#onmyodo

From One Road All Others Lead

Just as all inland waterways in East Othard can be followed back to the One River, so can all modern magic disciplines – not only shugendo – be traced to one common lineage. Let's take a brief look at the beginning, and the first formal occultists of the realm — the taoists.

A Long Short History Lesson

Not much is concrete about life in Othard, especially in and around Yanxia, before the Third Astral Era – before extensive written records were kept. What is known has been gleaned from scant findings by archaeologists, as well as the rare oral traditions that have weathered the ages.

At this time there were the shamans, leaders of small, insular communities, some sharing ancestry with those of the Azim Steppe. They, or at least those remembered through said verbal histories, were by all accounts miracle workers. Through communion with the deific spirits of nature – the kami – they were said to be capable of awesome feats, such as altering the course of rivers or transcending mortal limits to walk among the stars, and not least of all were powerful healers.

However, those halcyon days seemed to be already fading after the Second Astral Era, for even such mythical might could ultimately not impede the march of radical change that was the Allagan Empire. Or rather, perhaps it did not care to.

While some tribes may have been keen to resist when the first airships dotted the skies, a mix of pragmatism and extant animosity between communities meant others allied with the conquerors to stamp out their rivals. So it was that a single political entity held dominion over the Three Great Continents for the only time in known memory, and those who aided in the effort were rewarded with high positions in the new provincial governments as the land saw its first modernesque societies.

As succession of rule and the relative geographic isolation – the land naturally demarcated in the west by the Skatay and Tail Mountains – would continuously shape the Allagan East Othard for years to come, the old ways of shamanism surely gave way to the influence of foreign arts, such as that of the (for a time) vaunted summoners. Stability was more or less maintained until the waning years of the Third Astral Era, when the twice-Emperor Xande risked it all to conquer Meracydia, sparking unrest all throughout the Empire.

These events culminated in the Fourth Umbral Calamity, when Xande's attempt to open the rift to the World of Darkness brought a surge of energy too great for the foundations of Syrcus Tower, triggering a catastrophic earthquake that buried it and the surrounding capital city within minutes. With the head severed, Allag was finished, and the reprisals came not long after.

The Calamity's aftermath and the Fourth Astral Era were marked by mass rejection and upheaval of the remnant Allagan order, as well as – at least in the west – a period of widespread anti-intellectualism and persecution, a dark age. Any keepers of knowledge left behind went underground, such as what would become the artisan collective Onishishu.

Reclaiming the Past

As for East Othard, where Allagan rule was already on the brink of collapse even before word of the capital's fall reached the administration – who would be ousted thereafter – it would not totally escape similar circumstances as society fractured and regressed. Tribal factions were renewed, and various ensuing disasters would only vanish Allag's residual presence further over time. Still, some would eventually pick up the pieces and begin to establish order in the form of Yanxia's first dynastic kingdoms, independent of the old Empire.

As a way of reasserting cultural identity, shamanism made a comeback in the courts of kings — seldom through the leaders themselves, but more often than not from those positioned as advisers. They were tasked with various divinations, healing, communion with spirits and nature to determine omens and invite rain. These shamans, however, were largely shells of their former glory, often installed in an attempt to secure legitimacy of a king's rule. The arcane secrets of the Allagans were willfully all but forgotten, let alone those of shamans from a bygone era. This meant the efficacy of the court shamans varied wildly per instance, amounting to naught more than mummery – even corruption – at worst.

It was roughly some 800-900 years and a few ruling dynasties in where a number of visionaries emerged to change this, beginning with Xian Zhe. Understood to have been a government official disillusioned by political intrigue and power-hungry warlords, Xian Zhe had an epiphany through extensive communion with the kami, by which it is said he successfully became an immortal — practically a kami in life. Before leaving the world, he left behind the fruits of his epiphany: a treatise that would serve as the groundwork for taoist philosophy.

It established the Tao, a universal order and origin of all things — the first instance of stressing the contextual importance of the qi that flows through it. The disposition of the Tao would be interpreted and re-interpreted by Xian Zhe’s followers and successors, adding more and more treatises to taoist canon, as well as expounding that every individual has their own form of tao, the cultivation of which can lead one’s life also into immortality.

Moreover, it would thus evolve into a system of magic, born out of principles meant to see the dissolution of the border between one’s inner tao and the Tao of cosmic order, thereby realizing heretofore unseen potential. Such could be considered adjacent to the shamans of eld.

The spread of such approaches to this taoism, however, would be hampered by the generational perspectives of the spiritual leaders that have spearheaded the doctrines. Whereas one in a period of history would see taoist thought as an ideal for noble and just rulers in more peaceful times, another jaded by seemingly perpetual conflict would take a more reclusive or down-to-earth stance, relegating the practices to commoners or individuals.

The future kingdom of Doma would be something of an anomaly in the scope of Yanxia’s dynastic history, over the span of three thousand or so years, as it has been ever one in flux between chaos and order. Kingdoms have risen and fallen or fractured: while some enjoyed moderate stability lasting up to 300-400 years, others would have been lucky to see rule for even two decades, and more often than not there have been multiple concurrent kingdoms vying for territory and power.

Indeed, the world Ganen Rijin grew up in was one wherein society had broken back down into feudal sects and ineffective lords.

