Ray in the context of his apparent born-again Christian conversion therapy.
“You have these really passionate queer people who find this sense of community and purpose and belong in pop culture and in the community they find through social media. And when you reach this point of inner turmoil, I think Christianity can be very attractive, because you’re just replacing the pop star you love or the genre of content that you’re participating in with this Christian faith.”
There is thus something to be said here in that if the goal of capitalism is the enclosure of all aspects of life and the alienation of labor for endless accumulation, then this is fundamentally about not only the physical enclosure under and towards which capitalism operates (access to the commons, etc) but also that of consciousness. How to think, how to feel, etc etc etc. As we see an increasing slide toward LLM generative content as a replacement for art, it becomes increasingly more apparent that this so-called AI art is the epitome of capitalism in that it ultimately seeks to redefine art as and create endless slop for purposes of soulless consumption rather than as a creative and enlightening process of labor which fosters connection. And this is, perhaps obviously, perfect for fascist ideology because fascism is a fundamentally dehumanizing experience already focused on the aesthetic outcome. The fact that neoliberalism facilitates this and is unable to mount a coherent defense to this is, likewise, a feature. As Stafford Beer put it: The purpose of a system is what it does (POSIWID).
All of this together informs the reasons for why a lot of the positive reception of the The Veilguard feels particularly incoherent: it is unable to articulate what exactly a better tomorrow looks like; see This Game Kills Fascism (but we don’t know what fascism looks like) (we can’t articulate what a world beyond fascism looks like) (but the good guys win, and it’s queer.) The game itself twists itself into multiple incoherent positions and similarly cannot articulate exactly what a better tomorrow looks like. It’s one where good guys win and bad guys lose – it’s unapologetically queer – and it fails utterly to grapple with several central thema of the story world itself, which is the nature of empires and the nature of oppression. Instead, much like slavery and religious bigotry and class stratification in this game, they simply disappear. It is protective of one’s own capacity for evil and it claims diversity and hope and a praxis of inherent moral goodness that definitionally must come at the expense of others, but because it is positioned as a good thing, gymnastics are required to paper over it. The game itself is so mired in this inability to understand the roots of the belief system it stems from and in the refusal to acknowledge a viable alternative exists, and much of the positive reception uncritically mirrors this. At the core, despite the framework of this game and its reception as The Queerest Game Ever being supposedly progressive, is the misunderstanding that it is actually far more regressive and conservative in the structural framework in which it is both delivered and received.
A perfect example of this is this critique of veilguard-critical critique:
"…I wanted to add to this too because I read an essay that was complaining about Veilguard's punitive approach to justice as a critique because Solas winds up in the prison he made which….I mean sure Jan but Solas made the prison it's his own fault lmfao. If he wasn't all about punishment, whether the Evanuris deserved it or not, we wouldn't be here. That's Solas's entire problem with being trapped in the past much like the Evanuris. Cause he's one of them. He thinks in the archaic, overly punitive and conqueror mindset of Thedas' early days, the shadow of which is still hanging over Thedas. (btw this is like the entire point of VG and why Rook is the protagonist vs The Inquisitor)
Compare it directly to the choice Hawke gets at the end of DA2 with Anders where you can decide to kill him(which I do more often than not) like that's punitive justice because these games have always had that kind of centrism. Look at the Landsmeet or the Inquisitor for this as well. Again it's a direct example of how VG pushed the neddle less of center for how DA games are written compared to older entries. If the writers really wanted to keep up with Thedas tradition as we knot it the option to kill Solas would be there.
Rook is quite literally breaking a centuries' old tradition of punishment and retribution that they inherit directly from the Evanuris and it's crazy how many people missed the message either from not playing the game, having poor analytical skills, or being so mad Solas wasn't lauded as a hero and allowed to kill a lot of innocent people they missed the whole point."
This user is someone whose identity I am once again deliberately obscuring to keep them anonymous. But let's take a moment to actually look at what they're saying (…sigh. A critique of a critique of a critique.) By their logic, if Solas is operating within this archaic, overly punitive mindset, and this is the mindset with which he both made the prison and imprisoned the Evanuris -> what makes Rook different when the imprison Solas? Conversely, if the the thesis is that Veilguard is has had the compass of Thedas moved leftward to espouse more progressive politics because Solas gets a lifetime sentence instead of the death penalty like Anders, wouldn't that make Solas progressive because he imprisoned the Evanuris instead of killing them outright? Wouldn't that make the Inquisitor progressive for keeping Blackwall in prison, or imprisoning Corypheus in the Fade instead of killing him outright?
The goalpost here is being moved partway through this argument to define this "this archaic, overly punitive mindset" as generally opting to kill rather than imprison (which… did you know Rook can also choose to kill people in this game as a form of punishment…? The mayor from D'Meta's Crossing comes to mind) and it doesn’t make any logical sense if you are attempting to construct a basic “if x, then y” logical argument. It only makes sense if your default setting is that Rook is a good person and does good things and this game is leftist and timely and moves the needle leftward – and you have to say whatever you can to try and justify that positionality. And as user Mythalism pointed out, this post is a really good example of people who are unable to fathom a moral reality that exists inside their Western Protestant one. For this person, justice and punishment travels solely on linear scale of freedom to incarceration to death and can only move forward and backward on those train tracks. And in this case, the center point on the tracks is the best one because it’s moderate.
And in the midst of all this, the reality is that Dragon Age: The Veilguard realistically ends in a failstate, which you are not even allowed to acknowledge. The world is in tatters. You have reinforced the status quo of a Veiled world and the hierarchies of power that dominate modern Thedas. You have achieved a “return to normalcy.” You cannot acknowledge how tragic this return is, you cannot acknowledge the tragedy of the setting, you cannot acknowledge the tragedy of how many people died to achieve it, you cannot acknowledge the tragedy that the Veil is still in place, you cannot acknowledge the tragedy that Morrigan has been posssessd by her sexual abuser, you cannot acknowledge the tragedy of the unaddressed rage and grief of the ancient elves and the Dalish elves and the city elves, you cannot acknowledge the tragedy that in order to achieve this “normal,” you have condemned someone to Omelas in perpetuity.
As user Mythalism put it to me, “…the core of tragedy is empathy. Not necessarily brought on because we like the character or think they deserve empathy but because we are all mortals who experience grief and rage and unfairness at the confusing and terrifying whims of fate/the universe/the gods and we are united in that lack of control and tragedy reminds us of that unity and makes us feel less alone. […] But Veilguard does not have empathy at its core. Instead it has derision and ‘that will never be me because I’m Good’ as its driving narrative force and it relies on character likeability or clumsy moral framing using identity politics to provoke empathy in players rather than tapping in to that shared mortal experience of vulnerability to fate, and as a result, even if his story has the makings of a tragedy on the surface, it would take a fundamental rewrite to successfully evoke the catharsis of tragedy through Solas.”
User acquired-elfroot addends to this with, “There's this smug refusal to relate to a character that's made Terrible Mistakes, and this level of over-identification with Rook who never feels any real regret in their life or has made any mistakes that anyone has ever truly blamed them for. And it's this unwillingness to connect with the very human very tragic aspects of Solas's story in favor of claiming an imagined moral high ground over them, which signals them as virtuous – they don't want to go down into the pits of themselves, they would rather be reassured that they're ontologically good.”
Put more simply, in Veilguard we are presented with a 2024 Witch In The Alps escapism narrative to deal with the horrors of life in lieu of anything resembling a Greek tragic play, the latter of which quite literally is meant to serve the exact same cathartic function but by delving into it rather than running the other way. In short: one is the Escape of the Prisoner, and one is the Flight of the Deserter. One takes as many people with them as it can, and one is concerned primarily for their own escape. If there is empathy in Veilguard, it is a limited empathy, a conditional empathy, only for those we like and approve of and who behave and think the right way.
Coupling these things with the fact that this game very much was made by and made for a very specific white queer experience that comes at the expense of pretty much everyone and everything else serves to illuminate exactly whyit had been so important in certain meta discourse that this is The Queer Game™ and that it is inherently subversive and radical for its queerness. It's queer in a very centrist white neoliberal way which prioritizes the comfort of this group. If a Muslim queer person says that they do not see themselves in this game, and that the game expresses bigotry against them specifically, well, that’s unfortunately not as important as the fact that it represents some (white, liberal) queers.
And so what we're seeing is that criticism of the game isn't taken as media analysis but as criticism of the people who like it – because their sense of identity and their conceptualization of political engagement and activism is so wrapped up in what media they engage with / consume. Which is why I think that, while obviously extremely tasteless on many levels, Weekes' commentary around Ida Cook's romance novels is completely congruent with what's happening in both the construction of the game itself and also the reception to the game. There exists an operational framework where attempting to make a cozy fantasy game IS comparable to a romance author writing cozy romance books, because the media itself is an expression of the political activism.
If you are working backwards, the logic (insofar as it goes) is:
And to some extent this is a white queer problem but more broadly speaking I think part of it is also that within a system defined by consumption, there's a very tight coupling of what you consume as an indicator of what/who you are, which inherently lends itself to the understanding that any kind of criticism of the product which you are consuming is seen as an attack on/reflection of you.
And I think there's also something to be said about the fact that marginalized and non-hegemonic identities simply are just more likely to experience the effects of the system in a way which perpetuates marginalization, but that political understanding is how you interpret and analyze that phenomenon which is also inherently subjective. Which is one of the reasons that the state of being queer in and of itself does not inherently convey radicalism to the person who is queer.
Hence. Veilguard.
Veilguard is, at its core, most certainly not a game that is designed to meaningfully combat fascism. And the thing that the anti-criticism / veilguard-positivity crowd fails to understand, is that for many who have continued to be critical of Dragon Age: The Veilguard even a year after it has been released, it is not because they are full of hate. It is that they are full of rage, because they are full of grief. Grief about the game itself, yes, sure, but also, rage and grief about the general cultural zeitgeist that has made a game like this possible.
I recently started a new game in Dragon Age: Origins as part of the grieving process, and I'm struck by how allergic the writers of Dragon Age: Veilguard were to providing rich opportunities for roleplaying and exploration – fundamental elements of the franchise that previous entries excelled at and audiences clearly expected. It's extremely noticeable in the differences in how we interact with other characters in Thedas, and especially prominent in the first hours of each game.
While playing as a Dalish Elf in Origins, during the prologue alone, you can speak freely to and question:
Tamlen, your childhood friend
Keeper Marethari, the leader of your clan
Merrill, the Keeper's second-in-command
Maren, a gentle woman who works with the halla
Ilen, the clan's craftsman, who teaches you about the Vir Tanadhal
Paivel, one of the hahrens who raised you and Tamlen
Pol, a city elf come to the Dalish to avoid being hanged for theft
Junar, the hunter teaching Pol about Dalish life
Ashalle, who tells you the sad story of your parents (and the game lets you decide how to react to her telling you this)
Fenarel, who wants to come with you on your search for Tamlen with or without informing the Keeper
The 3 (nameless) humans encroaching on your clan's campsite, who you can choose to ruthlessly kill or scare off, but either way contributes to the clan having to leave
Duncan, of course
You can talk to many of these characters twice or more, once when you awake in camp the first time, and again after returning empty-handed after your search for Tamlen. They have different attitudes towards you and the politics of the world they live in. Often, you can interrogate them for more information. Some have interesting insights, others provide context for the world your character inhabits. Sometimes, you'll unlock codex entries from conversations you have with these side characters (or items in their vicinity), elaborating even more on what you've learned. All of this is in service to helping you roleplay: each interaction layers choices upon choices, building a picture of how your character interfaces with friends, acquaintances, and strangers, as well as how you'll fit them into the ideological jigsaw puzzle that is Thedas.
You will talk to none* of these characters again after the first two hours of the game. They are "not important", but they provide vital glimpses of a wider world that could exist outwith the boundaries of the main quest. The implications of the history they've lived – Paivel's sorrow at having to "bury babes he once held in his arms"; Ilen's recollections of his father's successful first-strikes against Ferelden tribes; Ashalle's reasons for withholding the sad story of your parentage – are all unnecessary to the plot of defeating the Blight, but they make Thedas feel lived in. Alive.
Before I move on: I could be very cruel to Veilguard here and count Ostagar as part of the prologue – which it is. In this case, the number of richly-characterised NPCs balloons massively. For the sake of the argument, I won't.
In Veilguard, the prologue has you interact with:
The nameless bartender, with whom you are given one singular dialogue choice (to persuade with violence or a silver-tongue).
Varric, whose goal in the opening fifteen minutes is to lead you to the next plot point.
Harding, who saves some nameless NPCs and comes with you to the next plot point.
Neve, who is the next plot point and who Varric and Harding already know, so they briefly introduce you to each other in between fights.
... Let's extend it a bit, otherwise that's a sad little list. In the follow-up mission to Arlathan Forest, you can talk to:
Strife and Irelin, faction leaders and darlings of the extended universe (aka, the heroes from another short story), who tell you who you're going to talk to next.
Bellara, who already knows who the Neve Gallus is, of course, and is all but ready to jump into action, even if you don't know who she is or her motivations for being out here in this pickle.
... Uh-oh, it's not looking that much better. Can we keep going? Including the D'Meta's Crossing section, you can also talk to:
Jahel, the surviving Veil Jumper you came looking for. This shouldn't really be counted, because it's not really a back-and-forth. He dies after approximately 2 lines of expository dialogue about the plot of this immediate section. His named Veil Jumper partner, Mihiva, is dead when you arrive.
Arguably, you could "interact" the nameless villagers afflicted by the Taint on the way there, but they do the 'crazed mutterings' and it's not really a back-and-forth, just an environmental button press when you approach.
Julius, the Mayor of D'Meta's Crossing, who you can lightly question, then decide his fate.
Morrigan, for the cameo, I suppose.
Look, I could tack Treviso and the Ossuary on. It might look slightly better. I could count the Caretaker and the faction shopkeepers with their AI-generated ass one-line introductions (but I absolutely will not, because that's ridiculous). The problem is, to me, transparent.
Veilguard is only interested in interactions with the "main characters" of Thedas – the cast of action heroes that surround your Rook. These include your companions, characters from previous games (Varric, Morrigan), and names from the comics or tie-in novels who you are supposed to whoop and cheer for when they appear without ever getting to find out who they are. If I was being unkind, I would even say it is uninterested in providing opportunities to converse with these characters given the superficial, skin-deep nature of the dialogue.
Of the short, sparse interactions you are allowed to participate in during Veilguard's opening, you can have a brief back-and-forth with at most three characters who are not other party members (past or present) or faction leaders. Two are named. I won't do the labour of counting lines of dialogue, but there are only a handful for all of these characters combined.
Throughout the game, these "other characters" exist to be beaten down in service to the plot, as quest markers in service to the plot, or to be saved in service to the plot. If you are lucky, they might have names, but they will never be so fleshed out that you could imagine an internal world for them. You can never imagine what their place in Thedas might be beyond the context you meet them in. They stand or sit or lie stationary at map markers, waiting to be talked to, and cease to exist once their dialogue tree is concluded.
