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Tom Schaller at Public Notice:

Today marks the 250th anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence, a landmark moment in American and human history. Celebrations and fireworks aside, what does the Declaration mean two-and-a-half centuries later? The Declaration is loaded with meanings, some of them inherently self-contradictory. Its opening paragraphs are spine-tinglingly profound, but the bulk of the document is a grievous rant. The document set a global standard for freedom and self-governance as naturally inherent human rights, yet bounded those rights to a privileged white, male minority. It is timeless yet also somewhat outdated for American politics today. Unfortunately, the Declaration of Independence penned primarily by Thomas Jefferson allows self-interested parties to validate their agendas by importing into that sacred document their preferred interpretations of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Precisely because the Declaration is so ripe for political manipulation, having Donald Trump lead the nation during this semiquincentennial anniversary offers a fitting, if bleak, opportunity to litigate anew the Declaration’s political utility.

(Re)litigating the Declaration

The litigants are many. Netflix, for example, has leaned heavily into the revolutionary moment by releasing two new documentaries, plus biographical docudramas about presidents George Washington and Thomas Jefferson. Produced and directed by Ken Burns, Sarah Botstein, and David Schmidt, “The American Revolution” is a fantastic, six-part series that focuses almost exclusively on the war. Burns and his team deftly use war narratives as a trojan horse to subtly — and sometimes not-so-subtly — smuggle onto viewers’ screens the message that women, slaves, and Native Americans also played vital roles in the fight for independence. When “Revolution” was released last autumn, Burns made the rounds on Capitol Hill, cozying up to Republicans in ways that alarmed some critics. From a purely strategic standpoint, he shrewdly played Washington politics the same way contemporary lobbyists do when building coalitions to protect their interests, which in Burns’s case is ongoing federal support for PBS programming. Although “Revolution” avoids mentioning Trump, its inclusive set of narrators and topics delivers an implicit corrective to the white-washed histories of the founding moment. “Revolution” is Burns’s anniversary gift, carefully but not too obtrusively wrapped with a multicultural bow. Then, last month Netflix released a five-part series called “The American Experiment.” Shepherded by nearly a dozen producers headlined by Tom Hanks and directed by Brian Knappenberger, “Experiment” mixes recreations with interviews from both notable colonial scholars and contemporary politicians to explain the principles contained in the Declaration of Independence and Constitution. (The documentary includes an important, useful interlude about the failed and often forgotten first attempt at an American republic: the doomed Articles of Confederation.)

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Washington, the anti-Trump

Historians and political scientists typically rank Abraham Lincoln and Franklin Delano Roosevelt as among the greatest US presidents. But Washington was the nation’s most indispensable chief executive, and for one reason: He relinquished power. In a stunning rebuke of the precedent set by centuries of priests, kings, and authoritarians before him, Washington surrendered control of the continental army after the war and then voluntarily returned to his homestead in 1797 following two terms as America’s first president. Voiced in “Experiment” by the most famous TV president, Martin Sheen, Washington is glorified in the documentary for his foresight and forbearance. On December 23, 1783, in Annapolis, the imposing Virginian relinquished command over the revolutionary army he led to victory. In an event planned by his revolutionary cohorts Jefferson, James McHenry, and Elbridge Gerry (yes, that Gerry), Washington and his compatriots enjoyed a celebratory feast the night before his address. The next day, Washington stood in the well of Maryland’s state senate chamber and, before 200 witnesses, declared, “Having now finished the work assigned me, I retire from the great theatre of action, and bidding an affectionate farewell to this august body, under whose orders I have so long acted, I here offer my commission, and take my leave of all the employments of public life.”

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United they stood

The Founders were hardly of one mind. They disagreed about the promise and perils of popular rule. They disagreed about how much power to concentrate in the national government or any branch within it. And, of course, they disagreed about civil liberties and rights — particularly who was and wasn’t entitled to such protections. The one connective thread that bound together the revolutionary patriots was their opposition to, and fear of, absolute and unchecked rule perpetuated by autocrats. Sure, Alexander Hamilton was less wary about centralizing power in a strong presidency than his friendly nemesis Thomas Jefferson. But their disputes were more a matter of how, not whether, to best secure the blessings of liberty. Were they alive today, and almost without exception, the revolutionary leaders would be appalled to see this anniversary presided over by a man who treats with contempt the project they risked their lives to bequeath to us. Almost daily, Donald Trump’s presidency dishonors their legacy by desecrating not only the White House, the National Mall, and the capital city during what should be a celebratory moment, but the rule of law itself.

#Texas Congressman @ChipRoyTX DOES A GREAT JOB EXPLAINING THE #2ndAmendment TO @TheDemocrats TRYING TO REMOVE OUR #Constitutional Rights‼️🇺🇲💯🇺🇲‼️

Respect the #SecondAmendment.