Ganen was a one-in-a-million figure in the annals of Yanxian history: not just a genius strategist with a kind yet firm hand, being one of the first for instance to see the potential of Namazu and accept them in his court, but also the founder of Doman geomancy. A veritable shaman for a new age. No one could reasonably dispute Ganen or his lineage’s right to the Mandate of Heaven. So did Doma stand tall solely under the banner of the Rijin clan for an impressive seven hundred years and then some — a reign tarnished by recent history yet not utterly defeated.

However, it is perhaps because of this background and Ganen’s championing of geomancy that the taoist mysticism has not seen much broader proliferation beyond cult status, peaking only in the reign of past kings. Truly, their added layers of secrecy for the sake of self-preservation have meant that not even a good amount of Domans in the present know of the arts in detail. Nonetheless, the underlying philosophies have been an enduring influence on the culture, and the mystical arts have left an indelible mark on the magical disciplines that followed since. It realized the principles of yin-yang, akin to the ideas of the astral and umbral in western aetherology. It was the first to formalize the applications of talismanic magic, and it would explicitly cross the Tide to influence further burgeoning magicks. The “Tao” (or Dao; spoken with a D sound regardless of how you transliterate it) is a pre-Doman term meant to be incomprehensible in meaning to the eyes of man, but it is more or less equated for convenience to the “way,” “road” or “path.” It has thus manifested as “do” or “to” in subsequent disciplines, such as “onmyodo” (the Way of Yin and Yang) or “shugendo” (the Way of Trial and Practice).

Living with the Kami

Meanwhile, on the island chain of Hingashi, new systems of belief were being formed and would prove just as foundational to the Far East at large.

Archaeological surveys conducted with the approval of the ruling shogunate (or bakufu) have suggested that minor, relatively insignificant habitation may have existed on the archipelago prior, but it is perhaps no small coincidence that any substantial signs of civilization based out of Hingashi date only to the Fourth Astral Era. While indeed no structural evidence nor information via tomestones have ever suggested the Allagan Empire occupied as far as Hingashi, circumstantial finds from these same surveys have lent credence to the working theory that Hingan history as we know it effectively began with Allagan refugees, including those ousted from the former governments of East Othard.

Although no known extant records have corroborated as much, it is also just as likely that such origins could have long been scrubbed and discarded as the people started again off a clean slate, especially given the heat the surviving Allagans and allegiants had at the time. In all likelihood, some of them too became founding members of the clandestine Onishishu.

Whatever the case, one constant had most certainly been shared in conjunction with the mainland: a prevalent underlying faith in the kami. In fact, the people of Hingashi seemed to lean into their faith in ways that had not been seen since the shamanic tribes of pre-Allag, although these shamans would develop a little differently.

The kami are entities which blur the definitions of god and spirit, and as opposed to select pantheon gods like the Twelve, the kami exist in countless numbers throughout all of nature. Trees, stones, mountains, rivers and even the sea — the older something is, the more likely it is to harbor kami.

Furthermore, everything has this innate spark, for it is all qi. This means that by nurturing one’s life, an individual can also become kami (or an immortal), within their mortal existence or thereafter. Even manmade objects can obtain this spark and possess a soul. This all can lead to other supernatural intricacies, but that is neither nor there for the topic at hand.

What matters is, from the first, the people were striving for harmony with nature through veneration. One of the most ancient and traditional forms of this was to single out a tree or boulder as a focus of worship, a body by which a kami can inhabit termed yorishiro, and to cordon off and purify the ground around it with salt.

After which, one could begin beseeching the kami. Naturally, similar rituals would extend to accommodate grander forms of yorishiro, including bodies of water and – of course – mountains.

In some cases, even people have made themselves yorishiro, directly channeling the kami. The first priests and mediums, the most shamanic in any community.

It is worth noting that these were all by large very temporary arrangements, meant to serve a purpose in a moment in time. The kamis’ home is all of creation; they technically have no need for a house in the physical sense.

It would be another two thousand years at least before the first known shrines, more lasting structures surrounding a permanent form of yorishiro called goshintai, became commonplace. The keepers of shrines would eventually be called kannushi.

The shrines – hokora – were small and humble, remaining the most ubiquitous in Hingashi to this day. By the late Fifth Astral Era, with society in the rebound and cross-cultural influence on the rise, a number of larger house-like jinja and whole temple complexes had developed at holy sites — accommodating more parishioners and often more kami.

Despite the more elaborate structures and rituals developed over time, the essence of kami worship has remained the same. As there are virtually as many kami as there are stars in the night sky, often specific ones would be invoked and venerated for specific circumstances — anywhere from seeking bountiful harvests or protection in war to promoting digestive health or good results in an exam. Such kami would be enshrined at different sites and, while a select number of more important deities have broad recognition akin to a pantheon, the vast majority of named gods are only regarded in their immediate regions of influence.

Because of the wide array of kami in part, the nature of the ritual also differs from shrine to shrine. There is no unified consensus in how to worship the kami, no centralized system nor formal doctrine. Therefore, from eyes outside looking in, one would be hard-pressed to call it religion. This has been a lasting characteristic of the faith throughout the Far East.

While the history of man and kami can be considered a harmonious and peaceful relationship, it can also be said the foundation of this pact is at least partly born out of a small measure of caution, even fear.

The kami have a wild side.

A core concept of Eastern belief focuses on balancing one's spirit. Natural forces will affect the balance, exposing different temperaments the soul can manifest — the mitama. They can be considered both separate in body yet part of a greater whole; chiefly among them nigimitama (the Calm) and aramitama (the Rage). Some subscribe to additional “inner mitama” at play – sakimitama (the Joy) and kushimitama (the Wonder) – but it is the former pair that are most affected by the outside world.