The game tells you, at every possible opportunity, to keep moving. Move onto the next plot point, it says. Forget who you just talked to – they're not important like Neve, or Harding, or Lucanis, or Emmrich. You don't even need to know their names. They don't have an exclamation mark above their head. They weren't here five minutes ago, and they're not going to be here in five minutes. The words they say don't matter, it's just padding for the script to get you from Point A to Point B. Varric says you've got the elven gods Elgar'nan and Ghilan'nain to take down, isn't that thrilling?
and the thing is i've said so many wildly conflicting things about how flawed solas' character portrayal was in veilguard but like. i unironically do believe they're All True and like i think i can kind of(?) articulate why
like solas in veilguard to me was a pretty perfect example on how clear it is that dragon age has suddenly and drastically regressed from being an exploration into moral ambiguity and that fine smudged line between "hero" and "villain" to a sudden inexplicable refusal to allow any sort of grey area in character motivations in favor of forcing them into a binary box like its a dnd alignment. and i think this specifically because there is literally No Way to write solas in a morally uncomplicated manner while still maintaining anything that makes him an interesting character.
people who hate solas hate veilguard because it removed literally any nuance to his character and repeatedly paints him as a poor mistreated victim whose only crime is that he was Forced to do things He Didnt Want to by a significantly underwritten and highly anticipated female character, and his regrets are all varying degrees of "it's my fault because i was right and they didn't listen to me :(" and no actual agency in his own decision making. his romance with a lavellan is literally front and center in the game and the only one that even gets more than a passing letter or (in dorian's case) like. two full lines of dialogue. the narrative does everything to silently paint him as the misunderstood tragic hero that no one truly appreciates and even rewrites the inquisitor so they always want to redeem him regardless of their previous disposition
people who love solas hate veilguard because it somehow managed to simultaneously do the same thing in reverse. solas has no genuine regrets or sense of guilt or actual reflection about his past behavior in the entire game. he kills his best friend and the game makes sure to zoom in on his face as varric is falling down just so you can see the sneer of contempt. the war table finebros react segments where its literally just the writers unapologetically utilizing the companions as mouthpieces for their personal opinions makes sure to tell the player that solas is unforgivable and a hypocrite and a coward for his actions. they even like. rewrote an entire part of his character specifically to remove that layer of complexity and dumb it down to the Lying Liar Who Lies. where the narrative silently wants you to sympathize with him, the characters LOUDLY want you to condemn him. your most sympathetic dialogue choices are lukewarm "well... i GUESS i understand why..." delivered in a consistent tone of disapproving resignment.
people who are neutral to solas? you're not ALLOWED to be. here you go. Dragon Age: Solas. everything is about solas. you have to make all your choices based around solas. we've written an entire game to revolve around solas. we rewrote like 4 characters to make sure that you are forced into one of the two extremes.
and it's all because you have a game that physically cannot help itself but to make you make the Good Decision and so they can't decide which decision is good and which is bad so they wrote two completely conflicting stories about him at the same time. he is the best boy. he is the worst. it genuinely feels like the writing team was actively wrestling with each other behind the scenes over whether or not solas is a Bad Guy and thus their only means of compromise was writing him as though he was dr jekyll and mr hyde without any transition or consistency. he is a villain. he is a hero. you are a bad person for not seeing his point of view. you are a good person for peacefully redeeming him. and i know there's people who think this is some sort of ingenius character study but none of this is intentional. he isn't like loghain who commits bad acts in service to a greater good. he's the prideful god who lied to the inquisitor about wanting to free the elves and instead his goal has been about his own personal ego all along. he isn't like flemeth, who does good by people and manipulates the story in your favor all for the sake of her own mysterious ends. he isn't even like the architect who lies and murders and manipulates the warden all in the service of his own deluded vision. he's the guy who wants to destroy the world because his abusive ex is forcing him to. but also he's the guy who wants to destroy the world because he thinks mortal life is insignificant and he should be in control because hes The Best.
all complexity of what was previously a deeply nuanced character has been removed, and it's because he used to be so complex that it's so disjointed and bad because they refuse to actually commit to any one direction because in that case they'd might as well make another character. but they can't. they have to make it solas. because solas is their cash cow and their baby.
they want to make a perfect solavellan happy ending because they want to please the people who love their baby but they're so fundamentally divorced from what their audience wants for solas that they ended up writing a caricaturized ai-generated romance novel for teenagers.
they want to make a cathartic fight scene where you beat the bad man because they want to please the people that hate their villain but they have such blatant contempt for criticism of their precious little baby that they make sure to infantilize and misrepresent his flaws as much as they can so he can be the sad little elf boy that you need to hug.
and despite all of this they ALSO wanted so desperately to avoid making you sympathize too much with the antagonist they were building up to that they had to make sure he acted in the most unforgivably evil ways that they could think of just so players knew this is the Bad Guy and you're the Good Guy and don't you forget it.
it's just constant self contradictory writing. it is so blatant that it's genuinely hard for me to even see veilguard's solas as being the same character. i find myself nodding my head in agreement to his most ardent haters because yeah you're right. they did spend an insane amount of time forcing you to see just how innocent and well-intentioned and pure this egotistical mass-murderer was. and i also find myself nodding in agreement with his biggest fans because yeah. you're right. they did randomly turn this character into a moustache-twirling villain who does everything short of tying rook to railroad tracks and cackling as he runs away to tear down the veil. and all this because they couldn't stand to not have him be in the game in the biggest and most impactful way. they literally could not have a story without solas.
Mmmm yes the thing is there's a difference between writing a character who is mysterious and complex, and just writing a quantum character where the writers haven't made up their mind who he is and want to let you decide. Solas in Veilguard is the latter and it just does not work.
Take Varric's death. It's shown in a way that you can definitely interpret as an accident. Both Solas and Varric himself say it was an accident. There's a suggestion that Solas was sucked into the regret prison because he regretted Varric's death so much. But also, after the death they zoom in on his face with an expression that looks like a sneer. They have Neve insisting in conversation with him that it wasn't an accident. It seems to me that the writers just did not decide whether or not it was an accident, because they wanted the Solas lovers to be able to tell themselves that it was an accident, and they wanted the haters to be able to say it was not an accident.
They play the same game with Mythal. Were they lovers? Taash is made to suggest that they were, and then Bellara is made to suggest that they were not. Again, I think the writers just didn't decide. They didn't want to commit to a romantic connection because they thought Solasmancers would be mad about that, but they also didn't want to explicitly rule it out because I guess they thought some people would find a romantic connection more compelling or something? So they just waved their hands and told us to choose for ourselves.
And it's similar with the endings. If you choose the redeem ending, Solas is extremely hesitant and uncertain. Even before speaking with Mythal he's clearly wavering and wanting to stop, and then he's turned from his path completely and forever after three sentences from Mythal. Whereas if you choose the fight ending he's utterly set on his path and he'll kill everyone around and proclaim himself a god. It just does not make sense that those two reactions come from the very same person in the same moment. But that's because the writers intend the two endings for two different groups of people: the redeem ending is for people who want to believe he's good, the fight ending is for people who want believe he's awful. So they just didn't see any need to make up their mind about whether Solas is really desperately wanting to be stopped or actually just insane with hubris.
The result is that Solas in Veilguard just doesn't make sense because the writers did not want to decide on a single conception of who he actually is. Characters who are complex and hard to read are great, but in order to write such a character you do need to settle on a conception of who they actually are and what the basic facts of their personality are, even if those facts are sometimes obscured from the audience. Whereas here they didn't decide and tried to just leave it to players to choose for themselves, so there are at least two wildly different characters present within the same person.
I'm still chewing on this game's writing, and I think I'm going to jump off the reply chain I made regarding Corypheus as a villain and do some comparing and contrasting to the main villains of Dragon Age: The Veilguard, and in the wider construction of what is evil in Thedas. The Corypheus post deals a lot with religion as a cultural mooring for how people in Thedas perceive their realities, and this is a significant part of what makes The Dragon Age Setting feel so lived-in.
I've been thinking a lot about the fact that the Evanuris are just weak villains for their game but also for the overarching trajectory of the narrative that has been unfolding in this series, and it's occurred to me that for all the similarities that Corypheus and the Evanuris have on the surface, there is a major difference: how well supported they are.
Corypheus is not a particularly well-written villain in the narrative of the story he's in. He starts off proclaiming he's a god, delivers some pithy one-liners that are admitted pretty banger, and spends a lot of the game parading around with his orb and flinging his underlings at the Inquisition. There's a lack of real follow-through on his ambitions, and the priority of his ambitions are a little skewed. Step one: become a god. Step two: ??? Step three: profit.
BUT.
For all his poor character writing in DAI, he's still extremely well-founded in the storyworld. The depth of backstory, built across DAO and DA2 and through DAI, lends his appearance a gravitas that does a lot to combat his otherwise poor character writing. [nb: if you want to see what I mean, I suggest reading the post I linked in the opening paragraph; it's long enough that I don't want to recap it here.] Corypheus is grounded, his identity is foundational, and while is appearance is surprising, it's in keeping with this trend we've seen unfolding with our villains in the grander story: this marriage of absolute evil - the blight - with the banal evils of our world - namely, the pursuit of power and the way it corrupts. In many ways, these villains are meant to convey to us the worst of what humanity has to offer.
In Origins, Loghain does some pretty horrible things - heinous things, really. But you could understand the humanity behind his motives: his fear, and his desire to protect his country. In DA2 Meredith is fucking insane and probably being driven mad by red lyrium, but you can still relate to her motive of wanting to protect her city against what she sees as this horrific evil. And in Corypheus we see this ancient, blighted Magister who desires the restoration of his country by becoming what it lacks (because it never existed in the first place.) We see in all three villains common threads of religion or faith, of anxieties or fear, and of blight.
The counterpoint to Corypheus in DAI is that, for all his delusions of godhood, he plays with power far beyond his ken. We learn that the power that triggered the Breach is actually elvhen in origin. We learn that the ancient elvhen still walk amongst us. We learn that Mythal was real, that this ancient Creator Goddess from the Dalish stories isn't just a story. We learn that the Trickster god of this pantheon is real - that he has walked and fought amongst us for a year, and that not everything is as it seems. Named the Betrayer, we learn that the histories have largely maligned Fen'Harel, styled the Dread Wolf. And we learn that it is, in fact, Solas' foci that Corypheus opened, unwittingly ushering in the cataclysm of the Breach that would destroy the world.
So: not only is Corypheus foundational to the storyworld, being tied to the absolute evil that plagues Thedas from the very first moments of this story, but he's overshadowed by the implications of a larger pattern - which gives us this sense of depth that both echoes across the eons as well as sharpens very starkly in focus. There's a sense that he's part of something more. This is bolstered by the way that his existence and the things he does and say impact the characters around us - leading to profound questions of faith and reality in wider context of a world that is already undergoing profound social upheaveal. I am in particular drawn to Leliana in this question -- devout of Andraste who believed she had been given a vision from The Maker himself -- who in DAI following the Cataclysm of The Breach and the emergence of the Herald of Andraste, questions her faith, her purpose, the very world itself. She's certainly not alone in this. The game is replete with Chantry figures who struggle with their faith and their role in their world: Mother Giselle, Cullen, Cassandra-- Even Varric, irreverent though he is, confesses to being Andrastian and uncertain in these uncertain times.
In the midst of this, we learn a new crucial foundational truth about the world: that the dwarves are not whole, that they are missing a connection to the titans - the pillars of the earth. We learn that lyrium is actually blood - and those who use lyrium for magic are, in fact, using a form of blood magic. A second foundational truth of the world is the revelation that the elven Creators are not what they seem, some of it coming to us in DAI with the bulk of it unfolding at the end of the story in the post-game dlc Trespasser, where we learn that the Evanuris are in fact would-be god-kings who were, in fact, elvhen mages. Men, as we are men. And it is these would-be gods, the Evanuris, that brought down the pillars of the earth.
There's some significant shake-ups of the narratives of good vs evil here that we have to contend with.
Blood magic is bad, we are told. It's evil. Yet Merrill uses it, and she might be messy, but she is not evil. Mages in Kirkwall use it, yet Kirkwall is a city beseiged. Meredith's crusade against the mages of Kirkwall is justified by the use of blood magic, but the flip side of this is also that we have to ask the question of why so many mages in Kirkwall were using blood magic in the first place. What is it that is pushing them all to this? And I think that opens up some questions that require a broader structural analysis of the situation in Kirkwall, instead of just a simplistic "blood magic bad." Where the alternative is "peace" but you have one side enforcing it with imprisonment, acts and threats of terror, murder, and literal control with blood magic via the phylacteries and lyrium addiction (fellas, is blood magic bad when templars are using it?)
We begin this story with the precept that the blight is evil personified: this is the most uncomplicated understanding of the world we could possibly ever have. Yet we have the Grey Wardens, who take in the blight to fight the blight - razing fire with fire. We have the Architect, a blighted Magister Sidereal - one of the very people responsible for bringing the blight into the world! - who seeks to end all blights once and for all, and to find a way for darkspawn and everyone else in Thedas to co-exist. We have Meredith, who consolidates and abuses her power and who we learn is being driven mad by red lyrium - which we eventually learn is in fact blighted lyrium. We have Corypheus, another of these blighted Magister Sidereal, who is absolutely power-hungry but is not, curiously, evil because he his blighted; that, in fact, he sees the blight as yet another source of power.
DATV adds what should be another layer of complexity to these dual evils of blood magic and the blight: the blight is not simply punishment from the divine, it is not simply this primordial, unfathomable evil; it is the dreams of the titans, sundered by the Evanuris in the great war, left rattling in the world to fester and turn. It is a symptom of a horrible wrong done to an entire people. Blood magic and the blight are, we learn, connected. The blight sings, as lyrium sings.
As we go into DATV, everything we thought we knew about the Creators of the Dalish pantheon has been flipped on its head. These are not the benevolent deities that guide the People: they are war-mongers, slavers, and blood mages - perpetrators of incredible cruelty. This is not exactly unfounded as a concept for Dragon Age: it's a story replete with corrupt leaders who do horrible things in the name of power. Nevertheless, the revelation is shattering, upending the very theological reality of the Dalish. They further upend what we know about the Tevinter Imperium and its Old Gods - that the dragons are in fact the thralls of the Evanuris, and the Evanuris are in fact the whispering voices of the Old Gods. We learn that the Archdemons of the blights are in fact the dragon thralls of the Evanuris, corrupted by the blighted dreams of the titans.
These are... reality-changing. These are profound paradigm shifts that unravel many of the half-truths and beliefs and the faith that has underpinned Thedas as a setting and Dragon Age as a story. DATV presents these villains to us, the Evanuris, and then makes several fundamental missteps with them, which become especially stark as a need when they have largely been stripped of the context of the worldbuilding thus far, umoored from the setting, and where care needed to be taken to weave them back in.
The first fundamental misstep is in failing to really, truly, allow the peoples of Thedas to grapple with what the Evanuris mean. We should absolutely be getting blasted with the freakout that is Tevinter realizing TWO of their gods have returned. This should be a much bigger deal for our Tevinter companion, who might be Andrastian but is also a product of Tevinter and its culture. Our Andrastian companions and the wider Andrastian cultures of northern Thedas should be losing their minds over the fact that the blight is actually not divine punishment from the Maker. Harding, especially, should be devastated: this is a person who was so devout she joined the Inquisition to serve the Herald of Andraste and still has hero worship for the Inquisitor. And it is a travesty that our Dalish companions are not shaken to their core, that this doesn't upend their very concept of self and their very perception of the world around them, and how they fit into it. I've written before that the Veiljumpers are entirely too blase about the risen gods, and there's a level of reactivity that just does not exist. Everyone got way too cool with a lot of things way too quickly.
I'm also extremely unhappy about how elves related to Solas and the Evanuris were handled. That nobody was tempted by Elgar'nan, that nobody opposed Rook's opposition of Solas. You’re telling me that people who have been longing for their gods to return for thousands of years, who have been beaten and damned time and time again, who are uniformly enslaved in Tevinter and live in ghettos in southern Thedas and wherein a whole subset of these people generally live in nomadic tribal groups to try and avoid these horrible things in the more settled areas -- that these people might not see a chance for a different world, and go for it? The whole point of the power of the Evanuris is that they exploit people’s weaknesses, fears, ambitions, etc – and I refuse to believe that a whole faction like the Veil Jumpers is free of these. If this entire story is supposed to be about regret and sorrow, and centers around the locus of an abused spirit who becomes twisted in his purpose and perpetuates atrocity in turn, then the idea of people being corrupted and having to face reckonings is 100% thematically in keeping, and it was an absolutely wasted opportunity to depict these themes up and down the ladder of narrative cycles, within these treatment of cycles of oppression and subjugation.
