Israel needs antisemitism to make Jews feel unsafe and to existing and you all need to understand that.
I decided to write this post in order to raise awareness and educate, because I have noticed a great deal of confusion surrounding the use of the term “Zionist” and the way it is perceived—both by Noah Schnapp’s fans and by his critics. This confusion has reached a point where one of Noah Schnapp’s fans claimed that my support for him—meaning my refusal to engage in any form of hatred toward him and my decision to call out how the campaign against him is driven far more by antisemitism and homophobia than by genuine concern for the Palestinian cause—is “conditional,” simply because I warned against conflating Zionism with Judaism and highlighted the danger of Zionist propaganda that insists on calling Israel the “homeland for Jews.”
So if you want to understand, in factual terms, how we arrived at the current situation between Israel and Palestine; why so many Jews who are not Zionists and who do not support this genocide have nevertheless been influenced by Zionist propaganda and internalized this conflation—as was the case with Noah Schnapp—and why, whether they are Noah’s haters or some of his fans, people continue to perpetuate a confusion that benefits no one except the genocidal Israeli government itself, then you are in the right place.
Alright, so to begin with — just to show you that I’m not biased — I’m neither Muslim nor Jewish. I’m an atheist, and I grew up in a secular country where religion is clearly separated from the state.
It’s important to understand that while there were indeed Jewish communities in Palestine thousands of years ago, Muslims have also been living there for just as long. Jews also migrated extensively around the world over the centuries, and there’s a long, complex history of antisemitism in Europe, long before Hitler came to power.
The conflict between Israelis and Palestinians has its roots in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, but a key turning point came in 1947–48. After decades of British control of Palestine and growing Jewish immigration, the United Nations proposed a partition plan in 1947 to create separate Jewish and Arab states. Jewish leaders accepted it; most Palestinian Arab leaders and surrounding Arab states rejected it, arguing it was unfair because the Jewish population, though a minority, would receive more than half of the land.
In May 1948, the State of Israel declared independence. This triggered the first Arab-Israeli war. During the fighting, an estimated 700,000 Palestinian Arabs fled or were expelled from their homes in what they call the Nakba (“catastrophe”). Hundreds of Palestinian villages were destroyed or depopulated. Israel emerged with more territory than the UN plan had allocated, while Jordan took control of the West Bank and East Jerusalem and Egypt controlled Gaza.
In 1967, the Six-Day War dramatically changed the situation. Israel captured the West Bank, East Jerusalem, Gaza Strip, Golan Heights, and Sinai Peninsula. Although Sinai was later returned to Egypt, Israel has since maintained control of the West Bank and East Jerusalem and kept a tight grip on Gaza, even after withdrawing settlers from Gaza in 2005. International law regards these territories as occupied. Israeli governments have built settlements in the West Bank and East Jerusalem—considered illegal by most of the international community.
Palestinians in these areas live under military occupation or blockade. In the West Bank, they face land confiscations, movement restrictions, and separate legal systems for Israelis and Palestinians. In Gaza, about two million people live under a blockade imposed by Israel (and supported to some extent by Egypt) since 2007, severely limiting movement of people and goods and contributing to recurring humanitarian crises.
There have been multiple wars and uprisings (Intifadas), failed peace negotiations, and cycles of violence, including rocket attacks by Palestinian armed groups and Israeli military operations that have caused large numbers of civilian casualties. Human rights organizations such as Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, B’Tselem, and the UN have documented what they describe as apartheid-like conditions and widespread violations of international humanitarian law. Some legal scholars and investigative bodies argue that specific Israeli policies—such as forced displacement, indiscriminate bombings, and deprivation of essential resources—may amount to war crimes or even acts of genocide. Israel disputes these characterizations, saying its actions are for self-defense and security.
For the last 2 years, The blockade of Gaza continues, settlement expansion persists, and periodic escalations of violence bring heavy civilian tolls, particularly among Palestinians. International courts and human rights bodies continue to investigate allegations of war crimes and crimes against humanity. The humanitarian cost is immense: repeated destruction of infrastructure, restrictions on water, electricity, and medical care, and large-scale civilian displacement and deaths.
