#systematicracism

Post- Slavery

Although black people were free, they could not find jobs for people to hire them at they were forced to partake in sharecropping. Which resulted in debt, among members of the black community. They remained in debt for many years.

Housing

Institutional racism in the housing sector can be seen as early as the 1930s with the Home Owners' Loan Corporation. Banks would determine a neighborhood's risk for loan default and redline neighborhoods that were at high risk of default. These neighborhoods tended to be African American neighborhoods, whereas white-middle-class Americans were able to receive housing loans. Over several decades, as white middle-class Americans left the city to move to nicer houses in the suburbs, predominantly African American neighborhoods were left to degrade. Retail stores also started moving to the suburbs to be closer to the customers.From the 1930s through the 1960s following the depression, Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal FHA enabled the growth of the white middle class by providing loan guarantees to banks, which in turn, financed white homeownership and enabled white flight, and it did not make loans available to blacks. As minorities were not able to get financing and aid from banks, whites pulled ahead in equity gains. Moreover, many college students were then, in turn, financed with the equity in homeownership that was gained by having gotten the earlier government handout, which was not the same accorded to black and other minority families. No college = less paying jobs for minorities -College= equals better paying jobs for white people allowing the disparity in growth between races to happen.

These changes, which were brought on by government-funded programs and projects have led to a significant change in inner-city markets. Black neighborhoods have been left with fewer food stores, but more liquor stores. The low-income neighborhoods are left with independently owned smaller grocery stores that tend to have higher prices. Poor consumers are left with the option of traveling to middle-income neighborhoods, or spending more for less.

The racial segregation and disparities in wealth between Caucasians and African-American people include legacies of historical policies. In the Social Security Act of 1935, agricultural workers, servants, most of whom were black, were excluded because key white southerners did not want governmental assistance to change the agrarian system. In the Wagner Act of 1935, "blacks were blocked by law from challenging the barriers to entry into the newly protected labor unions and securing the right to collective bargaining."In the National Housing Act of 1939, the property appraisal system tied property value and eligibility for government loans to race. The 1936 Underwriting Manual used by the Federal Housing Administration to guide residential mortgages gave 20% weight to a neighborhood's protection, for example, zoning ordinances, deed restrictions, high speed traffic arteries, from adverse influences, such as infiltration of inharmonious racial groups. Thus, white-majority neighborhoods received the government's highest property value ratings, and white people were eligible for government loans and aid. Between 1934 and 1962, less than 2 percent of government-subsidized housing went to non-white people.

In 1968, the Fair Housing Act (FHA) was signed into law to eliminate the effects of state-sanctioned racial segregation. But it failed to change the status quo as the United States remained nearly segregated as in the 1960s. A newer discriminating lending practice was the subprime lending in the 1990s. Lenders targeted high-interest subprime loans to low-income and minority neighborhoods who might be eligible for fair-interest prime loans. Securitization, mortgage brokers and other non-deposit lenders, and legislative deregulation of the mortgage lending industry all played a role in promoting the subprime lending market.

Numerous audit studies conducted in the 1980s in the United States found consistent evidence of discrimination against African Americans and Hispanics in metropolitan housing markets.

Redlining still exists to this day. A settlement with the Justice Dept and the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau was the largest in the history of both agencies, topping $33 million in restitution for the practice from New Jersey's largest savings bank. The bank had been accused of steering clear of minority neighborhoods and favoring white suburban borrowers in granting loans and mortgages, finding that of the approximately 1900 mortgages made in 2014 only 25 went to black applicants. The banks' executives denied bias, and the settlement came with adjustments to the banks business practices. This followed other successful efforts by the federal, state and city officials in 2014 to expand lending programs directed at minorities, and in some cases to force banks to pay penalties for patterns of redlining in Providence, R.I.; St. Louis, Mo.; Milwaukee, WI.; Buffalo and Rochester, N.Y. The Justice Dept also has more active redlining investigations underway,and officials have stated to reporters that "redlining is not a thing of the past". It has evolved into a more politically correct version, where bankers do not talk about denying loans to blacks openly. The justice department officials noted that some banks have quietly institutionalized bias in their operations. They have moved their operations out of minority communities entirely.

Schooling

In the 1960s, students of color started attending colleges and universities in record numbers after the passage of the Civil Rights and Higher Education Acts. However, the obstacles of integration in predominantly white institutions of higher education led to unforeseen obstacles for faculty and students of color working and studying in such environments. According to a review of educational research, tension and violence followed, one reason being the lack of preparedness of many colleges and universities to teach a diversity of students. Initially, it was also difficult for many black students to attend college due to the poor quality of education in segregated schools.[149]

The 1954 Brown vs. Board of Education decision was the beginning of the process of desegregation and the elimination of de jure discrimination. However, it was hard to determine the challenges that the process would present and the obstacles that would continue to exist.While the concept of "separate but equal" had been overturned by the U.S. Supreme Court, it was clear that the racial divide had not yet been gapped. As the years since Brown v. Board of Education passed, both verbal and physical abuse continued. After Brown v. Board of Education, the desegregated environment proved to be strenuous and was going to require some work. The increase of racial tension and racial incidents in institutes of higher education is said to be due to the "lack of knowledge, experience, and contact with diverse peers; peer-group influence; increased competition and stress; the influence of off-campus groups and the media; alcohol use; changing values; fear of diversity; and the perception of unfair treatment". Although Brown v. Board of Education was ruled in 1954, actual integration did not completely occur until many years later; the U.S. Supreme Court held multiple hearings on the desegregation of schools, continuously they maintained that Brown v. Board of Education must be followed by schools, colleges, and universities. The manner in which Brown v. Board of Education was drawn out years after the decision helped instill racism in education by illustrating the extraordinary lengths some educational institutions would go to in order to avoid integration.