Related: I wrote a post in early December responding to the Reddit AMA and the ways the responses we got from the devs in concert with the game they presented in concert with The Story So Far just. Did not cohere well. It's a good compliment to this post and to the earlier Corypheus post, and you can read it here.
Related, again: Mythalism wrote a spectacular post about the elves, the nature of restorative justice, and how incredibly bizarre this game's treatment of imperialism is, and it's such a crucial (imo) addition to the discussion around John Epler's AMA comment that the the elves had "had their time in the sun" and it was time to go tell stories about other peoples now.
The second fundamental misstep is in failing to also present to us the humanity behind the Evanuris - that, yes, they are terrible god-like beings from what is fundamentally a dead world who seek power for power's sake, who weaponize the blight and lean on blood magic to attain power, but beneath that, they are still men, as we are men. They would still have reasons, interests, motives, context. This is particularly a problem because the DAI twist that they were very much Not Who We Were Told They Were (gasp) leaves us with a gaping hole of context for how to fit them into this world -- largely because the world they were intrinsically tied to no longer exists. It vanished when Solas locked them in their prison and raised the Veil between the waking world and the dreaming to keep them locked up. These are people from another world, another era, another time - adrift and bent on bridging the then and the now.
What then remains to ground them, or should have remained to ground them, are thus:
We have Solas, Fen'Harel, the Betrayer, he who rebelled against the tyranny of the Evanuris and sought to dismantle their power. He helped Mythal sunder the titans. Here he is, the man who raised the Veil and shattered the world all over again. Here he is, culpable for the evil that plagues this land, in all his sorrow and regret.
We have Mythal, the All-Mother of the Creators, the feminine head of the Evanuris, she who was murdered by her brethren, she who crawled through the ages to Flemeth, she who spent centuries moving pieces across the board, she who proclaimed that a reckoning that would shake the very heavens was soon to be upon us, that she would have her vengeance!
We have the other ancient Elvhen, those who managed to sleep through the ages - the sentinels of Mythal, the allies of Fen'Harel, and who knows who else manages to eke their way to the modern world.
We have the Fade, which has existed long before the titans were sundered, long before the Evanuris rose to power, long before the Veil was raised, before the blights began, before Solas woke up, before the Evanuris were unleashed. And you know who lives in the Fade? Spirits. Spirits who are steeped in the dreaming, steeped in the echoes of memory across time, spirits who watch the waking world. Some spirits are probably old enough to remember Elvhenan itself!
We have the titans, which yet still linger, which have been awakening, whose sundered dreams are a blight upon this world.
Unfortunately, these are pared away from the story.
The titans are, shockingly, not very plot-relevant at all. They're fundamentally a side-story for Harding, and to illustrate Solas' regret and culpability, but they don't really have any agency, we don't really carry them forward in the story where the Evanuris are concerned, and the bulk of their story relevance ends up being winnowed into Solas.
The Fade is a set piece, a convenient form of fast travel that lets us jump across northern Thedas that we otherwise fail to really explore. The Spirits are voiceless, and largely lack agency. We don't get to talk to them! We don't get to hear their experiences and thoughts on this ancient conflict! We don't get to explore how it affects them, and how they might have their own interests! In Origins we are told that the Fade is full of demons, and by the time we finish Inquisition, we have learned that demons and spirits are essentially the same thing. Furthermore, we learn that they are people. People whom are intrinsically tied to the elves, intrinsically tied to the Evanuris, intrinsically tied to these ancient conflicts and for whom the Veil itself is something that affects them quite profoundly.
The ancient Elvhen are written out of the game. They essentially do not exist in DATV. Felassan has been killed, relegated to appearances in old notes scattered across the Crossroads and in Solas' memories of the Rebellion, and they don't bother to explore the idea that he could have come back if he was actually rendered Tranquil, a precedent established in DA2 and wherein DAI we've discovered a the cure for. Abelas is written out. And anyone else who lingers, caught between worlds, who might have a vested interest in the return of these tyrant god-kings, is never heard from again.
The exceptions to this are twofold: Mythal, and Solas; the former is a fragment of a murdered goddess who has walked the ages, and the latter is whole unto himself (or as whole as he can be in a Veiled world). And these characters are... not nearly present enough.
Mythal appears abstractly in Solas' memories, in brief in Morrigan (which is... problematic for a number of reasons but the game chooses to handwave away), and in brief a fragment from the moment of Mythal's death which Solas locked in its own pocket dimension in the Fade. These appearances are infrequent and they serve predominantly as a/ isolated lore dumps about ancient Elvhenan that detail mostly about Solas and his regrets or b/ plot devices pertaining to how to deal with Solas. Very, very little, if any, of Mythal's role serves to bridge the Evanuris to the modern world. Instead, her purpose in this story is entirely ancillary to Solas. This is frustrating when you consider that in DAI she was being set up to have something to do with the remaining Evanuris: where is the Flemythal that proclaimed "She was betrayed, as I was betrayed!"? Where is the goddess who proclaimed that there would be a "...reckoning that would shake the very heavens"? Where is Mythal's machinations, her nudges, her pieces she's been carefully moving across the board for centuries as she amassed power?
Solas is also sidelined, although he manages to have a larger role than Mythal does by virtue of him being the deus ex machina. He's stuck in the Regret Prison, we see him through his memories, and Rook very, very infrequently visits him. These conversations are actually very interesting in the context of the Evanuris, as even in piecemeal, even as little as we actually get, they manage to help build the bridge between the Evanuris / Ancient Elvhenan and the modern world of Thedas. Solas' role in the narrative is actually perfect for this: he's the Trickster god, lord of the in between -- more than anyone, he is ideally situated to build on this paradigm shift and help contextualize who these people are and why they matter to this grand saga of suffering and woe. [nb: this is also, imo, a similar reason to why Solas being sidelined was so bad for Rook as a protagonist, and which I wrote about earlier this month.]
Because here's the thing: at this point, with the ontology of villainy that has been building and dismantling throughout these games, it's not enough enough that the Evanuris are villainous, it is not enough that they simply seek power, it is not enough that they wield the blight and engage in horrible acts of blood magic and seek to enslave the whole world, and that in doing so they will doom this world.
What matters most is how they connect to the world, and to the people within it.
Thus, what makes Solas stand out is that, unlike, these other aspects of Thedas which help ground the Evanuris as antagonists in this storyworld, Solas actually does come out to play with them: twice. The endgame, of course, where he opposes the Elgnar'nan and is gridlocked, and ends up battling in the ultimate battle of ultimate destiny with the dragon Lusacan in his Dread Wolf aspect. This is visually stunning, but ultimately doesn't tell us too much about the Evanuris. [nb: don't get me wrong, I still love the endgame, I think it's one of BioWare's strongest, but for the purpose of this essay, this is where we're at.]
But what I thought was probably one of the standout moments of the game in terms of the framework of grounding the Evanuris was actually the point where the team goes to Arlathan during the 'Blood of Arlathan' mission, and when Rook gets lost in the Fade Maze trap that Elgar'nan has constructed for them, Solas appears in Rook's head. What ensues is an absolutely fantastic argument between Solas and Elgar'nan that does something really important: it illuminates the ancients, not as god-kings, not as these horrific eldritch monstrosities, but as people. This is an age-old debate, with an age-old enmity. Solas fucking hates Elgar'nan. It's fucking personal.
Edit: you can watch it or listen to it here.
And that's what this whole thing is, right? These are men, as we are men. People who do horrible things, in the context of a world filled with people who are capable of great and terrible things. This is the underlying mechanism of so many of the things that ail this world, things that are wrong, things that are harmful: things like tyranny, oppression, injustice, genocide, servitude, inequality. This is a world where even absolute evil (the blight) is not truly absolute. Where even the blight is the result of a terrible wrong.
To pull a quote from the post I made earlier (linked at the top of this post) what's interesting from a critical analysis standpoint is that we see something of a regression in the ontology of the world: the blight is evil, and the people that weaponize the blight are evil, and these are the people that in truth control the Old Gods which are the Archdemons. Ghilan'nain is the monster mommy who plays with the blight like it's a sandbox, and Elgar'nan utilizes the blight while... apparently being so vain that he doesn't wish to appear that he himself is blighted. What is missing, and what has been present since DAII with Meredith and DAI with Corypheus, is a discussion within the game about the everyday evils of Thedas that drive so much of the suffering of people: power and how power functions. Instead, they are almost cartoonishly evil, and the people who follow them are almost cartoonishly bad.
Even Solas is not removed from this, of this grey morality, of being a man, as we are men, capable of great and terrible things. He helped sunder the titan's dreams, and more than the Magisters Sidereal, he is presents as one of the very architects of the blight itself - a thing he regrets. He helped bolster the power of the Evanuris, but then he rebelled against them, and against their tyranny, in an effort to liberate the People. But he also raised the Veil in an attempt to seal them and the blight away and save The People, and in doing so shattered the world. He woke, and killed his oldest friend, and unintentionally caused The Breach which threatened to shatter the world all over again. He would fight to seal the Breach, and come to love things about this world, and even so, he believed the Veil must be brought down, no matter the cost.
Related: I am going to add a link to this excellent post by @sammakesart about the Veil and its role in the story, and how both Solas and the Veil are shanked in a dark alley by this game. The whole post is very good and in addition I also want to highlight my particular response re: the inertia of Solas, of the Veil, and the inertia of the story at large, because it's also very important . I think it also serves this post to extract a particular quote regarding the Evanuris:
"Elgar’nan and Ghilan’nain are our villains. And they are your typical evil for evil’s sake villains. They are mad, bad, and only as dangerous as the narrative will allow as to not give Rook and co too much trouble. They are surprisingly patient while Rook fixes all their companions’ problems… until Elgar’nan moves the moon to cause an eclipse. A vital component in making his own lyrium dagger. For some reason. This guy can move a satellite!? And he just let Rook walk away in previous encounters… twice. Ok. Sure."
How in the name of Andraste's holy knickers do we get to this point in the story where major players have been plotting and scheming for years - a decade, centuries, millennia - and then in the time of "myth and legend," instead of duking it out, they're… still plotting. Like, base bare minimum we should have been seen the swirling vortex of the following:
Solas, Fen'Harel, the Dread Wolf
Flemeth / the fragment of Mythal
the Evanuris (Elgar'nan and Ghilan'nain, at this point) but I wouldn't have ruled out the possibility of fragments of the others floating around in the world following each blight and subsequent defeat of their respective Archdemons. These are people who would have had more than a thousand years to think about what they might do when they got out.
the Forgotten Ones (Anaris, Gelduaran, Daern'thanl) - similar circumstances to the Evanuris.
the Forbidden Ones (Imshael, Gaxkang, Xebenkeck, the Formless One)
the so-called Demon Lords of the Fade (established since Origins)
the Qunari clearly had been maneuvering around this ancient conflict with more understanding and insight than we really understood until Trespasser, and I think given their mysterious origins and existential terror of magic, timed with the fissure in the Antaam, they should have had something going on here.
the Inquisition had 10 years to prepare for this conflict. You absolutely cannot convince me that they weren't moving their own pieces on the board in preparation.
the Elvhen that wakened and had their own motivations surely would have been aware of what was happening. Surely they would have had their own motivations, and their own machinations, which could or could not have aligned with Solas or the Evanuris or something / someone else entirely.
i suspect that the Titans really should have had a vested interest in what was happening. they're not all dead, they're sundered from their dreams, and I really think that the dwarves still connected to them should have been preparing for something
the Architect and his enlightened darkspawn... I'm telling you...
Where ARE these plots? Where ARE these complex motives and schemes being brought to fruition? How IS it possible that it all grinds to a halt the moment Rook takes the center of the board and the whole story moves with them? Each previous game has always had this sense of the grand scale of forces beyond our protagonists' ken moving above, beneath, around them, haplessly swept in the gale force of destiny or happenstance as they desperately eke a foothold to move themselves and the world through it all. DATV, I think, feels like everything grinds to a halt, and instead of the protagonist being forced to move through this world, the whole world is brought to them. Everything must be brought down to Rook's level, packaged for ease of comprehension and consumption, where if something cannot easily be done so, it is simply written out, or rewritten altogether. The feeling it leaves me with is that everything we learn and do is just so... unearned.
Rook has my least favorite character trait: they are so very static as a person, and as a result they are static in their narrative, which obviously impacts the narrative's ability to, well, be a narrative. The fact that Rook essentially adopts Varric's conformist tendencies and amplifies them times a thousand makes it all the more infuriating when it comes to the enshrinement of the status quo and this obstinate insistence on keeping everything as it is. All these ground-shattering revelations, and... they change nothing. Even the Trickster, THEE agent of change, is chained to the conformist nature of the game's premise and its utter prostration to the sacrosanct altar of the status quo. The moral compass of the Dragon Age story does not move in DATV, and thus contributes nothing to the grande theatre of our question of, 'what is good' and 'what is evil'? The wider context of the moral ontology of the world of Thedas WHO? Fuck you, you get nothing.
I think I would actually call back to the original statement that jumpstarted this entire thought process, which is that it's galling that Varric was brought back specifically to be killed by Solas specifically to make Solas less sympathetic in the context of all this. In the grand schema of villainy, it's such a small thing, and incongruous. Solas is already a man who has done bad things and is capable of bad things, and there was a wealth of material we could have leaned into to both highlight this as well as dig deeper into the foundational realities of Thedas and the ways ancient Arlathan still echoes into modernity, serving to bridge these discordant, dissonant realities and bring us all forward in a manner that was coherent and cogent. In positioning the Evanuris as The Big Bad of DATV, and with the natural trajectory that this uberplot had seeded and followed along with Fen'Harel, I think it was a mistake not to dig past the elves and into the elvhen that still linger, and to exclude them so severely from the story that unfolded, to the point that even Solas' motives regarding them are retconned in the conversation between he and Flemythal right before she dies in his arms. And moreso, it was a travesty that we never explored the morality and the condition of the Veil itself. It steps arguably beyond the regressive and outright into the transgressive.
Furthermore, we could, and probably should, have carried this even further back, in that there's something to be said about evil / sin, and the idea that the original sin of this sad story predates the Evanuris and roots itself in the failure to listen to Wisdom in the first place, paired with the crime of what appears to have been subsuming Wisdom into servitude and a geas that traversed the ages. Winnowed as it is, unfortunately, DATV shies pretty violently away from this idea, because to treat with it would unravel some very careful threads that they'd constructed. This is why, I think, despite the fact that it is possible to have stories where the heroes are heroic and therefore everything they do is heroic (hello, Commander Shepard), it doesn't work well for Dragon Age as a specific piece of media, because the idea of good guy = good and bad guy = bad is so fundamentally at odds with the foundational construction of morality in this storyworld series. DATV tried too hard to lean into this moral absolutism, and ended up fighting against itself, which drug down the narrative and in fact in many ways retroactively makes the whole series worse for it.
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I want to talk about that article that wrote about Dragon Age: The Veilguard and used the title, "This Game Kills Facists." If you've seen it, you'll know exactly what I'm talking about. If you don't. Well.
I think before I dig into this, I want to put forth a few caveats. This won't be a formal essay, but I'll do my best to cite my sources and previous argumentation. I also don't have any real animosity toward the author of this article, I'd never actually even heard of her until someone directed me to this article, and I don't think the problems with this article are unique to the author. But. As I said in a different post late last night, I think the article itself such a textbook example of this kind of left-liberal politics that doesn't actually understand the terms they're mobilizing about, stakes their identity on their consumerism habits, and seems to think that vibes-based opinions are in any way, shape, or form equivalent to critical analysis that interrogates the text and the meta of the media they're engaging with.