While any excess or dearth of mitama can reflect in detrimental ways to the individual and their soul, it is an excess of aramitama that is most dangerous — enough to need other mitama to keep it in check.

Aramitama can be described as an agent of change; it is active and energetic, while nigimitama promotes stillness and peace. In many ways the two are a reflection of yin-yang. When aramitama in particular gets the upper hand, however, it can amount to overly aggressive behavior. At worst, as implied, blind rage.

When a kami's aramitama is unchecked, be it through neglect or disrespect, their rage amounts to grave misfortune and catastrophe.

Disasters throughout history have been attributed to angry gods and rampant aramitama, and it may not be a stretch to make a connection with Umbral Calamities alleged to have sent Hingan society in motion to begin with. For example, lingering tales of a once-proud, distant civilization being laid to waste by a great earthquake in a decisive moment of hubris would amount to a salient lesson for generations to come. Do wrong by the land, and the land will do you wrong in turn.

Bear in mind that none of this is to imply that aramitama is a force of “evil” — remember that it embodies change, and few things can be remotely considered ontologically evil in Far Eastern belief; In fact, the natural state of life tends to slant toward “good.” Not to excuse the deeds on any one individual, but they tend to lead back to this imbalance, and it is possible to come back from it. Even great gods like Amaterasu and Susano are said to have fallen victim to their aramitama in pivotal moments.

It only affirms a deeply-integrated desire to ever strive for harmony, with nature and the kami, as well as oneself.

The Way of Yin and Yang

Approximately 2,800 years ago, a warlord staked his claim to sovereignty in Hingashi’s largest island Koshu, proclaiming the divine right of Amaterasu through subjugation. Turn the clock ahead some three hundred years, and his descendants had secured their rule as a lineage of emperors.

For a time, the imperial court favored the kannushi to handle such tasks as divination and warding off evil, ensuring sanctity and prosperity within the palace. However, they were somewhat limited by their specialty in the shrines they kept. While underlying arcane principles went into their work, it was often a fairly standard grasp of conjury, making them akin to Gridania’s future hearers; few were actually suited to the demands an exorcism could call for. Furthermore, purity was paramount. Fasting and thorough purging of kegare (uncleanliness and negative qi) preceded all major rituals.

The needs of the court would bring about the rise of onmyodo, Hingashi’s unique magic discipline, although such couldn’t have formed without Yanxian taoism before it.

The New Old Ways

It was around the year 900 of the Fifth Astral Era. Just as this time was coined as the Age of Enlightenment in Eorzea, Koshu was in its classical period, the people enjoying relative peace under the emperors and shoguns. The arts flourished, and war would not break out again for another couple hundred or so years.

This age had also seen the first significant trade and cross-pollination of ideas between the archipelago and mainland Othard, beginning some centuries before. Imports from Yanxia included a number of concepts spearheaded by taoist mysticism, including yin-yang and the “five elements” system — known in Hingashi as gogyo. With them, a number of other relevant practical processes that the mystics had employed in their own kings’ courts – having replaced the shamans – would be retained. This included calendar-keeping, celestial studies, and their own forms of divination.

As those who would bear and interpret this knowledge in Hingashi emerged, it was the interaction with the native systems of kami veneration and the heightened occultism surrounding mononoke – a diverse and this context aggressive class of endemic spirits and monsters throughout the East – that would give the onmyoji their distinct identity as the land’s premier mages.

From their inception, the onmyoji were civil servants under imperial jurisdiction, operating an entire official bureau in all the formalities. While their mundane clerical duties were no less important, they were certainly best known for their defending the palace and public, repelling and combating evil spirits and mononoke.

As an arm of the government, the onmyoji were the elite rapid-response specialists, and some of the finest disciples of the art would emerge from this era.

By the Sixth Astral Era, a series of small wars and shifts in ruling bakufu set the stage for a breakdown in order and a period of seemingly perpetual conflict infamously known as the Age of Blood. As the central government had lost its legitimacy in the eyes of the people, the onmyo bureau dissolved, and more and more mages fell into the employ of the many warring clans and their daimyo. It was at this point where the name “onmyojutsu” was first applied, as the art had very much taken a martial tone — used to slay one’s fellow man as much as it had slain mononoke.

With the Age finally seeing an end some six hundred years later, when the Mitsurugi shogunate secured power and reinstalled the imperial seat in Bukyo, the onmyoji largely remained scattered — in the hands of their respective clans, if not effectively gone rogue. This has meant a splintering of schools with varied forms of onmyodo, each with their own eldritch secrets in tow.

Whichever direction any one school of onmyodo has gone, some defining consistencies tend to remain.

The Onmyoji's Repertoire

At the core of Hingan onmyodo and onmyojutsu is the command over nature and the elements, and it would not be such if it didn’t begin with yin and yang. By the onmyojis’ reckoning, all of nature is inherently aspected to either shadow (on) or light (yo), and their arcane techniques hinge on manipulating or maintaining the balance between the two. Often, especially in the battle-optimized style of onmyojutsu, the spells used to shift polarity can manifest in ways eerily reminiscent of western thaumaturgy: light is the energetic flame, shadow is ice or water at its most static, and lightning is pure energy that bridges the two extremes. It doesn’t stop there, however.

The five elements (clockwise from top): wood, fire, earth, metal, water. Green arrows: Generative Cycle. Red arrows: Destructive Cycle.

