Weâve gone from âAmerica firstâ to âTrump firstâ -- says Justin Raimondo
Trump came into office touting his âAmerica First agenda,â disdaining NATO,  and asking âWhy is it a bad thing to get along with Russia?â He told us he abjured  âregime changeâ and held up Libya as an example of bad policy. Now heâs turned  on a dime, bombing Syria, and welcoming tiny (and troubled) Montenegro into  NATO. His intelligence agencies are even accusing  Russia of having advance knowledge of the alleged chemical attack in Syria  (although the White House disputed  that after it got out). And all this in the first one hundred days!
How did this happen? Itâs easy to explain, once you understand that there is  no such thing as foreign policy: all policy is domestic.
Thatâs the core principle at the heart of what  I call âlibertarian realism,â the overarching theory â if such a grandiose  term can be applied to what is simply common sense â that explains what is happening  on the world stage at any particular moment. And there is no better confirmation  of this principle than the recent statement  by Eric Trump, the Presidentâs son, who said: âIf there was anything that Syria  [strike] did, it was to validate the fact that there is no Russia tie.â
Oh yes, and Ivanka was âheartbrokenâ â and so it was incumbent upon the President  to change course, break a major campaign promise, and declare via his Secretary  of State that âAssad  must go.â
Got it.
Trumpâs Syrian turnabout is clearly a response to the coordinated attack launched  on his presidency by the combined efforts of the Deep State, the media, the  Democrats, and the McCain-Graham-neocon wing of the GOP â a campaign that still  might destroy him, despite his capitulation to the War Party.
Vladimir Putin has likened  the current Syria imbroglio to what happened in Iraq, with claims of âweapons  of mass destructionâ and a war fought on the basis of false intelligence, but  there is one major difference: this time, the bombing came first, with the âevidenceâ  an afterthought. Youâll recall that in the run up to the invasion of Iraq there  was an extended and quite elaborate propaganda campaign designed to make the  case for war. Now, however, that process has been reversed: bombing first, âevidenceâ  later.
Speaking of which, Bloomberg national security reporter Eli Lake tells  us that the US is about to release a âdossierâ explaining the rationale  for the Syria strike: it is âshort on specific intelligenceâ but long on âits  refutation of Russian disinformation.â As in the case of the âRussian interference  in the electionâ narrative, weâll doubtless be told that protecting âsources  and methodsâ precludes us peons from seeing the actual âintelligence.â Ours  is not to question why, ours is but to do and die, as the old saw goes: but  is that  â  not to mention the moral imperative of safeguarding Ivankaâs fragile  emotional state  â  really enough to justify a 180-degree shift in US foreign  policy?
The real significance of this âdossierâ has little to do with justifying the  Syria strike insofar as actual evidence of Assadâs alleged crime is concerned,  and more with signaling to the heretofore hostile âintelligence communityâ and  political actors in the US that the days of President Trump trying to achieve  dĂŠtente with Russia are over. As Lake points out:
âBut it is really the reportâs condemnation of the Russian response that  is most striking. Trump has sought to reset the relationship with Moscow, as  President Barack Obama hoped to do in 2009 and 2010. Now, one U.S. official  tells me, Russian officials in phone calls with their Trump administration counterparts  repeated in private the same propaganda lines their government was issuing in  public. âThat has led to a lot of frustration at the highest levels of the government,â  this official said.â
Translation: Forget getting along with Russia  â  just call off your bloodhounds.
We now have Putin warning  that more âprovocationsâ are in store, with some pretty specific details supplied.  It wouldnât surprise me in the least, but weâll have to wait and see if that  pans out. In the meantime, however, three factors are percolating in the mix:  1) Our spooks, not content with having turned the Trump administration around  on Syria policy, wonât let up on the alleged âRussian foreknowledgeâ angle.  These guys mean business. 2) The previously stalled effort to overthrow Assad  by funding and arming the Islamist savages championed by McCain, Graham, &  Co. will recommence, with some success, and 3) The campaign to smear Trump as  a Kremlin tool will continue, unabated, with both the House and Senate investigations  barreling full speed ahead, with plenty of help from the âformer intelligence  officials.â They arenât about to let Trump off the hook quite so easily.
What all this shows is how far removed the making of US foreign policy is from  actual facts on the ground, and the rational calculation of American interests.  What it all comes back to is how it serves the political interests of those  in power â and those who aspire after power. Facts have nothing to do with it  except insofar as they can be manipulated â or created â so as to fit a preexisting  agenda.
There are very few good arguments for striking out at the Syrian government.  One of the pseudo-credible ones is that the use of sarin and other similar weapons,  if allowed to go unpunished, would hurt our legitimate interests, since their  use would then become pandemic. The riposte is that anyone who would even consider  using such weapons is not likely to be deterred by US retaliation, no matter  how swift.
In any case, this raises the question: did Bashar al-Assad drop sarin gas on  a bunch of civilians at Idlib? Despite the rush to judgment, we donât know the  answer to that question, but several factors make it unlikely. He was winning  the civil war, and this, if youâll pardon the expression, seems like overkill.  Furthermore, for  years the Syrian rebels have been doing their damnedest to frame Assad for  just such a heinous crime in order to provoke US intervention on their behalf,  to little avail â until now. Their record speaks for itself.
If indeed Assad is guilty, then itâs conceivable â although I would disagree  â that one could make an argument for a one-off warning strike. Yet that is  not what weâre seeing at all: already, Secretary of State Tillerson is echoing  that old Obama-Clinton slogan, âAssad must go.â This isnât a one-off: itâs a  complete reversal of what candidate Trump said heâd do once in office.
As I said in my  last column, the silver lining is that many of Trumpâs prominent supporters  â and former supporters â are waking up to the importance of non-interventionism  as one of the pillars of âTrumpism.â Their former heroâs betrayal is putting  them on a learning curve â and the best of them will come out the other side  with a new awareness of what âAmerica Firstâ really means.
On the other hand, we are going to have to live with the consequences of this  terrible turnabout â not all of which are readily apparent, and none of which  redound to the benefit of the United States and its citizens.