The analysis in this article is bad, I'm sorry to say. Just from a structural standpoint, it fails to understand how the structure of rhetorical argumentation functions, and doesn't bother to provide any concrete support for its claims. It highlights an inability to formulate an argument that I think is rampant among fandom discourse and I would perhaps argue is a common issue with liberal political argumentation in general, although that's another essay and isn't central to what I want to dig at today. I also fundamentally do not think this author understands what fascism is, which is frustrating at best, and I find it irresponsible although I don't think the intent is malicious. I'm also not convinced that the author really has a good grasp of media analysis or how to interrogate the thema of the stories she's talking about, but I'll leave that for you to determine.
So. What is the thesis of this article, which purports that this game "kills fascists"? I had to chew on it for a hot minute while reading, and as best as I can tell, the thesis is "Wokeness is the point of Dragon Age."
It takes the author three paragraphs to read this point:
"But I do want to call out the choo-choo hate train triggered by Veilguard’s [weary sigh] “wokeness,” because, of course, the wokeness is the point of Dragon Age. It always has been."
"And yes, Veilguard is the wokest, queerest Dragon Age yet."
And it is reiterated again in the concluding paragraph:
"So we’re back to the wokeness. I told you it was the point. Empathy and community building, kids. It’s not only the point of Veilguard, but the prevailing lesson of the Dragon Age series, where, again, stunning, ideologically-driven betrayals drive each narrative and make the unintended and the least of us suffer, only for a hero to pick themselves up and start figuring out how to go on and who can help."
"This game kills fascists. Literally, in the course of the game, yes–I will leave it up to you and your ending what that means for Solas****–but more importantly, its soul is pure fascist bane, centering empathy, intimacy, heroism, community. Multiple overarching storylines intersect to highlight the ways history and faith can be twisted to alienate and control people, as well as how the best way to fight fascism is always with each other."
Okay, great, that's at least a decent starting point.
Except we have a real problem. If we are making an argument that a game like, say, Dragon Age: The Veilguard is woke, and therefore its very character of wokeness is "fascist bane," base bare minimum, we have to define what makes something 'woke' and what makes something 'fascist.' Words mean things, and especially words like these, which have specific political definitions that are frequently pulled out of the hat and used colloquially as short-hand for... whatever it is that someone wants it to mean, and for what it is meant to mean within a community.
She kind, sort of, gives us an idea of what she means when she says the game, and indeed the storyworld of the Dragon Age series, is woke. Wokeness, which she equivocates as anti-fascism, carries the character of being compassionate. Wokeness is when you center collaboration. If we are are woke, if we are combating fascism, we are empathetic and vulnerable and intimate and we interested in building communities and we are trying to help each other. Apparently, being anti-fascist is when your story is queer, or at the very least, allowing space for queer identities. And apparently, being "a hero" requires that you be woke / anti-fascist
There are two problems with this:
The first is that, unfortunately, examples aren't definitions. Examples are meant to exist as part of the supporting body of your arguments; they're the rhetorical illustration in the encyclopedia on the page next to the definition.
The second is that while we're receiving an attempt to qualify what fascism is indirectly by qualifying what stands in opposition to it - in this case, 'wokeness,' which is itself never clearly defined and instead relies on a definition of woke that literally just relies on the negation of whatever being not-woke, or 'anti-woke', means.
This is bad logic, regardless of your opinions of the writing of The Veilguard. If you cannot tell me what fascism is, then you cannot tell me what it is not, and you certainly cannot tell me how something like being 'woke' is in opposition to fascism. The fact that the author fails to do this, that they assume you will understand exactly what they mean because it is somehow inherently self-evident, brings into question what exactly they mean.
I've tried to interrogate what she means by fascism, and the closest we really get is:
"And again, these stories are no fantasies and there are still no easy questions, no right answers. Except fighting the fascists. This game kills fascists. That one is a gimme."
"...accidentally releasing the two other remaining elven gods onto the world. Unlike Solas, who rationalizes a greater good, these gods are purely malevolent enslavers. They, too, want to turn the clock back, but to the days of their unlimited rule before Solas overthrew them. Not much ambiguity there, but good contrast. Solas is sidelined by events, relegated to advising Rook as they seek to defeat two sadistic gods and their Super PAC of bad guys rising across the nations of northern Thedas. But you’re not only fighting the gods and their allies, all of whom are explicitly fascist."
"You can also see how those thorny Dragon Age companion relationships are the They Live glasses all of us need at one time or another, teaching us how to empathize with someone you never even wanted to know, or maybe to forgive someone you thought beyond redemption. Or how beliefs are often flawed, but no one’s rights are negotiable. Or how no one is free until everyone is free. This game kills fascists. Literally, in the course of the game, yes–I will leave it up to you and your ending what that means for Solas****–but more importantly, its soul is pure fascist bane, centering empathy, intimacy, heroism, community. Multiple overarching storylines intersect to highlight the ways history and faith can be twisted to alienate and control people, as well as how the best way to fight fascism is always with each other."
Fascists are when you are sadistic. When you are malevolent. When you are enslavers. When you seek to regress society. When you lack empathy, when you destroy communities, when you hold things against people, when you believe [human] rights are negotiable (depending on who you cosnider [human], perhaps?) when you weaponize history and faith "to alienate and control people." Fascists do genocides.
These are, again, examples. Not definitions. And I think beneath that the author is using what they believe is a "true" or "commonly accepted" meaning of fascism that falls under what we might consider a persuasive definition logical fallacy; except the definitions are not even definitions, but vibes, and they aren't even vibes that correspond with any of the most commonly accepted frameworks of how to identify fascism.
To some extent, I might be willing to cut the author some slack because fascism is pretty infamously a loaded term that gets thrown around with a colloquial usage that absolutely does not adhere to the generally accepted parameters of fascism - and even within academic discussion circles, there's debate on what exactly does and does not constitute a definition of fascism, made in part difficult because one of the key characters of fascists seems to be their mutability, their willingness to adapt to populist beliefs and weaponize said populist sentiment toward their own goals, as a way to muddy the water on who they actually are and what they actually stand for.
In this vein, I think I'll recommend a couple of books here.
THE ANATOMY OF FASCISM by Robert Paxton is always a good starting point. [link to online Internet Archive copy].
Stanley Payne's A HISTORY OF FASCISM 1914-1945 is also a good baseline. [link to online Internet Archive copy].
SPAIN AT WAR: THE SPANISH CIVIL WAR IN CONTEXT 1931-1939 by Shubert and Esenwein [link to online Internet Archive copy].
EUROPE BETWEEN THE WARS: A POLITICAL HISTORY by Martin Kitchner [link to online Internet Archive copy].
FASCISM by Roger Griffin.
Umberto Eco and UR-FASCISM.
I actually very specifically think the issue we all tend run into is that fascism is less a coherent ideology than it is extremely opportunistic and has a myriad of commonalities but very few exclusive traits, which is exacerbated by the inherent limitations and rigid nature of definitions. I tend to stick with a blend of Griffin and Paxton's definitions that I added a few things to but always have to put up a disclaimer that it's a bare bones definition that doesn't encompass the ideology but rather points out the few core ideals and its general manifestation, and even then, I think fascism pre- and post- neoliberalism are also incredibly distinct even if you put all fascism under one umbrella and separate them just by those two eras. Griffin I think is mostly useful for a layman's overview of fascism, and I also think that Alexander Reid Ross has a fairly functional definition, although I don't wholly agree with it, either:
"Fascism relies on the perception of a constituency producing, and produced by, an inherently natural process of hierarchy manifested by warrior elites embedded in the spiritual myths of the nation. In short, fascism is a syncretic form of ultranationalist ideology developed through patriarchal mythopoesis, which seeks the destruction of the modern world and the spiritual palingenesis ("rebirth") of an organic community led by natural elites through the fusion of technological advancement and natural tradition."
These are all good starting points, but I think the major takeaway is that fascism is not ideologically coherent. It is somewhat of a non-ideology, and furthermore I think any decent fascist scholar will point out its opportunism and lack of actual ideological foundation, which is why it's so difficult to really define it coherently beyond "here's some general traits, here's how they manifest in this situation." To this point, I would probably direct you to Eco's 1995 essay "Ur-Fascism", where he lists fourteen general properties of fascist ideology and further argues that it is not possible to organize these into a coherent system, but that "it is enough that one of them be present to allow fascism to coagulate around it". But with the caveat that it's easy to fall into the trap of "commonalities" while still serving as a useful checklist for identifying red flags.
I think it's also important to keep in mind that part of the reason that fascism is not a coherent ideology is because fascism has historically and continues to contemporaneously adopt a lot different types of tactics to gain popular support. They frequently employ socialist rhetoric, engage in aesthetic appeal, turn minor things regarding a specific group into major ploys against the dominant structure, etc. They're so successful that to this day I am arguing with people who say "socialism is bad because the Nazis were Socialists because they were called National Socialists" which is just. A stunningly bad grasp of the politics of fascism and socialism and the history of the Nazi party while also being an incredibly pervasive issue in the discourse of this subject. Fascist rhetoric lies on appealing to nationalism that most people will have ingrained throughout their childhood (regardless of political system) and claiming the woes and struggles people face are due to a cultural backsliding brought about by some group or groups, and they use a variety of tactics to make that more digestible and appealing until it becomes more mainstream and they can actually say what they mean -- to become mask off once. We're watching it happen in real time in the United States. The shit being said about LGBTQ+ people rightly could not be openly said even 5 years ago, let alone 10 years ago. They had to lace it in all sorts of rhetoric and dog whistles whereas now they can be blatant about it, and now we're watching the United States erode into a fascist state.
There exists another problem with defining fascism -- which I think is an issue even with the identifying frameworks I like to work with -- and that is that the framing of specifically the role of capitalism tends to be either overemphasized or not emphasized enough (or at all). This is problematic because fascism is specifically a capitalist development, but the commonalities trap of Eco leads to, for example, Marxist arguments that "fascism is the immune system of capitalism" or is a "last ditch effort by the bourgeoise" -- arguments that are both ahistoric to the early 20th century era of fascism (as a glittering generality, the main rich conservative element that disliked the Nazis were the prussian nationalists, conservatives and military leaders, who ended up trying to appropriate the Nazis. And well, we know how that turned out) as well as the era of neoliberalism, wherein the latter there are still 'roots' present but the fascistic relationship with capitalism is foundationally different than it was in the early 20th century. And this is how we end up with analyses that attempt to position concepts like racism and transphobia to capitalism rather than understanding how they are adopted by and employed by capitalism, and therefore failing to contextualize their roles within fascism.
People often equate concepts/phenomena like genocide, authoritarianism, militarism, fetishism of aesthetics, etc. exclusively with fascism but the reality is that liberals and state socialists routinely have committed (for example) genocide and they're not fascists. They are liberals. And it is also true that fascism is a descendant of that liberal genocidal violence. United States and European white supremacy, for instance, were not developed under a fascist regime and in fact existed long before fascism reared its ugly head. A preoccupation with population control will likely be present in any regime, and historically concepts like population reduction or eugenicist spins on natalism are a common appearance in the nation myths they nations make for themselves. I would argue that population control specifically predates not only fascism but also capitalism and has been the backbone of liberal democracies, but that's another thing altogether for a different essay. The point is, an ideology does not need to be fascist to do heinous things, and further, fascism isn't definable as "any evil act." Using fascism as a shorthand for evil is both incorrect and also helps obscure how other forms of evil work.
The problem I have, therefore, with the author of this essay "This Game Kills Fascists" is that she doesn't even seek to employ a working framework of fascism. The enemies are "explicitly fascist" but she doesn't really tell us how, she just provides examples that might conceivably fit into a framework, were she to utilize one.
Sadism is not inherent to fascism. Slavery is not inherent to fascism. Social regression is not inherent to fascism. Social regression, or a return to tradition, certainly can be a red flag to watch for, but isn't exclusive to fascism and isn't enough to stand on its own. The author argues that community and disparate peoples coming together is a feature of the game and the series, and this is ultimately antithetical to fascist movements, so I could certainly grant her this.
On the other hand, the linkage of heroism as anti-fascist is an interesting choice because, if we refer to Eco's 14 Points:
"In such a perspective everybody is educated to become a hero. In every mythology the hero is an exceptional being, but in Ur-Fascist ideology, heroism is the norm. This cult of heroism is strictly linked with the cult of death. It is not by chance that a motto of the Falangists was Viva la Muerte (in English it should be translated as “Long Live Death!”). In non-fascist societies, the lay public is told that death is unpleasant but must be faced with dignity; believers are told that it is the painful way to reach a supernatural happiness. By contrast, the Ur-Fascist hero craves heroic death, advertised as the best reward for a heroic life. The Ur-Fascist hero is impatient to die. In his impatience, he more frequently sends other people to death."
We would of course never argue that Rook is intended to be fascistic as a hero. Nor would we argue this for our companion Davrin, who as a Grey Warden is essentially in a death cult and who does manifest through the game a desire to die heroically because that is what he is supposed to do (Grey Wardens are meant to die slaying the archdemon and stopping the blight!) But: this is an adequate illustration of the type of commonalities that we must watch for.
Or if we borrow tumblr user Mythalism's point about the types of literature that were permitted by the Nazi state under its fascist regime, it's generally understood that there were four categories of topics in literature (we'll apply this more broadly to media) that met the Nazi criterion.
The first was ‘Front Experience’. This was to promote the camaraderie and good times that would be found in time of war on the front line. The most famous author in this category was Werner Bumelburg.
The second category was ‘World View’. Books on this promoted the views of Hitler and Rosenberg. Hans Grimm wrote ‘People Without Space’ in 1926 and it was heavily publicised once the Nazis gained power. The book gave the Nazis one of their most famous slogans: “The Germans: the cleanest, most honest people, most efficient and most industrious.”
The third category was ‘Regional Novels’. These books emphasised the excellence of the various regions of Germany. The most famous authors in this category were Agnes Miegel, Rudolf Binding and Börries von Münchhausen.
The final category was ‘Racial Doctrine’. Books in this category emphasised the greatness of the Aryan race when compared to Jews, Slavs and anyone labelled ‘untermenschen’. The most famous author in this category was Gottfried Benn who based his work on the “ancestral vitality” of the German people.
Literally nobody who is reasonable is going to argue that The Veilguard is a fascistic piece of media, but if you were to stretch the framework to make an argument for something like that, Mythalism points out that it wouldn't be too difficult to find commonalities between elements of the game and the criterion outlined immediately above:
camaraderie and good times found in war
simplistic world view with good vs. bad people
emphasized excellence of the countries represented and erasure of their flaws
we could probably swing the last one with how it frames elves as the source of literally all evil in the world
Voila, fascist game! (This is not serious.)
What we seem to have here is a simplistic view of "fascists = bad" and therefore the elements that are woke (aka good) are inherently the opposite of facist, therefore, anti-fascist. Here we must return to the fact that woke / wokeness were never clearly defined, and to the history of woke as a concept in Black communities in the United States. While I am not a scholar of the phenomona of how woke as a concept got mainstreamed into US politics, I'm generally given to understand that it came about in the Black Lives Matter movement and specifically with the sensationalization of the slaying of Michael Brown, which has since been appropriated into the Culture War as a shorthand for supposed political progressiveness by the left and as a denigration of so-called leftist culture by the right. (If this needs to be corrected or clarified, please feel free to let me know, but it appears to be the general gist of it as applies to how the author of the inciting article mobilizes the term.)