Gogyo is a system of fundamental principles that focus on five elements in nature, rather than the six of western aetherology: fire, earth, metal, water, and wood (in this order). The seminal twin tomes Gogyo Sosei and Gogyo Sokoku expound on how the elements interact with each other in generative and destructive ways, respectively. For instance, Fire creates Earth (as magma or lava) in a generative cycle, which then can dam up or redirect Water (like a riverbank) in a destructive cycle. These elemental combinations can go a myriad of ways.

The cosmology born of this cyclical system has long had vast application in Yanxian/Doman life: in the calendar and medicine, corresponding to the seasons, cardinal directions, internal organs and even dynastic transitions — just to name a few.

Most obviously, of course, was the magic. By carefully manipulating the balance of “on” and “yo”, including tipping the balance one way or another to achieve different results, the onmyoji can deploy a more versatile array of elemental techniques to give themselves a tactical advantage, provide support, and exert their might. As specific elements may be ideal in one situation or another, or an enemy’s own abilities are elementally aspected, it would depend on an onmyoji’s quick thinking and prowess to unleash the ideal combination of magic to counteract and push the offensive.

To facilitate this approach, the onmyoji deploy the greatest tools at their disposal — the ofuda, paper talismans. A refinement of the talismanic magic also pioneered by the taoists.

Real onmyoji are master calligraphers. The seemingly liberal and elegant way they apply red and black ink to bind words of power to ofuda betrays the precise configurations and ratios that result in each in order to obtain the desired effects, much in the same way more geometric glyphs serve western codices and grimoires.

These ofuda were once wielded as single strips of paper, but by the Age of Blood, the onmyoji had learned to compile their talismans into a single ofuda-sho – not unlike the aforementioned grimoire – in order to deploy them all the faster. 

When the ofuda are ready, they can be made to react to somatic triggers or vocal components. At first, said somatic triggers were done mainly by tracing lines, shapes and characters in the air — a technique also of taoist invention — which is how the powerful five-point Seiman, or “Seimei star,” came into play. Later on, from none other than the shugenja, onmyoji picked up hand signs that were at least in part through them then co-opted in ninjutsu. We’ll touch more upon this topic later, but nonetheless the reach of the magic the taoists began cannot be overstated here.

They say the first purpose of an ofuda is to seal and protect; the second is merely at the limit of the user’s imagination and aptitude. For onmyoji, the shikigami epitomize that belief.A spirit invoked into a physical body and brought to the field by the talismans, shikigami are these mages’ answer to the summoning arts of ancient Allag. The most basic type of this is to use an ofuda to channel the spirit, or even convert that into a paper manikin or katashiro, but it can and often will take more advanced or varied forms. The body of the shikigami may be crafted with clay or wood, be bound to an amulet and take aetherial form, or even possess a living body. In some ways it is applying similar concepts to that of yorishiro (a spirit called into a body, usually temporarily, to engage with the world), and naturally shikigami have a vast array of applications, for both good and ill.

The Way of Trial and Practice

By now, you – the reader – may be wondering, “why are we going into this much detail on onmyodo in the document that’s meant to be about shugendo?” Well, maybe it goes without saying, but onmyodo would have some of the most obvious impact on the discipline’s evolution at the end of the day. Let us talk a bit about shugendo, but actually.

Secrets of the Tengu

The practice of asceticism, a simple lifestyle marked by self-discipline with the intent of spiritual gain, can be found throughout history. Instances of mountain asceticism, especially in Hingashi, date back thousands of years. A prevailing belief, per the reverence of nature and the kami, was that these sacred peaks existed on the fringe between the mortal realm and the “otherworld.” To place oneself there would be to stand in the presence of kami. However, this practice would take a new form roughly a couple of centuries before onmyodo, in the same classical age.

It began with En no Utsuki, a sage living a humble life on Mount Seishu, in the hills around the former imperial capital of Wakyo. The story goes that he was a remarkable sorcerer, one of the first in Hingashi to understand the newfound taoist principles that would go into onmyodo. In a time before such mages were commonplace, however, some in the capital had grown nervous that in his isolation the sage had nefarious designs. It took only one envious soul to spark a rumor that he had used his magicks to bind and enslave oni, an accusation that rattled the palace, and Utsuki was subsequently banished from the land.

This unfortunate turn of events seemed to bring about a revelation in Utsuki, evidently moving him to seek out new heights both metaphorically and quite literally. And so the ascetic embarked on a journey — a pilgrimage that would take him far away and out of Hingashi, carrying little more than his shakujo (a native form of crook) and a gourd of his finest sake. Some of his most ardent supporters resented his arbitrary exile and would follow suit. Along the way of his pilgrimage, Utsuki prostrated on three different mountains before reaching the Ruby Tide. These peaks would become markedly important places of visitation for yamabushi in the coming centuries.

As he crossed the sea, Utsuki was able to behold for the first time Heaven-on-High, an ancient tower that rises so high from the island of Onokoro it could only be believed to be a pillar of the empyrean kami. In so doing, the sage crossed paths with the Kojin, the amphibious inhabitants of the region. At this time there was no schism between the factions of Blue and Red, and in exchange for a third of his sake the Kojin ensured safe passage for Utsuki and his growing entourage, giving them a night of shelter and camaraderie on the isle of Zekki.