These are documented historical and contemporary facts drawn from UN records, human rights reports, and international legal analyses. The interpretation of whether these actions meet the legal definition of genocide is today undeniable in international courts and among legal scholars, and the long record shows a sustained pattern of displacement, occupation, and severe restrictions imposed on the Palestinian population that many global observers consider evidence of systematic oppression.
Let me give you an example to make it clearer. Imagine a group of people migrate to your country because they’ve been victims of genocide. You welcome them, in the spirit of coexistence. But slowly, that group begins to oppress you and the population that was there before. They start claiming that your land now belongs to them, and over time, they carry out terrorist attacks and bombings — over and over again, for nearly 80 years.
Don’t you think that the children and teenagers who grow up watching their families being killed in front of them, with total impunity, might become desperate enough to resist — even violently — in the name of justice and revenge? Especially when they see that no international institution is stopping Israel, and they feel that taking justice into their own hands is the only option left?
Of course, the violent attacks of October 7th are inexcusable. The victims did not deserve that. But it has been proven that Netanyahu was aware of the attack plans several days in advance — and he did nothing to prevent them. In fact, there’s evidence that he even armed both Hamas and ISIS. And immediately after October 7th, he, his government, and all Zionists have continuously used that event — even now — to justify every atrocity committed against Palestinians.
They’ve tried to present themselves as the ultimate victims, claiming it’s all "self-defense" — when in reality, Israel has been gradually dismantling Palestinian rights since 1948. Trying to equate the crimes of Hamas on October 7th with the ongoing genocide of the Palestinian people is deeply dishonest. It minimizes the scale and gravity of what's happening in Palestine, and only fuels Zionist propaganda.
According to the UN, in just 20 months of genocide, Palestine has seen the highest number of civilian casualties from bombings and war of the entire past decade — more than all other war-torn countries combined.
Moreover, Israel and Zionists are now displaying the same level of cynicism as the Nazis during World War II. Hamas has proposed hundreds of ceasefires in exchange for hostages over these past 20 months, and Netanyahu has rejected every single one. Think about it — if hostages are released, what excuse would he have to keep carrying out his campaign of extermination?
In fact, the majority of the hostages who have died were killed by Israeli bombings. There’s even a video of a hostage’s family member publicly screaming and blaming Netanyahu for instrumentalizing their loved one’s death — claiming that he himself is responsible. And you can see Netanyahu standing there, unmoved, even smiling.
What’s more disturbing is that most of the hostages and their families were Israeli pacifists, opposed to the oppression of Palestinians and against the Zionist agenda — what a coincidence, right?
Meanwhile, Jews — even children and grandchildren of Holocaust survivors — are being accused of antisemitism and labelled traitors simply for denouncing the genocidal actions of Zionists and advocating for peace.
The truth is: Zionism today is the equivalent of Al-Qaeda. Both are violent, far-right, extremist entities — organizations (and in Israel’s case, a state) that spread fear, indoctrination, and justify mass violence by weaponizing religion (Islam in one case, Judaism in the other). As a result, innocent Muslims and Jews — who have nothing to do with these groupsand who openly oppose them — become victims of Islamophobia and antisemitism because of the actions of extremists.
The only difference is that Zionists are wealthy and capitalist. That’s why right-wing and far-right governments, and the media they control (usually owned by millionaires and billionaires), always push the Zionist narrative — defending Israel or staying silent about its crimes. Because Israel represents a system: a racist, colonialist, far-right, capitalist regime.
If Israel were to lose global support, impunity would end, and real justice could finally begin — but more importantly, it would challenge the very foundations of capitalism in other countries. Systems that rely on keeping the poor oppressed so the rich can stay in power — just as we see happening in every country where the right and far-right dominate.
After the trauma of the Holocaust, colonial powers (notably Great Britain) decided to establish Israel in Palestine as a form of compensation. Zionism was originally an ideology advocating for a safe land for Jewish people. Over time, however, this ideology gradually transformed into a far-right political project, marked by intellectual dishonesty and the instrumentalization of Holocaust trauma as a justification.
