bedazzle me like one of ur italian corpses

- desire triangulation where person a becomes obsessed with person b because person c loves person b

- desire triangulation where person a micromanages person b's sex life with person c

- jealousy and jealousy games

- voyeurism. perhaps even of the unconsensual variety

- infidelity

- purely emotional infidelity 💖

- one person is in the cuck chair. physically emotionally spiritually sexually

- same as above but the person in the cuck chair is domming

- explicitly v shaped polyamory

- desire triangulation where person a tries to *become* person b because person b has person c

A doctor in London said something on television last week that ought to have been a national scandal. Somehow, it wasn’t.

He told ITV News that colleagues of his had said that if an Israeli arrived in the emergency room, dying, they would not treat him. They wouldn’t refuse his referral to their care. They’d purposely let him die on the gurney, on the principle of where he was born.

The doctor goes by Baruch. He would only give his first name. He and his wife, Daniella, are packing up their home in Golders Green and moving to Israel, and the ITV crew filmed them doing it. He mentioned, almost in passing, that he had also seen Jewish patients refused kosher meals. The Department of Health called his account “shocking” and admitted, in writing, that the medical regulatory system is failing to protect Jewish patients and staff.

Hold the part about the dying patient for a second, because it is the whole story in miniature.

A hospital works on one promise. The person who comes through the door gets treated. You do not check his passport. You do not poll the room about his politics. The promise is older than any of us, and it is the reason a stranger will let another stranger cut into his chest.The Hippocratic Oath that all doctors swear to. When a doctor decides that a nationality is grounds to withhold care, that oath hasn’t just been broken. It has been abandoned by the people who need to keep it the most.

That is what makes the medical version of antisemitism different from everything else in the news. You can argue forever about flags and slogans, about what a particular chant really means when ten thousand people sing it while marching in a Jewish neighborhood. You cannot argue about a man bleeding out in front of you. The case is closed before it opens.

Baruch is not imagining the weather around him. The same week his interview aired, Lord John Mann published a sixty-page review of antisemitism in the UK National Health Service (NHS.) It found that Jewish staff “suffer in silence,” that they face what the report calls routine ostracism, and that Jewish staff are the only religious group in the NHS for whom discrimination from colleagues is rising rather than falling. Some are thinking of leaving the service. The government accepted the recommendations and promised new training and standards. Good. But training is a plan for people who haven't yet made up their minds. It does nothing about the colleague who already decided some patients aren't worth saving.

In April, the Jewish Chronicle profiled three British doctors who had already left the NHS for Israel, among them a young pediatrician from north-west London and a GP who said plainly that she could not have coped with the antisemitism her Manchester colleagues were living with. Across the Atlantic, Dr. Emmanuel Moss, chief of cardiac surgery at Montreal’s Jewish General Hospital and one of Canada’s leading robotic heart surgeons, has resigned and is moving to Atlanta. He cited the climate in the city, where synagogues have been firebombed and bullets were fired at a yeshiva.

Look at the job titles. A cardiac surgeon. A children’s doctor. The clinicians you want on the schedule when it is your kid on the table at two in the morning. These are not people who spook easily, and they are not cheap or quick to replace. A surgeon takes well over a decade to train. When that is who decides to go first, you are not watching people flee an inconvenience. You are watching them flee an actual risk.

Here is the honst part, and it cuts against the alarm. By the raw numbers, there is no exodus. The Institute for Jewish Policy Research looked at the data this spring. In 2025, 742 British Jews made aliyah, the highest count in over forty years. But that figure still sits inside the normal range of the last two decades, which runs from about four hundred to about seven hundred a year. Roughly one Israeli moves to Britain for every British Jew who leaves for Israel. JPR’s director put it flatly: there is no Jewish exodus from the UK, at least not yet. So if you want to file all of this under noise, the spreadsheet will let you.

The spreadsheet is measuring the wrong thing. A census counts volume. This was never about volume. It is about composition, about which people are the first to quietly conclude they have no future somewhere. When the early movers are the surgeons and the paediatricians, the number on the page can stay small while the signal screams. The canary in the coal mine was never impressive by weight, either.

Britain and America, of all places, should be able to read this signal because they were once the lucky recipients of the same event running the other way.

In the 1930s, Germany and Austria purged their Jewish physicians. First, the 1933 civil service law pushed them out of public positions. Then, the regime forbade Jewish doctors from treating non-Jewish patients, and by 1938, it had stripped their medical licenses outright. The doctors did not vanish. They got on boats. A great deal of them landed in London and New York and rebuilt Anglo-American medicine and science over the following half-century. The countries that opened the door spent the next hundred years collecting the dividend.

Germany’s own healthcare measurably degraded once so many of the healers were gone, with child and maternal health indicators sliding in the wrong direction. The lesson is not subtle. A government can revoke its doctors' licenses for who they are. It cannot revoke the illnesses those doctors were treating. The patients stay. The expertise leaves. The gap between the two is filled with funerals.

What is happening now is that same experiment, this time running in gentler register. Nobody is passing a law. No license is being torn up. The pressure is ambient and plausibly deniable. A kippah that comes off before the ward round. A colleague who muses that some patients aren’t worth the trouble. A regulator the government itself concedes is not doing its job. Doctors are trained to detect diseases from their earliest signs. That’s exactly what they are doing, and it’s making them choose to leave.