Having formed a friendship and recognizing his circumstances, the Kojin chieftain imparted unto Utsuki a couple of auspicious items. The first was an obeshimi mask, a finer make the sage had not seen, which the Kojin had enshrined as a treasure in their vault and was thrumming with faith. The second was a phial of water, consecrated for ritual traditions. Most thankful for their generosity, Utsuki continued to the mainland the next day.

The mountains of Yanxia were new kinds of impressive, varied and strange. Many of the obvious ones in the Gensui Chain, for instance, rose like solitary spires piercing the sky and vanishing into the mists in ways evocative of Heaven-on-High. Venturing deeper into the mountainous reaches would prove no less arduous than those found in Hingashi, not to mention unknown territory for the newcomers.

It was with this backdrop that Utsuki’s group soon encountered the Raen. For ages, while the Hyur and Roegadyn – and later the Lupin – dominated the lowlands of Yanxia surrounding the Glittering Basin, it was the Au Ra who ruled in the highland valleys and ridges from the Inner Gensui to the Fanged Crescent. While long since accepted in Doma and comprising up to a tenth of her population, they maintain a greater presence in the north to this very day.

In fact, the mountaineering Raen are likely to have made up the majority of early ascetics in the Far East. Indeed, Utsuki himself is understood to be a Raen, as most readily indicated in later artistic depictions. Such may have made things easier upon meeting with the local bands, but regardless the sage again offered a third of his sake and secured their guidance.

Through the Raen did Utsuki learn of the wuyue, five of Yanxia's greatest mountains representing the cardinal directions and center, in accordance with gogyo and believed by some to hold a connection with the Four Lords of legend. Thus did Utsuki move to occupy all five summits, accompanied by his followers and Auri escorts. Just the traversals to each one proved to be in and of themselves trials, and they took the group deeper and deeper into the mountains. The air shifted. The mist blotted out the sky. No one could dispute that they were in the domain of gods.

After successfully reaching the fifth and final summit, symbolizing the cosmic center, Utsuki performed a simple veneration ritual. He purified the ground with the Kojin’s blessed water and placed the obeshimi mask as the yorishiro. He and his followers then prayed, and a mighty daitengu appeared in answer, now wearing the mask like it was its own.

The tengu are an enigmatic winged race long regarded as quintessential mononoke — so secretive that they have gone great lengths as to not allow a single person to see beyond the masks they wear. Their origins remain just as unclear, with some theorizing that they share genealogy with similar airborne manusya (beast-headed humanoid gods) of Near Eastern belief.

Throughout history have they crossed paths with other spoken races, but without any unifying creed these assorted encounters have been both wildly benevolent and malevolent in nature. All the same is an underlying constant that the tengu are keepers of many an eldritch secret, some of which on rare occasions they have deigned to share with children of man.

So as the daitengu hovered before the group, Utsuki made one more offering; the remaining third of his sake. In acceptance of this accord, the daitengu spirited the visitors away with wind-like teleportation magic, to a clandestine settlement inhabited by a tribe of tengu. Few in history outside of the tengu themselves would lay eyes on such a sight.

In a way, the tengu and the mountain ascetics were as kindred spirits, preferring solitude and seeking out these inhospitable reaches for personal betterment. It was in finding common ground that Utsuki was able to entreat with the tengu, and the tengu in turn taught a number of arcane techniques — the earth, wind and water-aspected nature of them being much in line with that of the geomancy that Doma’s first king would spread several hundred years later. It is only fitting that some legends posit that Ganen too was mentored by tengu.

By the time Utsuki and his group departed from the tengu settlement – conveniently dropped off by the nearest safe village – the sage had the makings of a syncretic discipline to mull over, consisting of Hingan philosophy, proto-onmyo taoist techniques and tengu arts. The tengu themselves would serve as further inspiration for the ascetic lifestyle and serve as key figures in Utsuki’s new discipline, influencing everything down to the preferred manner of dress. Sarutahiko, God of the Earth and the tengus’ own patron deity, would also become the kami of foremost veneration for the ascetic. Thus was shugendo molded into form, with Utsuki as its founding father and the first yamabushi, and his loyal followers would be his devout disciples. Eventually, they would go on to travel the land, further their training and spread the teachings to more aspirants. En no Utsuki, ultimately, would never again in life see the land from which he was banished. He is believed to have at some point continued his excursions ever further west, along the Fanged Crescent and into the Skatay Range and beyond, and he would pass on far, far away from his erstwhile home at around eighty-six summers — or by the measure of believers, would ascend as a kami. From the end of his mortal days going forward, he would be revered as En no Godai ( “En of the Five Greats,” as loosely put) and a shrine was built in his name thereafter, back where it all began on Mount Seishu.

Further Influences

But shugendo would continue to evolve as it proliferated. Given that its formation was rooted in syncretism, it was believed to be in the spirit of the discipline to incorporate further perspectives.

Onmyodo (reprise)

The first, most obviously, was onmyodo. As shugenja made their pilgrimages back to Hingashi and therein, they would inevitably meet with the state-sanctioned mages to which they share an ancestry. While their approaches to elemental magic would perhaps differentiate the two the most, it was without question that they shared a variety of other principles that provide more a distinct link to onmyodo than other refined arts.

The shugenja can read the stars and divine from them. Exorcising and channeling spirits are common affairs. Most of all, shugenja make ample use of ofuda for their techniques, which perhaps only escalated further after making contact with onmyoji. To do this, they have also made use of mudras, hand signs that serve as aforementioned somatic triggers. These practices have extended into the occasional employ of shikigami, as En no Utsuki was purported to be doing.