At the end of the day, you can't say 'this game kills fascists' and then not only fail to define what fascism is or what makes someone fascist but then also fail to illustrate why this game is anti-fascist and directly combats fascism. The definition of woke in this article simply hinges on just negating what being anti-woke means, and it's a manifestation of how the right co-opted woke to mean "anything that deviates in any way, perceived or actual, from established hierarchies" and then liberals and left-liberals responded to this with "let's go with that definition and be anti-anti-woke!" It's not a coherent interrogation of the politics of these terms, nor is the article able to coherently grapple with its core thesis.
I might write more about this at a later date and return more to some of the specifics of what she says about hope and the framing of the story (which is... inconsistent at best and deliberately disingenuous at worst), particularly because the essay is, in my opinion, extremely liberal in its construction, and in response to a game that was developed within a white, centrist, neoliberal political framework. The essay is attempting to moralize the game with pot shots in the dark and political buzzwords that ultimately mean nothing because she does not put in the introspection or effort to ensure that they mean something. And I think we need to move beyond the simplistic "i only like things that are not problematic and therefore if i like this thing it is not problematic and therefore if you are criticizing this thing you are problematic and also making a personal attack against me." I also think we need to return to the very basic rhetorical construction of "claim -> supporting evidence -> conclusion" until people learn how to actually structure an argument.
I've realized that there were two components of the author's inciting article on what makes this game "fascist bane" that I didn't really follow up on, and I wanted to do that (with thanks to the girlies in the group chat for helping me clarify ideas and ) in an informal shortform while continuing to talk about fascism. The first is the idea that this is the queerest BioWare Game yet [and therefore it is antithetical to fascism] and the second is the attempt to frame the heroism of this game as unique and also antithetical to fascism.
The problem is, neither of these concepts are objectively anti-fascist.
As far as queerness goes, what I will grant this author is that BioWare and particularly this game, have come under fire for being 'woke' as a shorthand for depicting or otherwise endorsing more quote unquote progressive social positions, although it's certainly not a new experience for the studio -- older fans may remember when BioWare and Dragon Age: Origins came under fire on Fox News because you could play a man who has [insert church whisper] gay sex with another man (who happens to be an elf, which somehow made it worse. idk I'm not going to get into that.) And I will grant that anti-woke (while imo not really a concrete ideology) is generally aligned with the sorts of ideologies, positionalities, and subjectivities (or perspectives) that modern fascism in US/CAN appears to appeal to as a form of safety. Transgender people at this time are at the forefront of this "culture war" which is being mobilized.
But. You can't just say that something is queer and therefore is antifascist. This just straight up is not a true statement inherently, and it's both ahistoric as well as a mischaracterization of the relationship fascism has with cultural mores and politics. It also wouldn't be outside the realm of reasonable speculation to suspect that this kind of neat little box of identities (you're queer vs you're fascist) might be demonstrative of a wider issue with the tendency towards packaging people within rigid hierarchies of identity that is so pervasive within liberal politics, which itself underpins the development of fascist movements that thrive on being inconsistent and opportunistic.
As I wrote above in what I suppose I can call Part One, fascism is opportunistic and it lacks an ideological foundation. Queerness, therefore, is not an absolutist opposition to fascistic ideology because at any point in time, fascism can adopt whatever it wants and/or needs to in order to manifest a fascist system.
Leopards eating faces / voting against their own interests is frequently used by liberal and left-liberal people as a sort of 'gotcha' that evinces a kind of intellectual and moral superiority over the people that goes nowhere very quickly, because while they are busy feeling better and smarter and righteous for having identified the apparent hypocrisy of the people they contend against, they fail abjectly to engage with the fact that this hypocrisy is a feature, not a bug.
Let me explain it another way. A friend of mine recently used the (albeit somewhat corny, we agreed, but still effective) metaphor of fascism being kind of like The Thing (from the 1982 film The Thing) in that it can co-opt identity in a bastardized form which cannot be easily explained/recognized (i.e. without rigorous critical theory that grapples with the foundations of hierarchical power and the outcomes that produces) to allow for it to gain social and political purchase until it is actually capable of achieving a fascist system.
I don't think you can actually generate a coherent or meaningful analysis if you analyze fascism in isolation from a total analysis that involves both the structure and its subjects (which is where I think understanding phenomenology is so critical). Frankly, it's why we see such incoherent as well as ultimately extremely superficial anti-fascist politics -- for example, liberals going on and on about "leopards eating faces" and trying to point out objective hypocrisy without accounting for ideology/positionality/subjectivity (perspective) of, like, any right-leaning ideology or hegemonic identity for whom fascism presents itself as safety.
And ultimately you can't actually be anti-fascist without being anti-kyriarchy and anti-capitalist because it is on the foundation of hierarchy, nationalism, and capitalism (and the nation-state) which fascism is built.
I resist calling this kind of analysis intersectionality, because I feel intersectionality does something a little different with axes of experiences within the context of feminist theory, but I do think it's a similar kind of methodology of examining the psychology/sociology relationship through like.... observation and more empirical data rather than any theory being read.
So-- I find it useful to cite bell hooks, who wrote FEMINIST THEORY FROM MARGIN TO CENTER in 1984 [PDF of the first chapter], which (and i am oversimplifying here) argued "that women's liberation has failed to become a mass movement because feminist theories have not accounted for the diversity of women." hooks identified that there was an issue with feminist theory and literature: it was written BY predominantly college-educated, middle- and upper-class, married white women who were housewives and mothers ABOUT college-educated, middle- and upper-class, married white women who were housewives and mothers FOR college-educated, middle- and upper-class, married white women who were housewives and mothers.
You can perhaps see how this might have presented an issue with a complete lack of inclusion of the lived experiences and interests for poor women and non-white women. Considering only a very specific subset of women's experiences meant, for example, that feminist theory at the time was proliferated with racism and which reinforced white supremacy. And you can perhaps understand how using a benchmark a statement like "all women are oppressed" -- the great unifying identity of being "woman" -- utilizing a narrow definition of womanhood and women's experiences and women's needs, is inadequate and leads to poor analysis.
hooks also points out that there is no universal experience of "womanhood" that all women everywhere, experience, regardless of sexuality, racism, class, religion, etc inform the diversity of experiences a woman might have. Sexism is a form of domination that may be institutionalized, but it is not an absolute experience for all women. From this, hooks drives at the idea that the reason the women's liberation movement has failed to be organized into a multi-voiced coalition and exists rather as a large, if incohesive identity-group, is because of the -- to borrow a turn of phrase -- identify-fication of experiences, a brand of identity politics.
"I am a Feminist*!"
hooks' points here applied specifically to women's liberation, but we can broaden this to feminisim in general, and the intersectionality of experiences when we talk about concepts like race, gender, sexuality, class, and more. The problem with this sort of identity politics, bell hooks says, is that we see people kind of start to metaphorically 'lose the plot' in terms of what their politics actually are: that is, with respect to feminism, the emergence of an identity (I A Feminist) rather being a person who is part of a political movement with a clear goal (feminism is part of my social advocacy.) And the problem with that is that it means that if someone calls themselves a Feminist, feminism is whatever they want it to be. Anyone can be a feminist, then, because we are no longer identifying feminism by its actions and its politics, but by the identity.
Is this a foregone conclusion? Does everyone who calls themselves a feminist fall into this trap? No, and no. There is, one would hope, a difference between person who uses it at a shorthand for praxis and the person who uses it to virtue signal that they're a good person. The temptation to think of oneself as a good person who does good things is strong -- specially in the US/CAN where we deal with Christianity as a significant influence on dominant culture, and therefore are influenced by a moral frame of the question of whether or not you are a good person, and how your actions influence this.
A contemporary of hooks, Mary Louise Adams wrote of her experience in her essay There's No Place like Home: On the Place of Identity in Feminist Politics [jstor link] on her experience with identity politics:
"Fifteen or so women crowded the tiny front room of the women's crisis centre [...] As the 'exercise' progressed, each women spoke in turn: 'I am a white, working-class, heterosexual woman'; 'I am a white, middle-class, lesbian Jew'; 'I am a white, middle-class, heterosexual woman and a mother'. The more politically astute would add further categories -'I am a white, middle-class, ablebodied, Anglophone lesbian' - and the facilitator would nod her approval at each innovation. We were meant to be learning about the complex matrix of oppression and privilege and about our individual relationships to it. We were in fact learning a brand of identity politics [...] Together we ascribed a moral significance to our individual litanies of oppression and privilege [...]
There's certainly something to be said about the marriage of experiences and advocacy as identities and the subsequent moralization of these identities. When we operate within the parameters of identity politics, the measure of your moral standing as a "good person" becomes rooted in your identity, rather than your actions. In the calculus of this framework oppression has positive points, privilege has negative points, and how good a person you are depends on your identity points.
A screenshot from the TV show The Good Place depicting and action and the point values ascribed to it as a pop-culture reference to point system morality. Spoilers for the show: the system didn't work.
I am quoting bell hooks in quoting Benjamin Barber from LIBERATING FEMINISM, where he wrote:
"Suffering is not necessarily a fixed and universal experience that can be measured by a single rod: it is related to situations, needs, and aspirations. But there must be some historical and political parameters for the use of the term so that political priorities can be established and different forms and degrees of suffering can be given the most attention."
Identity politics runs into the issue of, rather than contextualizing oppression within the systems that institutionalize them and how these forms of oppression can and do look different depending on how they intersect with other experiences, we see a sliding scale of 'least oppressed' to 'most privileged' that creates a framework which Elizabeth Martínez coined in 1993, the "Oppression Olympics." A simplified definition for this is the practice of comparing and ranking the experiences of oppression of various groups to determine who is The Most Oppressed, with an accompanying sort of metaphorical "race to the minority" that sees people collecting marginalized identities that might negate their privilege and afford them a leg-up in the race to be A Good Person.
(and white) :: If I am queer and disabled and leftist and mentally ill, the combined power of my oppression points negate my privilege points! :: Well. No. :: Sidebar, what's so annoying about making these kinds of critiques is that it kind of makes me sound like a neocon if taken out of context, which I think makes this as good a time as any to remember that contextualization is an important part of how you pull together your analyses.
This is how you see white women who think they're more oppressed than black men by virtue of both demographics existing underneath patriarchy. And this is how you see gay men who think they cannot be misogynistic because they're gay -- looking at you, David Gaider. (If you are not familiar with David Gaider's brand of misogyny and his many, many dismissive responses to such accusations over the years, well. This isn't part of the scope of the essay but I'm sure someone has collected examples of this, somewhere.)
It's worth consideration that this kind of parcelization of identity is pretty rampant in online spaces and especially in online fandom spaces. While this is anecdotal, I remember when The Veilguard was being developed and there was a lot of fandom buzz over the creators of the game. Corinne Busche, the project director, was a sapphic trans woman. John Epler, the creative director, was a bisexual man. Trick Weekes, the lead writer, was nonbinary. Karin Weekes-West, the lead editor, is a two-spirited biracial indigenous woman. One of the writers, Sheryl Chee, isn't white! Many of the voice actors for Rook and the companions are POC and/or queer! And depending on who you were and what your situation was informed what your response was going to be:
And now the game is woke. And queer. And antifacist. And there are pansexual companions. And you can be nonbinary. And Taash is nonbinary. And This Game Kills Fascists!
BioWare devs have long been deeply enmeshed with fandom, from the official BioWare Social Network forums to Twitter to what we now see on BlueSky, and they also tend to exist in same social and political climates as everyone else, because we do live in a society and game developers do not exist in isolation. Thus, it would certainly behoove us to ask the following question: is it possible that the terminally online character of these creators as they interacted with a fandom that also broadly mobilized this kind of identity politics shaped the decision-making framework of the creators as they made a game, where they were concerned with identity politics (of themselves and the game they made)?
The logical 'it follows' is that this game (and the reception to it) is in a good many ways a piece of media that is reflective of the mainstream politics we're being subjected to in US/CAN. It is made by people who have the oppression points that make them a Good Person and they made sure it contained and centered around characters with Identities that net them oppression points, and therefore identifier of being a "woke" game is what makes it a good game. Nevermind the actual writing itself -- this is, ultimately, inconsequential and subservient.
What makes the assertation that the game being BioWare's queerest game ever is also what makes it "fascist bane" so strange is that we see being queer positioned as a primary axis of analysis. The queerness (and specifically, I think, the depiction of and endorsement of transgender experiences) within The Veilguard is the loudest linchpin of contention between the anti-woke and anti-anti-woke noise we're seeing.
And through it, what we're seeing is that being queer, or advocating for queer experiences, in this framework, ends up being the 'race to the minority' concept mentioned earlier -- both from queer but predominantly white, liberal, middle-class creators and from the consumers. Centering queerness in your understanding of oppression (and potentially thereby limiting your understanding of oppression) is also what shapes your concept of liberation, and harks back to bell hooks and the problem with only examining the world through the lens of the college-educated, middle- and upper-class, married white women who were housewives and mothers.
Like "white feminism," mainstream queerness is out of touch. Mainstream queerness does not remember its roots in race and class based activism and it centers on whiteness, which has been negated or minimized by having a queer identity (or two) (or three).
And this is how we have a game that is "woke" for being "unapologetically queer" while being at the same time is extremely racist, both in the portrayal of the Antaam as a people based broadly on Islamic Arab peoples and in the absence of any meaningful sociopolitical treatment of the elves (particularly the Dalish) as a people based on Indigenous peoples of America with diasporic similarities to both Jewish and Rromani people. Race is not an important factor in this story that earns serious treatment, class is not an important factor in this story that earns serious treatment, and we do not engage with the canonical oppression of mages in this game.
Related to this is the concept of homonationalism, which can be extremely simplistically defined as "Homonationalism describes how nationalist actors and ideologies selectively incorporate LGBTQ+ people or their rights to reinforce racial, religious, and cultural hierarchies." Jasbir Puar coined this term to describe how, "...in the context of Western modernity, liberal power structures co-opt certain LGBTQ+ rights discourses to construct a national identity that is portrayed as progressive and tolerant, while simultaneously justifying racist, xenophobic and aporophobic policies, particularly against Muslim communities. As a result, sexual diversity and LGBTQ+ rights are sometimes used to support political positions opposing immigration, a strategy that has become increasingly common among far-right parties." Thus, for example, we see people unironically argue that argue that Palestine deserves genocide because Israel is more “gay friendly” than Palestine.
I think if you are advocated for genocide, you have perhaps lost the plot entirely.
All this is to say, when we talk about queerness and fascism, we must contend with the fact that queerness, or rather, queer people, have historically been aligned with fascism and there is nothing truly stopping queerness and queer people from aligning with fascism again. For a great primer on the history of homosexuality in the Weimar Era and the Nazi Party, see author Laurie Marhoefer (who wrote the book Sex and the Weimar Republic: German Homosexual Emancipation and the Rise of the Nazis) [ink to blog post that provides a reader's digest overview.]
I've just realized this post is getting enormous and so I'm going to call this Part 2 and hope it's as coherent as it feels in my brain.
Since I'm committing to Part 3, I'm going to jump immediately off the conclusion of Part 2 with the discussion of queer fascists (and expound on this a little more so there's a common working framework), and its relationship to the fetishization of aesthetics and the conceptualization of heroism. Heroism is not objectively antifascist and the notion that being a hero somehow obviates fascism is absurd. All the more absurd, then, is the idea that being a hero in The Veilguard makes one antifascist.
I left off the previous section of this (essay?) with a link to Laurie Marhoefer's blog post on queerness in the Nazis, and I really do recommend that you give it a read for a lot of different reasons. For the purpose of the time period we are working with (early 20th century), I am going to use 'homosexuality' while talking about fascism and its relationship with queerness. In that vein, it behooves me to iterate that the mythology of "Nazis = Gay" is just that, a myth, in the sense that gay Nazis existed (Ernst Röhm being perhaps the most famous, of course, as well as others) but also that the Nazi party, itself, was not inherently a homosexual organization. It might seem odd for me to write this, but: just as being queer is not inherently antifascist, similarly, being queer is not inherently fascist. And vice versa: being antifascist does not mean one is allied with queer politics. Indeed, many leftist, antifascist groups were themselves anti-homosexuality during the time of the rise of the Nazi party.