The cost is not theoretical. The NHS is carrying roughly 100,000 vacant posts. More than four in ten of its licensed doctors are qualified abroad. On any given day, the service is busy persuading physicians in Lagos and Manila to uproot their lives and come to fill a British ward. In that same season, it is handing the doctors a quiet list of reasons to go. A health system that imports clinicians by the planeload while supplying its own with reasons to leave is losing a race it set up against itself.

This is the cost that gets lost when the conversation stays on antisemitism as a question of feelings and offense. The Jewish doctor who leaves does not take only himself. He takes the operations he would have performed, the residents he would have trained, and the night shifts he would have covered for a colleague whose child was sick. The loss is borne by whoever needed that surgeon and now waits longer, or does not get seen, and will mostly never know the trade that was made on his behalf.

Hezbollah claims it was created as a response to the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982, implying that prior to the invasion, Lebanon was a peaceful neighbor.

This leads people to imagine Israel decided to cross the border and “steal” Lebanese land out of the blue, though one wonders towards what purpose, since no Israeli settlements were created in Lebanon, nor was the population deliberately displaced. 

Did Israel start a major war just for fun?

The reality of the matter is that Israel never attacked a country that didn’t attack it first or supported attacks against it, and Lebanon is no different. Just like Israel’s current invasion of Lebanon, the 1982 invasion of Lebanon was a defensive response to annihilaionist aggression against the Jewish state.

Before 1982, hundreds of attacks were launched against Israel from South Lebanon, mostly by Palestinian militants who were expelled there from Jordan in 1971. One wonders why they didn’t attack Jordan just as hard for expelling them, but that’s a subject for a different story.

These attacks have killed hundreds of Israelis and injured over a thousand between 1970 and 1982, the vast majority of them civilians and many of them children. Often, attackers from Lebanon went out of their way to target Israeli children. In some cases, they literally snatched babies from their cribs.

In many ways, their level of sadism was a precursor to the atrocities of October 7. In fact, until October 7, one of these attacks was the bloodiest in Israeli history.

Below are five of the most infamous attacks launched from Lebanon against Israeli civilians before 1982. 

Shove them in the face of anyone who tries to gaslight you by claiming the only reason Hezbollah exists is to “resist” Israel.

A soldier carrying his wounded sister from the Ma’alot massacre.

Avivim School Bus Massacre (1970)

Palestinian militants from the Marxist PFLP-GC movement armed with rifles and RPGs crossed into Israel from Lebanon and opened fired on a school bus near the Lebanese border.

The terrorists then fled the scene, leaving behind them dozens of dead or dying children.

18 Israelis were killed, including 9 children, and 25 were wounded.

Ma’alot Massacre (1974)

Palestinian terrorists from the Marxist DFLP movement infiltrated from Lebanon. They attacked a van, killing two Arab-Israeli women and entered an apartment building in the town of Ma’alot, where they killed a couple and their four-year-old son.

From there, they headed for the Netiv Meir Elementary School in Ma’alot, and took hostage 115 people including 105 children and demanded the release of 26 terrorists from Israeli prisons or else they would kill the children. 

During the rescue operation, which defense minsiter Moshe Dayan personally oversaw, the terrorists murdered 22 children and injured 68 more. 

One soldier was killed in the fighting.

31 Israelis were murdered and 70 were injured in the attack. Most of them children.

Kiryat Shmona Massacre (1974)

Palestinian terrorists from the PFLP-GC movement (notice how many of these massacres were committed by Communists) crossed from Lebanon into the Israeli town of Kiryat Shmona and went door-to-door through apartment buildings, shooting residents and throwing children from the top floors.

They were later when the backpack of one of them exploded during a gunfight with the IDF.

18 Israelis were killed, including 8 children, and 16 were wounded.

The Coastal Road Massacre (1978)

Palestinian militants from Yasser Arafat’s Fatah movement sailed from Lebanon and landed on a beach near the kibbutz Ma’agan Michael and murdered American photographer Gail Rubin who was the niece of US Senator Abraham Ribicoff. 

From the beach, they walked to the highway and hijacked a taxi after murdering its occupants. Next, they hijacked a bus and murdered its occupants as well as firing into a passing car, murdering a teenager and injuring his father. 

Time characterized it at the time as “the worst terrorist attack in Israel’s history.” Until the Nova music festival massacre, this was the deadliest terrorist attack in Israeli history.

38 Israelis, including 13 children, were murdered and 76 were injured in the attack.

The remains of the hijacked bus after the massacre

Misgav Am hostage crisis (1980)

Palestinian terrorists from the Arab Liberation Front infiltered the kibbutz of Misgav Am. They murdered Sammy Shani before entering the children’s sleeping quarters and murdering two-year-old Eyal Gluska. They then snatched two babies from their cribs and ran up to the second floor, where they barricaded themselves with five more toddlers and an adult the took hostage.

Luckily, the rescue operation mounted by the IDF was successful. One Israeli soldier was killed but there were no more civilian casulties.

3 Israelis were killed, including 1 toddler, and 25 were wounded.

All these attacks, as well as hundreds others, happened against the backdrop of repeated Katyusha bombardments of Israeli towns throughout the 70s and 80s.

So no, Israel didn’t invade Lebanon in 1982 for the sport of it. 

Israel invaded it to stop a decade of atrocities and mass murder which the Lebanese state at best turned a blind eye on and at worst actively supported. 

The only thing Lebanon had to do to avoid this invasion was simply not let terrorists use its territory to invade Israel and kidnap babies from the crib and bask in the blood of children.

It was true in 1978, it was true in 1982, and it’s true today.

URI KURLIANCHIK