Local legend holds that a yamabushi making the sojourn to En no Godai’s shrine on Mount Seishu had to, ironically, smite an oni plaguing the area. This encounter would be but one early demonstration of shugendo’s practicality in exorcism and combat.

Doman Geomancy

It would not be until about the ninth century of the Sixth Astral Era that the geomancy established by Ganen – along with the kingdom of Doma – entered the stage, although the underlying principles can be traced back to the Fifth Astral Era or further. It is perhaps not surprising that Yanxian taoism too influenced this discipline.

The manner and intent behind scrying the earth as pertains to Doman geomancy is a very ancient practice that holds a unique identity from any other relative form of divination that may have appeared elsewhere. Per the storied intrinsic relationship with nature and the kami, this places emphasis on harmonizing with the environment, and with the very ebb and flow of the universe.

It is held that the land shapes and directs the currents of qi, a collective cosmic force in this sense, and where it is the strongest and most sacred would be along the ryumyaku or “dragon veins” — analogous to ley lines. These are sourced in – you may guess – the mountains and spread throughout the land, running along and through bodies of water like rivers and even riding the currents of the air. The former spread is notably important, given the ancient significance of the One River and the notion that all other rivers in Othard split from it like veins.

It would be considered vital in times of deep superstition and fear of the kami, especially in the Fourth Astral Era, to heed the ryumyaku and the latent currents of qi. In so doing, one would in practice be able to avert natural disasters or famine. These divinations would permeate society on many other levels, including fortune telling, how and where to build structures, where to bury the dead, even settling civil disputes without tarnished honor or bloodshed. Naturally the principles of yin-yang and gogyo, known in its oldest form as wuxing, would be intertwined with this system.

Before the modern age, this network of geomantic practices was associated with largely secretive mystics, some of which exploited this knowledge for personal gain. However, with the rise of Ganen and founding of Doma, these ideas had not only culminated in a formal doctrine and full-fledged magic discipline. They also became accessible to the masses, for anyone with the desire to learn.

In the years following Ganen’s reign, Doman geomancy saw unabated popularity, as the royal mausoleum the Swallow’s Compass became a foundational holy site — not just for geomancers new or old, but academics and other spiritual practitioners, from even Hingashi and beyond.

Geomantic magicks emphasize harmonizing with the currents of wind, water and earth in ways that have made them inherently compatible with shugendo spellcasting. Beside elemental attacks and healing, perception of the ryumyaku allows one to draw out different blessings from the terrain, as well as discern potential hazards therein. Because geomancers are known to wield handbells as their way of attunement for their spells, some shugenjas’ shakujo carry an aspect of sound to resonate with the land.

The other defining trait of Doman geomancy is its weaving of arcane barriers through aforementioned principles, the quality of which is said to be second-to-none and has taken immense complexity over the years, to the extent of creating intricate shikigami from scratch at the art's zenith. Such has galvanized the applications of barriers and wards in both onmyodo and shugendo, the latter capable of commanding the field through precise use of ofuda.

Shinkan

Shugendo is not the only discipline to have enjoyed the explicit benefits of influence by adjacent schools of thought. The attendants of shrines, including kannushi and miko, became more capable in their own rights with the introduction of ofuda and other skills. On at least one specific event, shugendo would bring about a far more combat-oriented kannushi called the shinkan.

Once, in uncertain times, the humble Yanxian settlement of Iwamura faced unique troubles — in the form of a fierce nue, bringer of ruin. Whenever the nue appeared, disaster ensued. Each time, it brought the very heavens to bear, destroying homes and lives faster than the people could rebuild.

And just when the despair had reached fever pitch, a wandering monk arrived in town. Having sized up the situation in short order, the monk took action. Demonstrating precise control of geomantic magicks, four large stone arches were swiftly erected around Iwamura. At the town’s shrine, the monk – invoking Sarutahiko – then conjured a great aegis of pure qi.

Nigh-invisible, indetectable, it shrouded the length of the land guarded by the four arches. When the nue appeared once more, this barrier held firm against its empyrean wrath. With the village’s safety thus secured, the monk met and soon vanquished the mononoke with an overwhelming earthly force.

It became clear that the monk was specifically a yamabushi, having acquired a myriad of techniques over years of travel, allegedly even breaking bread with the tengu – akin to the great En no Godai.

With the deed done, and rather than moving on, the yamabushi would entrench at the shrine and impart esoteric knowledge to the kannushi. So was the beginning of the Iwa sect of shugendo and the battle priests known as shinkan, who would regularly traverse beyond their borders to perform purifications and exorcisms in the surrounding lands.

It is worth noting that, just as the methods of kami veneration and the kami venerated vary widely across regions, stories like this are often exceptional and far from universal to the shrines, temples and their keepers. It is up to the eye of the beholder what one sees in such professions.

Journey from the West

It is not only from within that culture has proliferated in the Far East; some of it would be imported from abroad.

By the onset of the Sixth Astral Era, on the Ilsabarian island of Thavnair, the Auri chieftain Alzadaal Khan had struck an accord with the great wyrm Vrtra. In so doing, the tribes of Au Ra, Hyur and Matanga were to be united beneath Vrtra's wing by founding the unique nation of Radz-at-Han.

