By Balder's balls, I wish. There is not a compendium as such. But if you start by picking a land within Scandinavia â not a country â but a people in a small geographical area within a county (swe:landskap), and from there on ethnographically in folkloric accounts as far as availability goes. There is no norse pantheon family of gods under the patriarchy of Odin (Gunnell 2015 <link to paper> thanks to @emthewyrd for that gem) all myths ARE regional stories as developed semi-independently in relation to each region's geography and social economy. The gods found in late iron age myth was more or less co-opted into new scandi-christian myth; Freyja transitioning into aspects of mother Mary, but not entirely absorbed either. Thor surely lives on in relational pastoral/terrestrial myth well into the 19th century in SmĂ„land (example literature below). It took until the 1600s for the Icelandic literature to make itself known to Scandinavian audience, which is often mistaken as a pan-nordic pre-historic worldview since Snorre (among others) was heavily biased to serve a west Scandinavian elitist rhethoric of norse mythology.
Since the spreading of Icelandic literature, the nordic gods became subject to a revamped and distorted pre-existing interpretation like.... Carl Michael Bellman's (1700s swedish poet and composer) songs of Freyja as a one-dimensional hypersexualized goddess (Fredmans Epistel N° 28, 1771).
You've got Folklorist Ella Odstedt collecting accounts of the age long tradition of shapeshifting (wolf:odinic, and bear) in several regions throughout Scandinavia. (Varulven i Svensk Folktradition, 1943), re-released by Bengt af Klintberg in 2012. Revisited in Kaliff & ĂstigĂ„rd's Werewolves, Warriors and Winter Sacrifices: Unmasking Kivik and Indo-European Cosmology in Bronze Age Scandinavia in 2016.
Let's get into some more specific post-viking age heathen lore.
In 1863 and 1868 Gunnar Olof Hyltén-Cavallius wrote a two volume book called WÀrend och Wirdane (a place and its people in south SmÄland, previously accounted for as early as Jordanes Getica) and gives several accounts of heathen practices local to this place. In this book he writes how the old gods never went away at all and were held in high reverence well into the 19th century.
And I think this^ book is where you'll find a bulk of interestingly precisely transitional co-existing practices post-viking age, in a limited space in south-central Sweden.
§ 45. As should already be clear from the foregoing, the transition from heathen cult to Christian cult in WÀrend took place extremely slowly. The new Christian teachers themselves shared for the most part the ways of thinking of the time whose children they were, and wisely avoided offending the prevailing habits, customs and ways of thinking of their countrymen. The old heathenry therefore survived an independent life by the side of Christianity, for several centuries, and drew its last breaths only well into more recent times. Our entire Middle Ages thereby acquires its general character of a breaking or transitional stage; but the break was less violent in our country than one might expect because of the different nature of the sidelined cults, and, after perfect educational work, the whole of our newer Swedish cultivation still rests on a generally deeper heathen foundation than is generally used to percieve.
With accounts in WĂ€rend court judgement of the late 1600s telling of many heathen flat out refusing to even acknowledge the new god over Odin, still leading traditional blots in hallowed groves. With other accounts of old temples servicing both heathen offerings/blots aswell as makeshift soft-Christian mass. As is the case predominately throughout Scandinavia, there was usually just the one main god per place.
In 1610, a local völva by the name Elin of HorsnÀs was "tried by water", as she did float she attributed the success to her heathen god.
Christians in opposition to the longevity of Odin would, tongue-in-cheek, liken him to the devil and how one could sell into his servitude for favors. A man Börge was owed merchant Jöns money to which Jöns told him »Give into Odhan's power, and you will get enough money!»
Horses were sacred, sacrificed, consumed. Odin's steed was in these parts known to be a massive black steed. Odin was around the same time called upon by a farmer to cure a plague among horses, Hyltén-Cavallius wrote in anecdotal verse:
Odin stands on the mountains, he inquires after his foal; he's got the flight. The spit in your hand and in his mouth; he shall receive penance at the same time. in name,
All birds of the corvid family were Odin's and thus sacred among the peasantry.
§ 49. The guise under which Odin most often appears in WÄ«rĂ«s folk beliefs and folktales, and in which, even in our days, he sometimes appears to the inhabitants of WÄ«rĂ«s who travel at night over desolate regions, is as a nocturnal revenant. Many people still alive now have thus seen him wandering between the autumn mists on Ulfsboda-marshes, in Wislanda parish, and in several other places. He is then either on foot, with a side and [at hat on his head (É: Oden Sidhöttur), or on horseback, riding a tall, black strider, whose shoes are commonly mentioned in folklore as being forged of clear silver. A horseshoe of Odin's strider, however not of silver, but of iron, is still kept at the Wexiö Art Gallery. The nights during which Odin makes these solitary walks or journeys mainly fall on the old pagan holidays, such as Yule night and Holy Thursday night. He then does not willingly suffer people to get in his way; for the night, and above all these nights "belong to him", Sometimes, however, he also speaks kindly to the lonely and frightened wanderer, who on Christmas Eve did not reach his distant home, and the legend even knows how to tell how he let this sit up behind him on the horse's back, after which the journey has passed through the air, over sea and land and over mountain and valley, like the midnight storm. If someone asks the mysterious rider who he is, he briefly replies that he "is a Desert Wanderer".
He then travels either on foot or on horseback, carrying at his side a large hunting horn and in his hand a spear, or, in the younger legend, a gun. The wildebeest he hunts is invariably a forest nymph or a mountain troll, who flees for him through the air, with her hair disheveled and her long, pendulous breasts flung over her shoulders. The hunt goes over forest and mountains, as when the bird flies or the wind blows. At some point Odin has been met returning from his nocturnal hunt, with the slain forest nymph hanging across his horse's back. Odin in this guise is, according to the younger folklore, an ancient king, who in this way is allowed to go and hunt as long as the world stands.
Odin, as a nocturnal hunter, always has before him two black, shaggy dogs, which in younger folklore appear with fiery red tongues and burning eyes.
The latter description of his dogs clearly indicative of biblical imagery of hellhounds.
Odin is to my knowledge a reasonable contender for the nightly rider one would encounter on the 7th and final year of performing the Yearwalk ritual. And you snatch a runestick from his mouth to hopefully attain clarity and farsight from that moment on.
A know rune master and local-colloquially called a (plural)Kloka/(singular)Klok gubbe (from:Wise old men an women, I remember @thoughts-of-a-heathen considered it to be a closed practice) from the bordering Niudung, Kettil Runske, obtained such farsight and hidden knowledge of the runes by snatching a total of three runesticks from Odin's mouth on that final 7th year day. Odin in this story went in the guise and personhood of Hill-Man (Berga-gubben) from Ufvelaberg.
I think what you will eventually find when looking for variations in popular stories is not variations at all but just a great pool of stories with reccuring gods characterized as place-specific dieties under whatever dialectal pseudonym chosen for that diety at that time.