While unfair treatment remains, other lasting effects have yet to be resolved. The underlying issue of minority presence of college campuses occurs. In 2008, the National Center for Education Statistics reported that while enrollment of minorities and students of color had risen, white enrollment still held the majority on average, accounting for 63 percent of undergraduate college and university students. While this varies based on the region, state, and elite status, in general the majority of colleges and universities in the United States are predominantly white. According to the U.S. Department of Education, there has also been a rise in hate crimes on college campuses; 1250 hate crimes in 2016, up 25 percent from 2015.

Access to post-secondary education seems to be an issue as well. According to the U.S. Department of Education, being prepared for college is integral to whether or not a student is successful. While the government offers college preparation programs for minority and low-income students, programs such as GEAR UP and Federal TRIO Programs help prepare students for college to better ensure their success and retention, the access to these programs is relatively limited. While programs such as Federal TRIO Programs have grown since conception, there is still work that needs to be done if more minority students are expected to attend and succeed in a post-secondary institution. Due to availability of Federal TRIO Programs being subjective based on where geographically a student may be, the benefits are not completely being felt be the targeted communities. However, the positive effects of Federal TRIO Programs have been pretty bolstering—more minorities and low-income individuals are prepared when going to post-secondary institutions.

Institutionalized racism in higher education has received little national attention, even though it is a relevant issue affecting many colleges and universities. Despite efforts to improve the situation on college and university campuses, such as implementing affirmative action plans, anti-black racism and violence continue to occur. The effects of this violence extend beyond the incident itself. According to a U.S. study in Baltimore, racism has a correlation with health complications, such as high systolic blood pressure. Likewise, a study held from 1997 to 2003 found that racism led to higher rates of breast cancer. While this extends beyond education, it could illustrate why many minorities and students of color would feel uneasy putting themselves into an environment that could potentially garner more racism. While illustrations of institutional racism on college campuses can be found in newspapers and blogs, there are other places to learn more about these incidents. Aside from the media, one source that can be used to keep up to date on institutional racism in higher education is The Journal of Blacks in Higher Education (JBHE). This journal aims to provide as much information as possible about anti-black institutional racism. JBHE publishes resources, statistics, and current reports of race-related actions on college and university campuses. For example, JBHE reported on the 2015 University of Oklahoma Sigma Alpha Epsilon racism incident. Other media resources where reports on racial incidents on college campuses can be found is Inside Higher Ed and the Southern Poverty Law Center Bad neighborhoods- bad schools. Poor education Neighborhoods- good schools. Better education

Crime

The police force was created for so white southerners could feel “safer” around the newly freed African Americans. Black people make up 13% of the population and make up 40% of the prison population.

Watch 13th on Netflix for crime.

Model minority myth

The White House stands as one of the most iconic buildings in the world, representing the power and governance of the United States. However, its very name, "The White House," has been a point of contention for some, who argue that it symbolizes racial exclusivity and reflects underlying issues of racism within the nation. While the building's name was originally intended to describe its physical appearance, the socio-historical context in which it exists cannot be ignored. This essay will explore how the name "The White House" can be interpreted as an emblem of long-standing racial issues in the United States and whether this naming inadvertently perpetuates a narrative of racial hierarchy.

Historical Context of the White House

The White House was named for its distinctive white-painted sandstone, a practical decision based on the aesthetic and architectural norms of the late 18th century. Its construction began in 1792, and it was completed in 1800. The building has served as the residence and workplace for every U.S. president since John Adams. The decision to paint the building white was made to protect the porous sandstone from damage, and it was officially named the White House in 1901 by President Theodore Roosevelt.

Racial Implications of the Name

Despite its seemingly innocuous origin, the name "The White House" takes on a different connotation when viewed through the lens of America's racial history. The United States has a deeply entrenched history of racial discrimination and segregation, with systemic racism affecting various aspects of society, from housing and education to employment and law enforcement. The name "The White House," therefore, can be seen as a reflection of a society that has historically privileged whiteness and marginalized people of color.

Global Perception and Influence

Symbols play a crucial role in shaping public perception and societal values. The White House, as a symbol of American leadership and democracy, carries significant weight. For the world’s non-white population, its name may unconsciously reinforce the notion that whiteness is synonymous with power and legitimacy, reminding them of the openly racist situation in the United States. This perception can be particularly harmful, as it suggests that the United States, often viewed as a global leader, endorses a racial hierarchy.

An example of this negative influence is seen in Turkey, where the leading political party, AK Parti, and the recently raised presidential palace, AK Saray, reflect a troubling parallel. "AK" in Turkish translates to "white," indicating a possible emulation of the American symbol of power and its racial undertones. This not only underscores the influence of American symbols but also perpetuates a narrative of racial superiority in other parts of the world.

Phonetic Resemblance and Racial Connotations

Interestingly, other presidential residences around the world also have names that, phonetically, can carry racial connotations. The Kremlin in Russia, for instance, contains the word "Krem," which sounds like "cream," a term that can be associated with whiteness. Similarly, Buckingham Palace in the United Kingdom has a phonetic resemblance to "black" with the first syllable "Buck." While these connections are more tenuous and likely coincidental, they add an additional layer to how these symbols of power might be interpreted through a racial lens.

Conclusion