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Some points of interest:

Corporate profits are soaring. After taxes, they now take 12.3 percent of national output, far above their postwar average of 7.3 percent.

Adjusted for inflation, hourly wages have risen 3 percent since the end of 2019, Ip noted. Corporate profits over the same period have risen 50 percent.

The Economic Policy Institute calculates that since 1979 the productivity of American workers has grown 90 percent while the pay of the typical worker has grown 33 percent. Had wages tracked output, the average worker would earn $16.40 more an hour today.

The profits are concentrated among the largest corporations. Earnings at the 500 biggest US firms rose 28 percent in the first quarter from a year earlier, the fastest pace since 2021, and their profit margins reached 14.8 percent. The seven technology giants known as the “Magnificent 7”—Apple, Microsoft, Nvidia, Alphabet, Amazon, Meta and Tesla—grew their profits 63 percent.

Clarence the crocodile drifts about lazily in the thick summer heat […] at the […] Zoological Gardens in West Jerusalem […]. Nile crocodiles once lived in Palestine’s Mediterranean coastal marshlands. The poster narrates […]: “In 1905, the last crocodile was hunted in Israel by residents of [the Palestinian village] Jisar-A-Zarka.” […] [T]he market for late Ottoman Palestine’s small and dwindling crocodile population was overwhelmingly driven by colonialists […]. [T]he […] zoo poster implies that Palestinians were responsible for Nile crocodiles’ regional extinction. This historical narrative hinges on the last crocodile’s symbolic singularity […]. Several “last Palestinian crocodiles” – that is, crocodiles hunted when the local population was at the brink of extinction – remain to this day in British, German, and Israeli collections. The last Palestinian crocodile, therefore, is a dynamic rhetorical figure rather than a singular specimen. […]

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[We can] contextualize […] the colonial scientific archive with Palestinian-authored scholarship from this historic period, as well as […] interviews with local [Palestinian] historians […] By tracing the last Palestinian crocodile’s rhetorical circulation to 1935 – when an [Israeli] zoologist declared that Palestinian crocodiles were finally extinct –  [we  can] connect the story of Palestinian crocodile extinction with the British Mandate and Palestine Jewish Colonization Association (PJCA)-led drainage and destruction of the crocodile’s former habitat and the dispossession of the Ghawarna who lived on that land. […] [I]t was only after the wetlands were drained that the PJCA transferred the Ghawarna community to Jisr al-Zarqa, newly created on a fraction of the Ghawarna’s […] lands. […]

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The freshwater Nahr al-Zarqa, known for its clear blue waters, was used for drinking and agriculture. […] The marshlands themselves were home to two communities of Bedouin origin, ‘Arab Kabbara and ‘Arab al-Ghawarna […]. ‘Arab al-Ghawarna roughly translates to “people of the lowlands” or “marshes.” For reasons of social status intertwined with their marshland dwelling-place, the name carries a fraught and at times stigmatized history. The Ghawarna who lived in the Zor al-Zarqa/Kabbara marshlands were primarily members of the ‘Ammash and Jurban families. As recounted to me by the local historian Mohamad Hamdan and the environmental and community activist Saidah alAli – who live in Jisr al-Zarqa […] – the Ghawarna earned a living […] weaving mats from the marsh’s abundant supple, springy reeds. […]

Palestinians of Sudanese descent were also affiliated with the Ghawarna during this period. […] Their […] “darkness” […] was the subject of repeated, disproportionate fascination in the writings of colonial researchers who came to hunt crocodiles and document marshland flora and fauna. […]

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The relationship between imperial science, natural resource extraction, and territorial expansionism during the late Ottoman and British Mandate periods is well-documented. […] Why did Palestinian crocodiles – especially the last crocodile – attract so much attention from colonialists? What did they find so intriguing about this small, localized, and rapidly dwindling (if not entirely extinct) population? […]

Lastness […]. Colonial zoologists’ fixation on the last Palestinian crocodile was in part driven by an enduring European fascination with “lastness” as a spatial-temporal construct. This fascination exemplifies the convergence of evolutionary science and imperial sensibilities […]. [I]t converged with the myth of “the last of the race” and an enduring fascination with the “rise and fall” of civilizations. […] [T]hese sentiments […] were often cloaked in an air of “imperialist nostalgia.” […]

Scarcity […]. The interlocking relationship between imperial science, capitalist exploitation, and racist dehumanization is apparent in an 1887 PEQ article by the Templer German-American researcher Gottlieb Schumacher. Schumacher did not merely represent the Ghawarna as existing outside the circuits of capital. To him, they were capital. […]

Place […]. Palestinian crocodiles’ popularity among Europeans was heightened by place-based historical associations. The crocodiles were associated by name with several archeological and geographic sites near their habitat which were connected to Hellenistic and medieval Crusader histories in Palestine. These sites included the ruins of the Greco-Roman port city Crocodilopolis and the nearby river Nahr alZarqa, which during the Greco-Roman period was allegedly known as Crocodeilon. The ruins and river attracted a broad spectrum of nineteenth- and twentieth-century Europeans […]. Through their excavation and representation of Palestinian crocodiles’ placebased historical associations, colonialists perpetuated a Eurocentric interpretation of Palestine’s material history. 

The crocodile served as a reptilian conduit for rewriting – and claiming ownership over – Palestine’s past, thereby de-Arabizing the history of the coastal marshlands. […]

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Nearly a century has passed since Bodenheimer proclaimed the Palestinian crocodile’s extinction, obscuring the violent processes of Palestinian dispossession and ecological destruction.

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As for me, I think about other people all the time. If you tell me you live in the US, I find myself imagining what it's like to live in your shoes. I have many friends in many countries, I read their news every day. I try to learn about their country's history, culture, and daily life because I'm genuinely curious.

Have you ever felt that kind of curiosity about me and my people? Knowing where I come from, have you ever wondered what my life is like or what it's like to live in my country?

42 years ago, on July 24, 1983, , the Black July pogrom took place in Sri Lanka, the largest anti-Tamil pogrom in the island’s history.

The island-wide violence led to the killing of 5,638 Tamils. Around 18,000 homes were burned, 5,000 shops were destroyed, and horrific atrocities were committed, including massacres, prison riots, sexual violence, assassinations, and even reports of cannibalism. Hundreds of women were raped by the Sinhalese mobs.

This atrocity was not a spontaneous outbreak of violence, but a well-orchestrated plan executed by the Sri Lankan government, with the active participation and support of sections of the Sinhalese population. Many not only took part in the violence but aided and abetted the pogrom with the clear intent of exterminating the Tamil people. The Sri Lankan government provided the mobs with transportation and voter registration forms citing the addresses of Tamil citizens.

International Commission of Jurists, a globally respected NGO, concluded that the violence during Black July “amounted to acts of genocide” under international law. “The evidence points clearly to the conclusion that the violence of the Sinhala rioters on the Tamils amounted to acts of genocide.” — International Commission of Jurists, December 1983

To this day, no justice has been delivered to the Eelam Tamils for the atrocities they endured, atrocities that continue in various forms even now.