The publication of the The Brown Book of the Reichstag Fire and Hitler Terror (1933) (written by a member of the Communist Party of Germany - the KDP) popularized myth of Nazis and Homosexuality being linked (where both were bad), whereafter author Andrew Wackerfuss wrote in 2015 that it was the sort of mythology that appealed to opponents of the Nazi party because they believed that "...the heart of the Nazis' militant nationalist politics lay in the sinister schemes of decadent homosexual criminals". Homosexuality was linked with militarism, and the Eulenburg affair (in short, a big dramatic legal scandal over whether or not friends of the Kaiser of Germany were engaged in homosexual acts) did much to link militarism and homosexuality in the minds and politics of Germans. Globally, Germany was linked more broadly with homosexuality -- with quaint little euphemisms like "The German Vice" entering usage abroad.
In the Soviet Union, socialist writer Maxim Gorky claimed that "eradicating homosexuals [will make] fascism disappear". The Social Democratic Party (SPD) was also known to weaponize anti-homosexuality as anti-Nazism, and as the political climate of the late-Weimar Republic heated up, it was increasingly a tool utilized by leftist paramilitary groups in opposition to the SA led by Ernst Röhm, who himself had been a political target of accusations of homosexuality that ultimately led to him admitting it publicly. Thus, we saw slogans and heckles like:
"Hitler, heil, heil, heil. Heil Eulenburg!"
Geil Röhm ("Hot Röhm!")
Schwul Heil ("Heil Gay")
SA, Hose Runter! ("SA, Trousers Down!")
In 1932, Robert Smallbones was appointed the British consul-general at Frankfurt in Germany. He had a history of what we might think of as leftist politics -- anti-slavery, anti-persecution of minorities, and he was very much outspoken against the antisemitism of the Nazi Party. He is perhaps best-known for reading the writing on the wall and working to help Jews obtain visas in order to evacuate from Nazi Germany before the war broke out -- in fact, in October 1939 the British Government calculated that he had saved 48,000 people and had been in the process of issuing papers to 50,000 more when World War 2 began. He was also known to have personally visited Nazi concentration camps to demand the release of Jewish prisoners. One would think, then, as an ally to minorities and an opponent of bigotry, that he would be an ally of homsexuals as well. Not so. Smallbones blamed the emergent situation in Germany on homsexuality in a letter dated 1938: "The explanation for this outbreak of sadistic cruelty may be that sexual perversion, in particular homo-sexuality, are very prevalent in Germany."
Remember in Part One where I described that fascism is opportunistic and will do what it needs to, in order to consolidate power and bring about a fascist state? Hitler himself weaponized this rampant sentiment of anti-homosexuality, using it as a pretext in 1934 to execute The Knight of Long Knives, which purged many of the enemies and critics of the Nazi Party but was especially targeted toward the SA paramilitary group led by Ernst Röhm, who had been a longtime ally of Hitler and then became a sacrificial lamb in order to (among other things) improve the image of the Nazi party government in the eyes of the German people.
This is, of course, by necessity of the shortform of this essay an oversimplification of what all went down, and I am intentionally emphasizing the elements related to homosexuality for the sake of the point I am driving at, but the broad strokes are here, and the point is: historically being queer/an ally for queers was not a shorthand for being antifascist.
Historian Laurie Marhoefer writes about this subject, and especially with an eye toward dismantling the myth of Pink Fascism that has persisted to the 21st century (see: Republican National Committee official Bryan Fischer being fired in 2015 for calling queer activists "jack-booted homofascist thugs" / claiming that the Nazi party was founded in "a gay bar in Munich" -- statements that IMO likely would not have seen him exiled from the RNC in 2025.) Marhoefer writes: "Although remarkably long-lived, mutable, capable of regenerating itself in various contexts, and even entertained at times by reputable historians, the myth of legions of gay Nazis has no historical basis."
That said--gay Nazis did exist, and Marhoefer rightfully points out that the idea that queers are by definition are liberal or left-of-center is an extremely flawed assumption: like race, like gender, queerness is not a moral compass. Quoth Marhoefer:
"...they [right-wing queers] do not necessarily share the political goals of left-leaning queers. They see their broader, right-wing politics as compatible with their queerness. [...] Röhm was not a queer man who suddenly joined a homophobic political party in a fit of inexplicable, profound confusion. His views on sexual politics were, rather, comfortably within what in his day was a decades-old tradition of far-right queerness. Röhm’s queer fascism was identical to the Nazi Party’s ideology in almost all respects, save on questions of male-male eroticism. That was, however, a significant difference. Queer fascism was not synonymous with what one might call “mainstream” fascism – that is, fascism as articulated by big Nazi institutions, such as the Party."
To expound on this, Marhoefer cites to us a little-remembered essay called “National Socialism and Inversion”, written by an anonymous author who was part of the Röhm circle of queer fascism and engaged in discourse with a well-known center-left homosexual emancipation group, the Scientific Humanitarian Committee (SHC). Anonymous wrote what amounted to a form of "we're not like other girls (queers):
“Homosexuality” meant male femininity, Marxism, and Judaism.
There were multiple queer subjectivities, or multiple ways to be a queer person.
What he saw in himself was not “homosexuality” but something else entirely, a “manly Eros” that was spiritual rather than lustful, and was experienced discreetly among “healthy and respectable fellows” in the Nazi Party militia.
“Manly Eros” was “fundamentally” different from homosexuality as defined by the left-leaning SHC, a form of male-male eroticism he associated with feminine men, gender-crossing, and transvestitism.
Masculine, discreet, manly Eros was wholly compatible with a healthy “Aryan” racial consciousness.
What Anonymous wanted from other fascists was quiet accommodation, not public acceptance. He argued that most Nazis would overlook homoeroticism in the barracks as long as the men in question did their “duty.”
What's fascinating about this is that it doesn't appear as an attempt to mobilize queerness as a political positionality. As Marhoefer states, rather, it "...mobilized a certain kind of far right subject with a certain kind of sexual-political ideology. That ideology affirmed homoeroticism, albeit hidden homoeroticism, rejected “homosexuality,” and embraced violence and racism."
Threads of this type of sexual-political ideology have persisted into modern far-right positionalities -- take, for example, Milo Yiannopoulos, who was a commentator for far-right publications like Breitbart and a supporter of Trump's bid for presidency in 2016, who claimed that all of Islam, not simply a small group of radicals, was responsible for mistreating women and homosexuals (see: earlier mentions of homonationalism), who married his husband in 2017, in the same breath declared homosexuality a sin, and then in 2021 declared that he was an ex-gay dedicating his life to conversation therapy and that his husband had been "demoted to housemate."
Yiannopoulos seems aware of the linkage between homosexuality, masculinity, and the weaponization of sexual politics:
"“[I] only leaned heavily into it in public because it drove liberals crazy to see a handsome, charismatic, intelligent gay man riotously celebrating conservative principles,” said Mr Yiannopoulos."
Yet, we note, he did not disavow his husband at the time. Rather, whatever they are doing privately, remains strictly in the realm of private:
"The former Brietbart editor went on to describe his so-called coming out as the lifting of a “veil”, although he admitted that his husband might not be pleased at being demoted to the role of “housemate”.
“It helps that I can still just about afford to keep him in Givenchy and a new Porsche every year. Could be worse for him, I guess,” said Mr Yiannopoulos."
This might seem incoherent and wildly inconsistent from an ideological standpoint, but it comes into a greater clarity when you consider that the ideological basis of politics for men like Yiannopoulos is, essentially, whatever will allow them and their political allies to consolidate political power. Sounds familiar?
For the fascists, the Nazis, the hair ever splits. Sociologist Arlene Stein similarly articulates this as a difference between homoeroticism and homosexuality; homosexuality in particular was threatening because it emasculated the man and threatened the traditional family, this being a threat to usher in the “destruction of mankind” (Untergang der Menschheit). She does, however, allow that there existed a degree of homoeroticism in Nazi sports and physical culture, which was channeled into "militarism, brutality, and ideological fixations on powerful leadership figures," -- the Übermensch, the idealized man.
Tough place to be, really; as Geoffrey Giles wrote in his book Why Bother About Homosexuals? : Homophobia and Sexual Politics in Nazi Germany [link to Internet Archive] "The leaders, and above all, Hitler demanded fanatical devotion, indeed adoration! This placed his male followers in a bind, because that love could not cross a certain, never discussed threshold." If you read further, Giles goes deeper into the sort of mental gymnastics that allowed the Nazis to rationalize touch between men -- that the transfer of the mystical "Odic force" was best facilitated through touches, kisses, cuddles, etc. But it was never erotic, oh, no, absolutely not. It was "pure."
Untitled (You Construct Intricate Rituals). Barbara Kruger (American, born in 1945). 1981. [x]
"...she turns her eye towards the construction of gender identities. Kruger draws meaning from a found photo, highlighting the contrast between the joy of the men’s smiles and the violence of their fighting. The text directly addresses the viewer, implicating both the individual and society in forming ideas of gender and intimacy. Why is violence placed so close to intimacy? Why does she choose to show men in this piece?"
Giles goes on to write about the Nazi scientists and their efforts to assess whether or not someone criminalized as a homosexual "...was a “real” homosexual, and therefore genetically tainted, or whether he was someone who could be “cured” through discipline and hard physical labor." One cannot help but recall the story of Yiannopoulos, self-described as handsome/intelligent/charismatic who converted to ex-gay and began championing conversion therapy.
So where am I going with this?
Well, specifically, I'm interested in the trappings of masculinity within a framework like this. If effeminacy was a sign of being homosexual (and this was the realm of the Jews), then being the opposite of effeminate -- manly, masculine, etc etc etc -- ended up with an interconnected framework of gender and sexuality and racial politics. Nazi masculinity contained a systemic, racialized color; it was embodied according to social determinants and sexual orientation, and war was frequently the school of manhood. Violence produced gender, and in reverse, gender produced violence -- wrapped within these, the idea of male togetherness, a proximity to danger, and a sense of belonging to a conspecific community of men in the Volksgemeinschaft -- which you could think of as "people's community", "folk community", "national community", or "racial community" -- depending on the translation.
But more specifically (or perhaps more broadly, depending on how you want to look at it) I want to examine this in the context of aesthetics, as there is an aesthetic aspect to fascism that we need to talk more about, especially in its modern manifestation through the us of AI. I will briefly segue with a couple of articles re: modern fascism in the US and its link to the tech industry, and how it is manifesting with the push for AI. (Please note that this isn't a wholesale endorsement of any of these authors or websites.)
Good Night, Tech-Right: Pull the Plug on AI Fascism
You Can’t Post Your Way Out of Fascism by Janus Rose
AI: The New Aesthetics of Fascism by Gareth Watkins
Fascism and the Spectacle of Death by Ian Alan Paul
In a lot of ways AI art really feels like the culmination of fascist ideas of what art is and very utilitarian concepts of it. IMO there's something in the human/social problem with AI art (in relation to the alienation from labor) where AI art is the epitome of capitalism in that it ultimately seeks to redefine art as and create endless slop for purposes of soulless consumption rather than as a creative and enlightening process of labor which fosters connection -- which is obviously perfect for fascist ideology because it's a fundamentally dehumanizing experience focused on the aesthetic outcome. To quote Gareth Watkins (above), the absence of people in this is a feature, not a bug.
But how does masculinity fit into this? And what does this mean for the aesthetics of the alt-right and their conceptualization of masculinity?
For the tech bros and their brand of right-wing politics, do we look at Elon Musk, a serial womanizer with numerous children across many relationships who appears to firmly embody the fascistic ideal of pronatalism as a means to combat white genocide / the great replacement theory -- a concept that runs rampant in the Silicon Valley tech circles? Where Lucas Munn defines pronationalism as, “a political, ideological, or religious project to encourage childbearing by some or all members of a civil, ethnic, or national group” -- with strong ties to nationalism alongside race, class and ethnicity. Do we look at the infamous fascistic slogan, the "14 words" of white supremacy: “We must secure the existence of our people and a future for white children.”? Do we look at Mark Zuckerburg, who on the Joe Rogan podcast described the tech industry as “culturally neutered” and called for more “masculine energy” and “aggression”, and who has become significantly more muscular as the marriage between Silicon Valley and Trumpism has developed?
It is interesting to see someone like Zuckerburg delve into the concept of being emasculated, and effeminate, where his "community" is in need of more violence -- a hark back to the idea that violence produces gender, and in reverse, gender produces violence.
We see gender revanchism as a feature of AI art usage, and Watkins illustrates this with, "...much everyday AI usage demonstrates a particularly gendered form of cruelty: deepfake nudes, AI ‘girlfriends’ used as a rhetorical cudgel to show real women that they are being replaced, AI ‘art’ of Taylor Swift being sexually assaulted." It doesn't matter if these things are real, what matters is that they can be weaponized in violent forms against women. Watkins argues that it actually isn't coincidental in the slightest that the internet’s largest directory of deepfakes uses Donald Trump as a mascot.
Beyond the tech bros, what if we look at the right-leaning manosphere movement, and the influence it has had on politicians? The blogger Derek Guy of Die, Workwear! offers an interesting perspective on the aesthetics of the clothing of the far right in his Bloomberg article "The Evolution of The Alpha Male Aesthetic" alternatively known as "Why Do So Many MAGA Men Look Like Joe Rogan?" It's en excellent read, I highly recommend taking the time to read through it, but I'll reader's digest it for you:
“In the early 2000s, Raf Simons, Hedi Slimane and Thom Browne rejected the bulky, broad-shouldered shapes associated with American tycoons, action stars and Armani swagger. They put the male wardrobe through a hot wash and tumble dry: Shirts tightened, jackets shrank, and trousers contracted in every direction. In the 2012 documentary 90s Anti-Fashion, Simons said he made clothes he and his friends wanted to wear because they didn’t see themselves in the “huge, suntanned, muscled Americano” that dominated fashion imagery. Slimane, reflecting on his adolescence, remembered being bullied in high school for having a slight build. They “were attempting to make me feel I was half a man because I was lean,” he told Yahoo Style in 2015. “There was certainly something homophobic and derogative about those remarks.”
“New subcultures rebranded the look with more conventionally masculine associations. EDC (everyday carry) enthusiasts, armed with pocket knives and multitools, adopted slim-fit gear as part of a rugged preparedness ethos. Their slim tactical pants and fitted henleys weren’t about gender ambiguity; they were survivalist uniforms. The rise of athleisure for men, particularly centered on slim joggers, pushed the same silhouette in poly-stretch fabrics, forming a softer kind of masculine armor. In Silicon Valley, tech founders embraced minimalist wardrobes built around Everlane tees, trim chinos and all-white sneakers. An aesthetic once dismissed as “metro” was now emblematic of self-optimization.”
"The Tate brothers took the raw material of that worldview and repackaged it with a harder ideological edge—blending fitness and hustle culture with anti-feminist backlash, nationalist grievance and a theatrical contempt for liberal norms. Not everyone in the alpha ecosystem shares their politics, but many embrace the same visual grammar. Ashton Hall, whose cold Saratoga water face plunge became a TikTok trend, uses similar imagery. Liver King followed a comparable formula, wrapping primal excess in a veneer of ancestral wisdom. Andy Frisella, creator of 75 Hard—a boot-camp-style program that promises toughness through discipline, dieting and discomfort—delivers YouTube sermons on sculpting abs and building wealth. These men may differ in tone, but they share an ideal: masculinity is under siege, and the only way forward is to optimize, aestheticize and dominate. For them, the body is a billboard for self-mastery, and slim-fit clothing is the wrapping that proves it."