The original agreement was for a portion of Palestinian land, yet Zionist expansion progressively colonized the rest. Zionist Jews continued to deliberately blur the line between Judaism and Zionism, repeatedly invoking the trauma of the Holocaust and the original aims of early Zionism in order to justify Israel’s current actions and to lull the conscience of the Jewish community.
It is crucial to understand that the so-called “justification” for the existence of Israel rests on two core mechanisms: antisemitism, and the deliberate conflation of Zionism with Jewish identity—both within Jewish communities and across the rest of the world. When people begin to equate Zionists with Jews and, often unintentionally, become antisemitic toward Jewish people, they push those very victims of hatred toward Zionism, which presents itself as offering protection, security, and victimhood.
This is exactly the same mechanism used by Islamist movements, which indoctrinate Muslims who are victims of Islamophobia fueled by the conflation of Muslims with Islamists. Do you see the vicious circle—the recurring cycle of violence and radicalization?
Israel needs antisemitism in order to exist and to sustain its propaganda. It depends on confusion and deliberate conflation. So no—Israel is not the homeland of Jewish people. That idea is an illusion (a constructed narrative worthy of Henry’s mindscape for Stranger Things fans) designed to indoctrinate Jews and justify crimes against humanity committed against Palestinians. That illusion was shattered the very moment Israel began colonizing the rest of Palestine.
So, to summarize in simple terms: Jews ≠ Zionists. But Zionists want Jews—and the rest of the world—to believe that they are the same.
Why? Because if the rest of the world comes to believe that Jews are the same as Zionists, Jews will be hated and ostracized under the false assumption that they collectively represent a genocidal population harming another people. In response to this antisemitism—produced by that very conflation—Israel then tells Jews that it is the only entity that truly understands them, and that only its state can offer them protection and safety. This is how indoctrination begins.
It is exactly the same mechanism used by Islamist movements with Muslims. Islamists ≠ Muslims. Yet Islamists want Muslims—and the rest of the world—to believe that they are the same.
If the rest of the world is led to believe that Muslims are dangerous terrorists responsible for events such as September 11, 2001, or November 13, 2015, Muslims will be hated and ostracized under the belief that they are rejecting a violent, terroristic population. In response to this Islamophobia—created by that very conflation and generalization—Islamist groups then tell Muslims that they are the only ones who truly understand them, and that only their movement can offer them protection and belonging. And once again, this is how indoctrination begins.
It is the same pattern, the same recipe, the same structure, and the same consequences.
The only real safeguard—the only way to break this cycle—is to refuse generalization, to reject conflation, and to insist on clarity. And that begins with knowing historical facts and understanding the definitions of words, so that we can recognize the differences.
The far right—whether embodied by Benjamin Netanyahu, Donald Trump, or historically by Hitler, and even by groups like the Ku Klux Klan—relies on the same foundations: ignorance, conflation, fear, prejudice, preconceived ideas, and confusion. These are the conditions that give rise to racism, xenophobia, antisemitism, and Islamophobia.
By eliminating racism and religious hatred, we cut the ground from beneath their feet. Without antisemitism, Israel loses the core justification it relies on—especially the justification for the existence of its current government. Israel benefits from the persistence of antisemitism, and it depends on people continuing to confuse Zionists with Jews.
This is precisely why accusations of antisemitism are so frequently and indiscriminately weaponized—against even the slightest criticism of Israel or the smallest expression of solidarity with Palestine. They want this confusion to persist.
It is therefore our collective responsibility, on an individual level, to ensure that this confusion no longer exists. Together, through education, precise language, and informed discourse, we can strip both Israel and hatred itself of their power.
(to further demonstrate how the “homeland” argument makes no sense at all—Judaism is not a nationality. Judaism is a religion. Have you ever heard Christians, Muslims, or Buddhists claim that a specific state or country is the “homeland” of their religion? No. Because religion spreads exactly as human beings do—humans have always been nomadic, moving across the four corners of the Earth throughout history. This is without even mentioning colonization, which has, of course, also shaped where certain religions are present in the world today. By that logic, the United States of America would be the “homeland” of Native American spiritual beliefs and of practices such as Vodou—since those were the belief systems of the people who lived on that land long before the Spanish, the English, and the French arrived.)
