The Pitfalls of âCharismatic Archaeologyâ - Part One: Whatâs in a Name?
All right, as promised, weâre going to take a look at the phenomenon of âcharismatic archaeologyâ (Munawar 2017, 41) as it applies to the so-called Arch of Triumph in Palmyra, which was destroyed by Islamic State militants in 2015 and whose modern cultural context has seemingly superseded its archaeological context in the years since. Because thereâs a lot to go over here, Iâm going to have to split this up into a few parts. But the main takeaway of this series is that this archâor tripylonâis still fascinating, even if it isnât necessarily as âRomanâ as we are led to believe and that branding it as such does a disservice to the local Palmyrene builders responsible for its innovative construction in the late second to early third centuries AD (but more on that in later installments).
We already encounter an issue with the classification of this monument as a triumphal arch. Once it was torn down by the Islamic State in October 2015, the tripylon was introduced to the public on a global scale. In their reporting, numerous international news outlets used this term to describe the structure. However, this inaccurate classification pre-dates the archâs destruction: my thesis advisor told me that when she last visited Palmyra in 2005, the archaeological park guided tourists to the monument and the adjacent section of the cityâs Great Colonnade with a sign that read âTriumph Arc (sic) and the Long Street.â That said, the vast majority of the archaeological literature that was written prior to 2015 more accurately designates it as simply a monumental arch or, more commonly in the German-speaking world, a tripylon.
Other common misattributions the monumental arch is given are those of âHadrianâs Arch/Gateâ and the âArch of Septimius Severus,â though the former is more often a fixture in the German-speaking world (where itâs called the Hadrian Bogen or Hadrianstor). In AD 129/130, Hadrian did himself travel to Palmyra, and during his stay, he granted the city his name (Hadriana Palmyra; Browning 1979, 27). And while it is true that there was an uptick in monumental civic construction and âRomanizationâ in the city afterwards, the tripylon had not begun to be built until roughly the late Antonine period, around AD 175/180 (BaraĹski 1995, Fig. 1; Tabaczek 2001, 128), so it could not have feasibly been built for Hadrian (in contrast to Hadrianâs Arch in Gerasa, Jordan). Similarly, this start date places its chronology too early to have been built for Septimius Severus, either, as his reign lasted from AD 193â211. That said, a number of scholars do date its construction to his reign or to post-212 more broadly (e.g. Browning 1979, 88; Burns 2017, 245; or Will 1983, 74). However, in doing so, they fail to take into consideration that a structure as large and complicated as the tripylon (more on that later) would have taken years and years to complete, and it was most likely finished sometime in the late Severan period (Tabaczek 2001, 38. 130). Therefore, any commemorative/honorific purpose for this arch is called into question (though statues to Odenathus and his family were placed in niches in the central passageway well after its initial construction in the mid-late 3rd century AD; Burns 2017, 245).Â
The monumentâs designation as a âtriumphalâ arch or the Arch of Hadrian/Septimius Severus immediately brings it firmly into the realm of âRomanâ archaeology, but naming it as such ignores the tripylonâs indigenous Palmyrene context, which in itself tells a much richer story than its apparent association with the Roman Empire. It should be stressed that the term âtriumphal archâ was seldom used in antiquity (Cassibry 2018, 246) and that scholars from over a century ago had even expressed the need to use caution when defining these monuments as such (Densmore Curtis 1908, 27). Not only does this term signal the âRomannessâ of these structures, but it tends to evoke a sense of particular importance or gravitas to the modern layperson on account of how modern Western powers have adapted the architectural form and used it to express their own âcultural statement,â whether at home or abroad in colonized territories (e.g. the Arc de Triomphe in Paris or the Gateway of India in Mumbai; Ball 2016, 286).
In reality, the eastern Roman territories of Syria and Provincia Arabia have no known âtrueâ triumphal arches, such as those that weâd associate with the city of Rome itself (e.g. the Arch of Septimius Severus or the Arch of Constantine; Ball 2016, 286), but there are three known commemorative/honorific arches to the emperors Trajan (Dura Europos) and Hadrian (Jerusalem and Gerasa; Segal 1997, 131). The point of such monuments was to serve as imperial propaganda âin Wort und Bildâ (âin word and imageâ; Kader 1996, 184). As we will see in later parts of this series, this was not necessarily the case where Palmyraâs tripylon is concerned.
Speaking of cultural statements and propaganda, it is also possible that the concept of triumph was used to the advantage of the Institute for Digital Archaeology of Oxford and Harvard Universities when it decided to use digital methodologies to create a physical reconstruction of the tripylon in 2016 (and believe me, there will be an entire separate post about everything that was wrong with this replica). The IDAâs branding of the tripylon as such in the wake of the Islamic Stateâs retreat from Palmyra may have delivered a different kind of political message in the sense that the arch and its subsequent reconstruction could represent a triumph of the Syrian people and their cultural heritage over the militants and their wanton destruction of itâperhaps as a 21st-century parallel to Zenobiaâs liberation of Palmyra from the Roman Empire (Munawar 2019, 152). Whatever the reason, the emphasis on the monumentâs charismatic âtriumphalâ nature obfuscates its ancient urbanistic context, which will be discussed more in detail in the next part of this series.
W. Ball, Rome in the East: The Transformation of an Empire, 2nd Edition (London 2016).
M. BaraĹski, The Great Colonnade of Palmyra Reconsidered, Aram Periodical 7(1), 1995, 37â46.
R. Burns, Origins of the Colonnaded Streets in the Cities of the Roman East (Oxford 2017).
I. Browning, Palmyra (Park Ridge 1979).
K. Cassibry, Reception of the Roman Arch Monument, AJA 122 (2), 2018, 245â275.
C. Densmore Curtis, Roman Monumental Arches (New York 1908).
I. Kader, Propylon und Bogentor. Untersuchungen zum Tetrapylon von Latakia und anderen frĂźhkaiserzeitlichen Bogenmonumenten im Nahen Osten (Mainz am Rhein 1996).
N. Munawar, Reconstructing Cultural Heritage in Conflict Zones: Should Palmyra be Rebuilt?, EX NOVO Journal of Archaeology 2, 2017, 33â48.
N. Munawar, Competing Heritage: Curating the Post-Conflict Heritage of Roman Syria, Bulletin - Institute of Classical Studies 62(1), 2019, 142â165.
A. Segal, From Function to Monument: Urban Landscapes of Roman Palestine, Syria and Provincia Arabia (Oxford 1997).
M. Tabaczek, Zwischen Stoa und Suq. Die SäulenstraĂen im Vorderen Orient in rĂśmischer Zeit unter besonderer BerĂźcksichtigung von Palmyra (Diss. University of Cologne 2001).
E. Will, Le dĂŠveloppement urbain de Palmyre, Syria 60, 1983, 69â81.
Image Source: x (the first is from a PowerPoint I presentation I gave in January)