"This new wave of hypercurated masculinity is a backlash against a cultural landscape shaped by gender fluidity, body positivity and an ongoing renegotiation of gender roles. As celebrities like Harry Styles and Lil Nas X pose in dresses and blur the traditional lines between masculine and feminine, another current rushes in to reassert the old order. It pulls from earlier models: The mythic strength of Sandow, the beachside bravado of the Venice bodybuilders, the greed-soaked tailoring of 1980s finance and the tight-fitting clothes once labeled metrosexual. Today’s fixation on muscularity, discipline and traditional masculine aesthetics feels like a new chapter in that same historical cycle."
Tate, left; Rogan, right
xxx TWITTER ACCOUNT ON CLOTHES
It's interesting how we are seeing a merging of aesthetics in the tech industry, the manosphere industry, and the right-leaning political wing of the United States, where there's a politicization of tight-fighting, oft-poorly tailored clothes coupled with the fixation around ultra-buff men and an interest in Manly Man Masculinity.
There's a post I remember seeing go around fairly recently that showed a before and an after photo of a man who, in the before photo was, like, Just Some Guy; and in the after photos he was extremely ripped. A poll was put to the photos to ask women which photo they preferred, and generally the results slanted heavily in favor of the before photo. The response of the man in question, and of other men in his sphere, was that of incredulity. How could women not prefer this example of peak masculinity? The better question, truly, was: "who is this for?" If it's not for women, generally speaking, it's for other men -- who encourage each other's gains, compliment their muscles, compare reps and body fat percentages and "How much do u lift, bro?"
There's a kind of Manly Eros in this aesthetic of masculinity. To pull back from Marhoefer's article regarding “National Socialism and Inversion” -- a kind of a male-male eroticism that's supposedly spiritual rather than lustful; ~enlightened'~ as our men's health and fitness gurus are enlightened. It doesn't matter if this is actually not real, it doesn't matter if the six pack only appears when we're dehydrated, it doesn't matter if you can't "get women" because they're "not interested" in you, or what the fuck ever. What matters is the community of masculinity.
The imagery around people like Donald Trump and Elon Musk within these right-wing spheres reflects this -- plenty of images of both of these as Giga Chad Buff Alpha Males proliferate as a means to signify their domination where their physical appearance otherwise does not. It's a real disconnect between the aesthetic and the real (for lack of a better phrasing).
And then we see the kind of strong-man aesthetic in the attempted assassination of Donald Trump, where his response to being shot in the ear is to posture: he is strong, he is powerful, he is triumphant, he is manly, he is an ideal:
By Nazi standards, fine art was not propaganda (but it was totally propaganda). Its purpose was to create ideals, for eternity. This produced a call for heroic and romantic art, which reflected the ideal rather than the realistic. This was showcased for the first time in 1937 at the Great German Art exhibition. The most decisive element [of this event], wrote one critic, was "...that it is the fighting call against any problematic. There is no room for experiments here."
Warner Rittich of the Kunst und Volk wrote, "They were not an art fair with special reference to the newest, but the visual expression of the eternal -- external and internal -- values of our Folk. Created by artists of our time, as clear and truthful as the building, they are exhibited in a temple of art, not in a factory."
Dr. Hans Kiener wrote of the art of the Nazi Party showcased at this event, "But the National Socialists not only influenced the style of the works, they also made sure that the artists would choose the right subject. The Leader wants the German artist to leave his solitude and to speak to the Folk. This must start with the choice of the subject. It has to be popular and comprehensible. It has to be heroic in line with the ideals of National Socialism. It has to declare its faith in the ideal of beauty of the Nordic and racially pure human being."
Dr. Wilhelm Späl wrote, "A walk through the exhibition proved that the principles of clarity, truth, and professionalism determined the selection ..... The heroic element stands out. The worker, the farmer, the soldier are the themes ..... Heroic subjects dominate over sentimental ones ..... The experiences of the Great War, the German landscape, the German man at work, peasant life ..... The life of the State with its personalities and developments. These are the new subjects, they demand new expressions and styles ..... In accordance with the subject, the style of most of the works is clear, strong, and full of character ..... there is a whiff of greatness everywhere. Healthy, fresh, and optimistic artists are showing their work with manifold individuality. A new era of art has begun."
Paintings which were permitted included:
those that were traditionalist in manner
that exalted the "blood and soil" values of racial purity, militarism, and obedience.
that depicted the Volk at work in the fields, a return to the simple virtues of Heimat (love of homeland)
the manly virtues of the National Socialist struggle
the lauding of the female activities of child bearing and raising symbolized by the phrase Kinder, Küche, Kirche ("children, kitchen, church").
Hitler was styled as a heroic figure. The warriors of Germany's past were styled as heroic figures. The mythic - even the mythic of the every day people - was idealized. You can, perhaps, see the elements of these sorts of ideals in the neo-Nazi, neo-fascist movement of the 21st century, the idealism of heroism and the revanchism of culture and gender and the idolization of a strong man. If you'll forgive the comparison, modern figures like Donald Trump and Elon Musk are generated in a superman costume and not as Lex Luther for a reason.
ANYWAY. The point, here, finally, is that was constitutes a "hero" is an entirely subjective concept -- no liberal or left-liberal, for example, is going to conceptualize someone like Adolf Hitler or Donald Trump as heroic figures.
It's interesting, then, that Rook is supposed to be a hero, and specifically a hero that, as the author of the inciting article purports, fights fascists and fascism in some capacity. If we recall the verbiage of the bylines the game had, in 2020 the BioWare website described Rook as:
Enter Thedas, a vibrant world of rugged wilderness, treacherous labyrinths, and glittering cities. The Dragon Age is a time of warring nations, savage combat, and secret magics. Now, the fate of this world teeters on a knife's edge. Thedas needs a new hero; one they'll never see coming. Forge a courageous fellowship to challenge the gathering storm. Friendship, drama, and romance abound as you bring striking individuals together into an extraordinary team. Become the hero and light the beacon of hope in their darkest moments.
It was later changed to, at least as of Dragon Age Day 2023:
Enter the world of Thedas, a vibrant land of rugged wilderness, treacherous labyrinths, and glittering cities – steeped in savage combat and secret magics. Now, the fate of this world teeters on a knife's edge. Thedas needs a new leader; one they'll never see coming. You’ll forge a courageous fellowship to challenge the gathering storm. Friendship, drama, and romance will abound as you bring striking individuals together into an extraordinary team. Become the leader and light the beacon of hope in their darkest moments.
Okay, fine, this dovetails well with the actual presentation of the game, which is that Rook comes into the story already "a hero" -- that is, someone who makes hard choices and saves people and kicks ass and take names and etc etc etc, well before we ever chase Solas down to his ritual site in Arlathan. The author of the inciting article "This Game Kills Fascists" has also cottoned onto this fact, and explains it to us firstly by extolling the many choices of character we have for Rook, the hero:
"...their real name is up to you. Also up to you: your look, your background, your race, your sex, your gender identity, your pronouns.** You choose whether you shoot or stab or zap. And once your character is out in the world, there are additional roleplay options that come up through dialogue in the game—not gameplay choices, but dialogue about your background, attitudes, and beliefs—and I really liked these “yes, and” improv opportunities to give my Rooks more texture and independent character."
Okay, fine x2, although we'll note with some irony that the author revealed that they have only played three characters, all of them elves. She then goes on to explain the nature of Rook's, shall we say, uniqueness as a hero.
"What you don’t choose is whether you are a hero. In past games, the player’s goodness was measured by the player’s choices, not their adversaries’. Which is to say you aren’t good just because you’re fighting bad things."
"But Rook, whoever they are and wherever they come from, is a hero. Not a reluctant hero, not an asshole who does heroic stuff for petty pragmatism, not a person with heroism thrust upon them. At the game’s start, Rook has already earned their place in the big events following the climax of Dragon Age: Inquisition."
"And contrasting with previous games, some can find Rook’s hardcoded virtue a constraint or even an unacceptable loss, particularly when so much of the previous games was painted in blood and moral gray. The shine of Rook’s halo might well make you squint if you’re so devoted to the gloom."
What, prithee, is the distinction here, actually? She never really explains it beyond "asshole" behavior or "pragmatism," the latter of which realistically isn't even true because Rook is forced to be pragmatic by the narrative -- "whatever it takes," after all. As far as I can tell, it appears that Rook has the following defining features as a hero:
They come into the story a hero. Their goodness, their morality, is measured by their adversaries rather than the choices of the player. And since they are fighting bad guys, they are a good guy. They end the story a hero. Their morality is absolute.
I would actually argue that the author is incorrect in that Rook doesn't have heroism thrust upon them -- they very explicitly are put in a situation where their leader, Varric, is out of commission and Rook is expected to step up. Varric died and the vibe was, "You're in charge now, kid, good luck." If we ignore that the acts of heroism prior to the start of the game are basically a non-factor to Rook's characterization and story, we can still at least allow room for its existence, with the idea was that when Rook had circumstances thrust upon them that required they step up, it was natural for them to just slide into more heroism.
What I find particularly problematic about this is that it undermines a key component of storywriting for protagonists in that protagonists are supposed to change, they're supposed to undergo a moral journey. If your starting premise is that the character is Heroic, and you want a character that changes, you can't just make them Heroic Squared. By and large that's that's a boring premise all on its own, and bad writing if that's all that it is. In this kind of storytelling framework, Rook really would have needed to do something unheroic in order to transform their personal narrative. Which. I would personally argue they ultimately DID do unheroic things, but the game tries very hard to tell us that it was a moral victory anyway because the framework of the game and the meta the writers give us insists on Rook being Heroic™️. Which makes for a really unsatisfying protagonist.
The author also seems to be confused about what grey morality looks like in a story, as she hits us with these:
"There is a buffet of moral gray being served with seconds in Veilguard, primarily by the character everyone expected to be its Big Bad Wolf."
"Whether you personally believe Solas is right actually, can change course, or must be put down like a dog is up to you. Rook cannot entertain the first idea, much as the Inquisitor couldn’t, because the cost in lives will be unimaginable. Yet the game will insist that you grapple with the destructive price of Solas’s pure motives all the way to the end. And to do that conflict real justice, Solas needs a hero as strong-willed and as sure as he is to be his adversary."
"Unlike Solas, who rationalizes a greater good, these gods are purely malevolent enslavers. They, too, want to turn the clock back, but to the days of their unlimited rule before Solas overthrew them. Not much ambiguity there, but good contrast. Solas is sidelined by events, relegated to advising Rook as they seek to defeat two sadistic gods and their Super PAC of bad guys rising across the nations of northern Thedas. But you’re not only fighting the gods and their allies, all of whom are explicitly fascist."
(sidenote: Super PAC of bad guys takes me out every time I read it; where's the Squidward pointing meme that says LIB! on it when you need it?)
I would actually love to play the game that Angela apparently thinks we played, where we "grapple with the destructive price of Solas's pure moves all the way to the end" but this is just straight up not something that happens. I saw another user write that "...Rook's characterization begins and ends with "Stop Solas". The other elven gods, the blight, the archdemons, the antaam, the venatori, all serve the larger goal to "Stop Solas.' They are fundamentally incidental the The Actual Goal of The Game. At no point do we actually pivot from "Solas is wrong" to "maybe other things are worse"" -- and I agree with this. There's a fundamental lack of any real hesitation on Rook's part, that maybe Solas might not be wrong, that maybe what they're doing -- being the hero -- might not actually be the right thing. Where's the dissonance? Where's the crunch? Where's the transformative storytelling that actually has something to say about its protagonist and their role in both the story and the storyworld?
It's just not there. What we get instead is a very straightforward good vs evil story, with the conceit that everything Rook does is heroic.
If you've talked to me at all, you've likely seen me talka bout the Game Maker's Toolkit video on "Commanding Shepard" -- discussing the construction of Shepard as a Hero and how the framework of Shepard as a protagonist and the Mass Effect trilogy as a storyworld both fundamentally frame everything Shepard does (even war crimes, even murder, even abject cruelty, even genocide) as Heroic -- where the games ask us to consider the morality of a story framing like this (somewhat tacitly, with the Paragon and Renegade system) and at times more implicitly or overtly through the characters that Shepard encounters throughout the story, who embody different viewpoints and moralizations and challenge not only Shepard but also many of the base assumptions or constructions of right vs wrong that dominate the galaxy.
It's a good video. I highly recommend you give it a watch if you have some time to do so.
I also think that this modality for Rook as a character, while attempting to mirror what made Shepard successful, falls flat because unlike Shepard, Rook (and through Rook the Player) is never challenged or asked to consider the morality of what they're doing and what their end goals are. As the author puts it: there's no real ambiguity.
Another thing that really rankles about this is the idea that choosing to be a hero is somehow morally superior to being a reluctant hero or a morally grey hero -- as if the reluctant hero isn't one of the most celebrated character archetypes across many, many genres. Our first protagonist, the Warden, earns another title at the end of Dragon Age: Origins. The HERO of Ferelden. I really question the direction of the writing team and their conceptualization of a hero. See the following question from a BlueSky user about whether or not blood magic as a specialization would come back, and Veilguard Lead Writer Trick Weekes' response:
"key to a lot of nasty stuff we arent interested in having heroes do"
Tell me you have lost the plot of Dragon Age without telling me you've lost the plot of Dragon Age. You can literally save the entirety of Ferelden -- the world of Thedas, really -- as a blood mage in Dragon Age: Origins. Does this somehow make the Hero of Ferelden any less of a hero? Or the Champion of Kirkwall, who can be a blood mage? And what does that say about the Grey Wardens, one of the most morally grey (...lol) factions in the series that literally utilizes a form of blood magic during the joining ritual for all Heroes of Ferelden and all Wardens of All Time. Alistair, Garahel and Isseya, Davrin -- none of them are heroes now, because they did literal blood magic done to save all the peoples of Thedas? What about the mages who utilize lyrium -- the blood of the titans? Are all mages of all the games and all of history precluded from ever being a hero?
No, of course not. We play three heroes in the previous three games, inherently, because that's the framework fo the narratives we're presented -- all with different circumstances and different questions on what makes a hero, a hero.
What's outrageous on Angela's part is that she's somehow trying to argue that Rook stands apart from our previous three heroes as a Moral Absolute of True Heroism (or something?) and somehow this makes Rook the kind of protagonist in the kind of story that kills fascists. Never mind that it's not even remotely controversial to say that the modern literary modality of the traditional morally white hero vs. the morally black villain is exactly the type of mythologizing stories that were used as propagandist tools of fascism. This is... widely accepted. It's not a good argument on its face, and it's especially a poor argument when there's no actual supporting argumentation to fill out the body of the thesis.
What's also outrageous about the fact that she's been able to draw this kind of conclusion, albeit with little to no grasp of what she's actually arguing for, is that we are never as players permitted to interrogate the text, and our player characters are never permitted to interrogate the storyworld. Rook is a Hero, therefore everything they do is Heroic, and this fits within a very bad guys = bad and good guys = good dichotomy that is at odds with the fundamental conceit of the storyworld of Thedas that was established in Origins and carried through DA2 and DAI -- how does history construct and deconstructs its heroes and its villains through propaganda?
I've written a good deal about subjects related to this already, so I'll just throw some links at you to save space:
The Second Sin (in Defense of Corypheus as a villain)
Why the Evanuris Are Weak Villains in DATV
The Importance of Literacy and what Escapism Means
I will also once again link to Mythalism's essay:
on the ways Dragon Age as a series prompted us as players to engage with the politics and ethics of the storyworld
The thing about being heroic is that it's not an immutable character trait. One is not born a hero, or awarded the title of hero. One must act to become a hero. If Rook is a hero, we must ask ourselves, "why," and the story must tell us how and why Rook is a hero -- what is the praxis of their actions? In the absence of an actual dialogue between the player and the character and the storyworld, being being a Hero™️ becomes a form of identity politics.