Going forward, as Thavnair's geographic location made it an ideal nexus for trade, the maritime routes were strengthened east and west. This first extended to the two-toned lands of Dalmasca via the port of Valnain, and then to Nagxia and thereafter Yanxia from the One River Delta, although the latter would be somewhat contested until Doma's founding. Securing sea routes to Hingashi initially proved even more of a task, as the land had been plunged into a highly-volatile civil war, but the Mitsurugi shogunate would handle it by the mid-7th century.

As foreign goods entered through the Far Eastern ports, so did foreign religion. The people of Thavnair have deeply-ingrained beliefs centered on hope and persistence in the face of endless hardship and adversity, and the most devout were known for their pilgrimages. A seminal Near Eastern legend, in fact, tells of a lone ascetic whose many moons spent in penance could be scried from their very skin. And through this ordeal the monk discovered Nirvana, spiritual enlightenment, by achieving a state of oneness with the land and its energies.

Countless others in the centuries to follow have thus embarked on similar journeys seeking out their own miracle, so it was only a matter of time before such endeavors would take them well into the lands of Othard. These holy travelers naturally found common ground and co-mingled with the yamabushi, who would in turn spread their beliefs even further. In all likelihood, select numbers of intrepid Near Eastern pilgrims had trickled into the Far East and provided inspiration long before Radz-at-Han, but the city’s founding most definitely amplified their impact.

The Hannish carried with them their gods, a diverse pantheon consisting of the manusya and the mrga (the opposite of manusya; bestial gods with man-like faces), which were seen by Far Easterners as foreign kami. They were regarded with wariness at first, but they would be generally accepted all the same, and some kami worshiped since do have origins in the Near East. Others were even highly syncretic upon inception, for instance Hachiman, an ascended king who would become a patron kami for the samurai warrior caste.

This would also to an extent affect the places from which the kami were worshiped, as the Sixth Astral Era saw far more full-fledged temples develop, as well as the larger multi-building shrines — Shojo Temple on Mount Rokkon in Hingashi being one of the more notable sites. Yanxia was undoubtedly also variably affected, some ways more subtle than others: as Radz-at-Han became the birthplace of modern alchemy, so did the taoist mystics begin to dabble into their own forms of the art in pursuit of immortality. Hannish esotericism also seemingly left an impression on the geomancers, as indicated by their sai taisui, an advanced geomantic shikigami whose incantations are chanted in a very distinctly foreign dialect…

Speaking of which (pun unintended), the shugenja had similarly picked up the Hannish esoteric chants, layering on existing principles. The Far East had long believed in the power of words, deemed kotodama, literally the spirit behind words. The voice has a direct corollary to actions and could both trigger and enhance them, as demonstrated with implementing ofuda. It is said that Far Eastern spell-weaving originated and developed from traditional ritual intonation — norito. While generally these norito – most associated with kannushi – were themed around words of gratitude directed toward the kami, they were effectively long-form spells backed by kotodama, setting the stage for incantations to come.

The foreign monks had introduced something similar: mantras, or shingon. They are very similarly intoned, but they tend to vary in length, some rather short (for example, “Namu Amida Butsu”) but only because they are intended for repetition. Extensively repeating the shingon would achieve various similar effects to those of norito, and they too have been incorporated into spellcasting.

Additionally, and perhaps most crucially, the monks had shared their mudras. These ritual hand gestures have had myriad use in South Ilsabardian spiritual practice since time immemorial, often coupled with utterance of mantras, and have thereby also made for most potent ancient magic of healing and protection — something the shugenja would pick up with reverence.

“Butsu,” by the way, is a recurring word used to refer to the enlightened in this context; not only encompassing the Near Eastern gods but the mortals who through the lives they lived achieved Nirvana, like that first monk of legend. It is analogous to the immortals or the kami of ascended spoken, and it is why – for example – one may see the syncretism of Near and Far Eastern beliefs be referred to as “shinbutsu-shugo” (literally kami-butsu/enlightened syncretism), although such tends to be uttered in a derisive breath.

Desperate Times

In the year 1513 of the Sixth Astral Era, the distant Ilsabardian nation of Garlemald entered a period of rapid industrialization and designs of imperial conquest. In less than ten years it had seized the entirety of continental Ilsabard, sparing only Thavnair and the neutral Radz-at-Han. This would mark a turning point for the world stage, and that would include not just shugendo but virtually all esoteric practices in the Far East.

By 1555, the Garlean Empire had annexed Dalmasca and finally Doma. Religion and arcane studies rooted in faith were outlawed, for faith was seen as the fuel of eikons — also known as primals, god-like summons using large quantities of aether, that which the Empire had taken a hard stance to prevent. The Swallow’s Compass, feared as a potential outlet from which Ganen himself could be invoked as an eikon, was also sealed.

The Doman geomancers and mystics went underground, their eldritch knowledge for all intents and purposes lost at present, while the yamabushi limited their activities to the mountainous north where Imperial oversight waned. Likewise, Hingashi was not without concern about these developments, and the Mitsurugi shogunate opted to also declare neutrality and a strict isolationist policy. Only the Shishu port of Kugane has remained open to limited trade, and foreigners are by and large restricted from travel into the wider nation barring extraneous circumstances.

While a number of geomancers can be found here, theirs is a diluted art – a shadow of former glory, and a good many of them have taken up the very same unscrupulous practices that the discipline’s founding king had abhorred so many years ago. The onmyoji, meanwhile, already passed their heyday as vaunted civil servants and have remained elusive at best.

