Choose a song so that your heart can sing

Read theory. Read the commentaries on the theory. If you don't understand, that proves you haven't read enough. If you disagree with any of it, that proves you're a bad person.

Follow the right influencers. Support the right politicians. Follow the leaders of our movement. Until we decide they're bad people, anyway.

March in our protests. Commit to our boycotts. Donate to our causes. Don't ask what we hope to achieve or how we think we're going to get that effect from what we're doing. Only a bad person would ask those questions.

MARK OWEN (2026)

"Will Europe Save Hamas in Gaza? I recently met with a high-ranking European official from a country deeply involved in the Israel and Palestine file to discuss Gaza's future and immediate options for relieving civilians trapped under Hamas's grip. I presented a simple proposal: create safe zones across the "Yellow Line" into the Israel-controlled green zone and support new, organized, secure, Hamas-free communities where Gazans could finally begin rebuilding their lives. Whether the issue is humane living conditions, deradicalization, education, healthcare, or shielding citizens from both Hamas and Israeli strikes, the green zone is the only place where meaningful action is possible. Instead of engaging, the official launched into a long monologue about their country's contributions to the Palestinian Authority, UNRWA, and other institutions, all while insisting on their own "humility" as a faraway European nation.

Then came the truly amazing part: a casual normalization of Hamas. The official proudly described how easy it had been to work with Hamas before October 7, praising the group for providing "excellent security" and being "easier to work with than others." What they called pragmatism was, in reality, a twenty-year pattern of enabling a violent terrorist organization responsible for immense civilian suffering.

When I explained that any Hamas-free zones would require vetting at the Yellow Line to prevent weapons or operatives from entering, the official reacted with shock. "This vetting would violate international law," they repeated, insisting that their country could not fund projects with any checks on who enters. I noted the absurdity: I had undergone extensive vetting just to enter their country, and even this building, yet they believed Hamas fighters should be able to walk into new civilian safe zones unimpeded. Their only response was vague appeals to "international law," which, in their interpretation, seems to require allowing terrorists to hide among civilians.

The meeting ended on an even more surreal note. When the official asked what would happen to Hamas fighters left in the red zone, I said I didn't care; they could fight the Israeli military on their own all they wanted once they no longer held two million civilians hostage. The official lamented that "this isn't the old American West" and expressed concern for what would happen to Hamas without human shields. Disgust doesn't begin to describe my feelings and reactions.

I left convinced of something long suspected: Hamas's twenty-year rule was sustained not only by its own brutality but by an ecosystem of NGOs, donor nations, Western European governments, journalists, academics, activists, lawyers, and even self-styled human-rights defenders who normalized Hamas, treated it as a legitimate authority, or tolerated its abuses because their hostility toward Israel outweighed their concern for Gazans."