As Mythalism put it, the #1 most embarrassing and distasteful thing about the game DATV is that developers fell into the ideological trap the entire series was set out to deconstruct (regarding what makes one a hero and the idea of moral absolutism), and they seem to be unaware of this. The game itself appears to come to the table with a blind faith in the audience intuitively understanding good people versus evil people, with no interrogation of what that actually means in the storyworld as established or how that can be misused -- both narratively and in the real world.
I wrote several months ago in the Literacy and Escapism essay that I think we should be very careful to embrace media like [DATV], because how we engage with media does not exist in a vacuum - it isn't merely just entertainment. Mythalism articulated in a similar vein that what makes something like Veilguard dangerous is that, if you are telling stories about heroes and villains and don’t actually have an objective metric for what makes a person a hero or any critical thinking about how those kinds of narratives have been construed in the past, you run the very real risk of engaging in the same same sort of black and white rhetoric used in, say, military propaganda movies, or fascistic mythic films.
And again, this is how we get a story that is wildly racist and still somehow being upheld as hopeful.
"Or how beliefs are often flawed, but no one’s rights are negotiable."
except the elves' rights, i guess. or the spirits' rights, i suppose. or mage rights.
"Or how no one is free until everyone is free"
except the elves... or the spirits...
And corny as it may seem, knowing that this story is out there right now gives me hope for our world, too.
You're right, Angela. It is corny. And you know what? You ever actually explain how the fuck the Heroes of the Veilguard and their game "kill fascists." If you are going to mobilize the concept of a protagonist being a hero to make them antifascist, you have to explain the framework you are operating within. Like the developers and the assumptions they put into their dyadic of good vs evil, as an author you are making the assumption that the the readers will understand what you mean by your dyadic of hero vs fascist, nevermind that you don't explain a damn thing and you've built your essay on top of the sand pit that is DATV's framework. You can't just say that the hero = good because their villains = bad = fascist.
[taps the mic, steps real close to it] Hello? Is this thing on? TT-TT
Sorry to be nosy, but did something happen, or are you just sick of dragon age?
nothing in particular its just this post of all time. i cant keep allowing my toxic ex husband to text and pull me back in. i have to block his number. i have to find a new toxic husband <3
blah blah thinking about the popular rebuttal to complaints about veilguard's politics being "bioware was never leftist so you shouldnt have expected veilguard to be" which is... interesting.
true, of course. the expectation part i disagree with but thats not what ive been thinking about. im thinking about what made it feel so different to the very similar centrism of da:i. and maybe someone who didnt black out the entirety of veilguard as a cognitive protective mechanism can speak to the specifics but i think ive settled on it being that da:i is undoubtedly neoliberal and centrist just like da:o and da2 before it but despite their clear framing and limitations there was always the encouragement to think and the freedom to do things that the game might condemn narratively as "too radical" but you could at least do them. or say them.
this erodes by the time you get to da:i but in veilguard its absent completely. like making leliana divine or putting briala on the throne, for example. the game presents these options in a very neoliberal and centrist way. the un-softened leliana divine epilogue slide features much of the "radical violence bad!!!!! bad choice!!!!" connotation that all of veilguard has. but you can still do it. briala has incredibly limited power as gaspard's puppetmaster and her epilogue slide similarly slaps the player on the wrist for behaving so radically by putting *gasp* an elf in power resulting in Bad Disruptive Uprisings throughout orlais. but you can do it. hawke can spare anders and let him go. again, the game slaps you on the wrist via character disapproval and the fact he becomes a wandering hermit or whatever the fuck but. you can still let him go. in origins you can make shianni bann and the consequences are disgusting and horrible and writing it that way is literally sickening, but the game lets you do it. origins lets you do a lot of buck wild shit, some decisions less real-world politically coded than others, but you get to DO IT. even if the game and its writers scold you afterwords for getting too disruptive. YOU CAN STILL DO IT.
and this goes the other way too. there is a reason people like greg ellis had a home with dragon age for so many years and his beliefs were able to go under the radar for so long. there is a reason transphobic gamerbros love origins. there is a reason there was backlash to da2's rampant bisexuality. because dragon age let you be leftist about as much as it let you be a racist misogynistic asshole. you can do horrible things in these games. you can quite literally sell people into slavery. templar aligned hawke lets the kirkwall circle get annulled and becomes viscount as a reward for their loyalty. the inquisitor can just execute literally everyone they judge. now, i'll be the first to say that a lot of those options are not nearly narratively condemned enough. bioware has fumbled many a topic in their misunderstood pursuit of "grey morality" that leads them to feel the need to morally equalize situations of clear, unambiguous injustice (cough mage templar war cough). in fact, decisions like sparing anders are often far more clearly narratively punished than things like giving fenris back to danarius, (which kind of just blows over after some approval loss???) and in my opinion that is a writing flaw. i do think RPG games should have choice, and allow players to be evil, but i also think that writers have a responsibility for the message their writing sends to the world. some decisions in dragon age are well-handled. many others recreate and reflect real life racism or misogyny or islamophobia, and reveal the writer's bias against real-life groups of people or political movements. this is the risk of writing stories like these.
but veilguard does not let you do anything. in either direction. ive been calling it a "thought-terminating fantasy cliche" because... it really is thought-terminating. you are not supposed to think about alternatives that may be too radical in the writer's eyes (what if i let anders go instead of face the justice [haha] the game clearly thinks he deserves? what if i install an elvhen puppetmaster on the orlesian throne despite all of my advisors recommendations? what if i support the murder-pope in reforming the chantry through violence and bloodshed?). veilguard has..... what if i save this city over that one? the only one i can think of is saving isseya. are there any others? genuine question. theres nothing to decide and therefore there is nothing to think about. you dont get to think of possibilities past the narrow centrist path presented to you. you dont get to think about an end for solas that doesnt end in jail. you dont get to think about who becomes tevinter's archon and what policies you might like to see them have. you dont make choices between major factions based on ideological and/or practical differences like recruiting mages vs templars. you barely even get to decide anything for the characters, half of the choices are purely cosmetic.
like i feel like theres something to be said for having the choice even if the overall narrative still condemns it. the writer's bias leaks in to the world's reactions to your decisions but you are still allowed to make them. i always intentionally leave leliana hardened because i think radical insane murder-pope who diversifies the church through ASSASSINATION is based. i dont give a fuck if david g/aider thinks its too crazy and tells me so in a thinly veiled epilogue slide reprimand about "the consequences of my actions". idgaf! 1. its a video game and 2. idc what he thinks.
and yes, nothing ever actually changes. dragon age has never allowed you to make radical change within its world even with the decisions that brush up on the possibility. but you can still be someone who believes in the possibility. you can play a mahariel who hates humans and poisons the ashes of their prophet because why should they care when they stole everything from the elves first? you can play a blood-mage circle-abolitionist anders-apologist hawke doing their best to survive in a city where survival and self-preservation sometimes forces them to act against their values. you can play a lavellan inquisitor who refuses to believe in andraste or the maker, advocates for elvhen liberation, and installs an elf on the orlesian thrown despite being forced into the role of figurehead for a religious empire. sure, you cant really actually do anything for the elves, but you can be someone who believes that change should happen. its not perfect. its certainly not some radical revolutionary fantasy nor does literally anyone expect it to be and when people say that its always in bad faith.
bioware has always been canadian liberal centrists and so have their games. but they used to let you get a little fun and crazy and then just reprimand you via epilogue slides or retcons in later games that we all just got to complain about online. but veilguard forces you to roleplay someone else's ideology; a boring centrist status quo loving fantasy with no opportunity to do something different. elven rooks cannot question dorian on tevinter slavery like elven inquisitors could. rook cannot ask lucanis about the child recruitment practices of the crows the way the warden could to zevran. rook cannot ask davrin about the warden's pressure into conscription, joinging and eventual calling the way the warden could alistair or hawke can to anders in legacy. you cannot ask about alternatives or question a single authority or character of any kind. you cannot voice dissent. the dialogue option does not exist. what was once a slap on the wrist in previous titles has become reactionary and preemptive. you wont get slapped on the wrist in the first place because you're stuck in a boring, empty room for after-school detention, railroaded into "good" behavior and confined to one path so you cant get into any trouble on your own. thought-terminating fantasy cliche. it didnt need to be some insane groundbreaking revolutionary work of marxism or whatever the fuck hyperbolic nonsense people are trying to straw-man the criticism into to disprove it as unreasonable. it needed to not advertise itself as an RPG and then force me to roleplay white canadian millenial neoliberal afraid of getting canceled on twitter simulator 4.0 because if i knew thats what i was signing up for i would have respectfully declined and saved my $70 on something that doesnt condescend to me for enjoying bald war criminals and stories about revolution
to me it's strange that in dai, the game kind of forces you to take minaeve's story at face value? bc it is so weird when i thought about it. it's most likely just in there as a sort of Bioware Centrism Moment, but i wish they'd done more with it.
like ok. if her clan intentionally threw out a child into the woods, that means they were either cutthroat enough to want to kill her on purpose, OR, they wanted to abandon her, but still give her a chance at survival by being found. which was it?
seemingly... neither?
bc if they wanted to kill her, there is literally no need to give her a whole backpack and supplies beforehand. if they're cold-blooded enough to send a child to die, they probably wouldn't care about giving her extra food and stuff beforehand. and i feel like backpacks are actually pretty valuable, just on a cloth/leatherworking effort level, and especially for a small nomadic society that has nowhere to store things besides aravels. this is weird of them. they spent years feeding and clothing and raising her, then decide to coldly scrap all that effort bc they want her gone, and then give her another hand-crafted useful item before they leave her to die? makes no sense!
and if they wanted to just abandon her but still give her a chance, it wouldn't be hard to just send someone to walk her to the edge of a village first. they're experts at surviving and moving through the wilderness, why would it be a hardship for one adult to take a few days and go "ok minaeve, we're going on a field trip to see the human town :)" and then just lie to her and leave her there? still very harsh, and gives her a sad magic-related backstory and dislike of the dalish, but makes more sense! but they didn't do that either.
on a larger scale level.... every single dalish clan we meet prior to that Loves Mages. there's mentions of multiple mages competing to be first, or being traded if another clan is running low on mages. so even if minaeve's clan are assholes, it would be in their interests to basically trade minaeve to another clan for something else of value, and that would compensate them for the amount of time and resources they spent on raising her up to that point.
and on an even broader level, i think the dalish would benefit hugely from even weak mages like minaeve - even if all they ever learn to do is 1 ice spell... that means their whole group now has refrigeration? that's life-changingly useful! there is no way they'd want to pass up on that. and it makes sense why mages are so valued in their culture, bc having a mage improves their quality of life and chances of survival SO much.
so to me, one way minaeve's story makes sense is if the situation was actually: the clan was in some severe danger. the actual mages had to be on the front lines handling it, and no one else could deal with a scared mage child in the middle of everything accidentally setting things on fire. so they sent her out with some supplies so that she was at a distance from whatever was happening, and figured they'd track her down and pick her up in a few days when it was over.
but presumably they did not survive whatever the incident was, so no one came back to get her. minaeve, seven, interpreted this as being abandoned, and the chantry was like "yeah that sounds about right for those horrible cruel barbarians! luckily this child can be raised with good andrastian morals now 😌" and wouldn't dissuade her from thinking that.
We started this blog to find and support a human artist in the face of AI taking over the Dragon Age art tag some months ago. Through community effort, we managed to fund a commission of a stained-glass Blackwall portrait from a human artist, and also hopefully inspired others to create authentic human art in this style!
In a fandom brimming over with talented human beings, it was a tough choice settling on just one person that would reclaim the artwork concept from AI, but at last, our artist reported back to us with finished work! We are very excited to see it come to fruition! Be sure to support this gorgeous piece, and others like it, as an affirmation that passion and enthusiasm for genuine human creativity will always prevail.
The artist has also provided a high-res image, so if you are one of the lovely people who backed the Ko-Fi goal, expect Mod Judith to reach out to you, once her irl obligations allow, and arrange for a postcard with the artwork to be sent to you, as a permanent reminder that you contributed to supporting human-made art.
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The devs deciding the chantry isn’t relevant this time around in Veilguard is so ignorant lol. If the veil comes down, the black city is on the doorstep of every single person andrastian or not. Seeing the reminder of everyone’s “sin” in the eyes of the Maker could have been weaponised so well against different regions.
And to make matters worse the game is deliberately about us going to Tevinter for the first time, a country that notoriously has its own teachings, chantry and divine. So we wouldn’t even be rehashing the same things we’d still be discovering an entirely new practice in a new sphere.
The Tevinter practice of Andrastian teaches their followers that magic is to serve and using it is in their pride as a country. So if they got wind of the veil coming down which they would have after the opening scene you’d think they’d be very proactive on utilising this to their own political advantage. I could easily imagine the Archon wanting to tear it down, to take control over other nations and the Imperial Divine would most likely support this idea. Why? Because seeing the Black City is more likely going to cause mass hysteria and a question of faith.
For everyone else the Black City is a representation of their "sin" and magic is taught to be feared, controlled and punished. So when their the reminder of the Maker turning his back on Thedas is a constant presence in their world, that would likely cause religious hysteria. This concept was already touched on with the Inquisitor, the people of Haven are scared because they lost their divine and out walks someone they see who has the touch of Andraste and cling on to that person to ground themselves. The Inquisitor becomes a dangerous force because in the face of uncertainty they can fix it and actually help people beyond just being told to stay calm.
The appearance of the Black city is like the breach but globally, no one will be able to escape its presence. I'm mostly just assuming that everyone will be able to see it just like its always present in the fade no matter where you are standing. And that this would also be true if the world was full of magic again. This would also create parallels between ancient Arlathan and current Tevinter how both weaponise control over others using magic. Which is what I assume was the point, having Dorian in your team during the trespasser dlc has him point out how similar the Elven gods are to Tevinter Magistrates.
This situation could easily be weaponised by Tevinter, use it as a ploy to act like a charitable nation to those who are weakened by war and struggling with their faith. Thus increasing their power and possibly trying to take over more countries since Tevinter has lost areas to the Qunari. And it would ideally be up to the Inquisitor to fight back against this on a global level. The divine is important but if the veil came down I personally believe that would elevate the Inquisitor's role a lot higher level because the people of the southern countries know they were able to fix something similar beforehand. Obviously the Inquisitor can't anymore but the people don't know that.
To include Rook in this scenario it gives a way better excuse as to why the Inquisitor can't be our main character right now because the south is in a disarray not because its actively being nuked but because it requires the leadership only the Inquisitor can provide. Which makes sense, the Inquisitor whether they believe in the maker or not is a religious figure. They are not a warden general, they don't need to be one either and making them one is kinda dumb imo. It's like making our warden into a religious figure its unnecessary and someone else can take up that role.
I just feel like opting to use the blight again when the problem we're facing is also a magical one that is threatening to tear the world apart is so boring and ignoring the political sphere of Thedas is the problem. You can't ignore the chantry and set your game in Tevinter in the same way you can include the elves of Thedas in your game and ignore their culture and history. Because what you get is so bad that it makes the company seem ignorant of their own work. I think it's especially bad when as a IP dragon age has published books explaining their world, this content exists outside of the games and this content should have been referenced.
The worst and most laughable part about this concept that the chantry shouldn't be involved in the games anymore is that "Dragon age" is a term the chantry bestowed on Thedas. The Divine called this era the Dragon Age to signify war and chaos.
you have to be careful reading too many things that are good/smart/well-written bc then you encounter something that isnt and you get confused like ? why didnt they just make this good ? were they stupid
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