As for shugenja, the isolation of Hingashi effectively stemmed the tides of pilgrimage between the islands and the mainland, stifling the core practices of the discipline further. They continue to sustain their traditions in the mountains, nonetheless, but all hold out for the winds of change to leave an impact in the realm. While the Empire crumbles in the Seventh Astral Era and Doma and Dalmasca have at last seen freedom, Hingashi continues to impose its walls through control of information.

As rumblings of unrest between clans occasionally trickle out of Kugane’s gates, it remains too soon to know just how much longer the bakufu are capable of maintaining the status quo, or whether the various arcane disciplines of the Far East will see brighter days.

The Benefits of Ascetic Training

In the kingdom of Doma, a prominent Roegadyn samurai by the name of Gosetsu Daito spent many years in honorable servitude to the Rijin clan, first as retainer to Kaien – the last king before the Garlean occupation – then later acting both in service and guidance to the lord’s son, Hien. It was in this time that he saw his fair share of hardship and great loss, including the deaths of his family, comrades and ultimately his own lord and dear friend Kaien. In a decisive battle for the fate of the nation at Doma Castle, Gosetsu sacrificed himself so that his new liege and allies could flee a collapsing keep… only by which could be described as a miracle of the kamis’ design that he survived.

In the fallout, with Doma finally free from the yoke of foreign rule, Gosetsu was content on retiring from his post and embarking on a journey of lone reflection — wondering why the kami had continuously spared him so. Besides, he had not escaped Doma Castle completely unscathed; he found his once fearsome swordplay inadequate, hampered by his injuries, and per his age it seemed as if the grizzled old warrior’s best days were behind him. However, it was in his travels that he chanced upon the yamabushi, and through the ascetic arts he was able to renew both his purpose and potential.

At the Swallow’s Compass, where a memorial service to be held by the now-king Hien had been pre-emptively disrupted by a malign demon, Gosetsu brought his burgeoning new skills to bear in a pivotal moment by protecting his friends with an ofuda-powered barrier. As he departed shortly after the vigil, with his head held high, Gosetsu was able to assure his liege that he would always be ready for the next fight at his side. Such highlights, among many things, shugendo’s enduring legacy and relevance in the Far East.

Shugendo, as En no Godai had laid out, is a way of practical application of discipline. When he guided and sent his disciples forth, he had not written a single formal document elaborating on doctrine – very much in the nature of faith surrounding the kami – inviting practitioners to feel, rather than think, as with anything they did per the ascetic arts.

Shugendo is most marked by its character as a faith of the extremes. The shugenja will commune with nature in such ways as travel to and meditate deep in the mountains, or by conducting misogi – a traditional ritual of purification by water – underneath a raging waterfall. All is intended to bring one closer to enlightenment, to see ascension in death.

As once mentioned, life is considered naturally slanted toward “good.” Naturally enlightened. An exceptional few are or have been known to become kami in life, but through no fault of one’s own the ascension to kamihood most typically is only achieved in the ‘next’ life. In shugendo, it is believed that while life is inherently enlightened, it is generally held back by being a living being — by worldly perspectives and vices.

The line of sight towards spiritual truth is clouded by the six senses, called rokkon: sight, hearing, smell, taste, touch and the conscious mind. In some schools of thought, this is also analogous to mortal emotions (joy, anger, sorrow, pleasure, love and hatred) which skew focus. Regardless, a central goal of shugendo is rokkon shojo, the way of self-purification by closing off these worldly influences through rigorous discipline. To control these perceived hindrances in order to reach the clearest path to enlightenment.

This sounds kind of familiar, somehow… but anyway.

This is all key to why yamabushi chose the mountains, in addition to their fundamental reputation as mystical places between worlds. It is the isolation that comes with that, the sheer deprivation of worldly complications to focus on spiritual well-being. Some shugenja have returned from these ventures with a feeling of what can only be considered self-actualization, even complete sense of oneness with nature and all its qi, a momentary dissolution of perceived boundaries. Basking in the presence of kami can be potent, indeed.

There was once a time when the mountainous regions were spiritual abodes so sacred as to be seen by most as off-limits, not meant for the eyes of man, and even still it is best if one proceeds with utmost respect toward their hosts. It is common practice for shugenja to pray first, preferably at a respective shrine where available, to seek permission of the mountain kami before undergoing a hike.

The practices going forward into these divine domains are wont to vary, per time, place or occasion. The core of ascetic practice within the mountains, however, can be considered akin to rituals of reverence and communion with the kami. Further forms of offerings and yorishiro may be involved, but both for the more solitary excursions – more often than not – are the individual. Shugenja, in essence, give themselves unto the kami in utmost gratitude and it is through such means that new spiritual strength can be obtained.

It is also worth noting that many of the more intricate rituals tied to this spiritual training tend to revolve around hardship: such acts as an arduous full-body climb, making a running leap over an open flame, or the aforementioned immersion in a waterfall. While the nature of many such practices are more steeped in ancient shamanism, taoism and onmyodo, the pretext used here is all in connection to the influence of Near Eastern faith, and the beliefs rooted in living and suffering. To drink of calamity and drown in anguish. To toil and be tested, always and ever. The mountain excursions and such imposed trials are likened to a journey through the very hells and back, and upon return a shugenja has more clarity of their life and place in the world. It stays with you, and you need not so much as write down the steps to undertake it again.

While portrayed as an ordeal themed in death, ascetic ritual is regarded more as a celebration of life. It gives one the fortitude to face what comes next.

The Yamabushi’s Panoply

Yamabushi and various shugenja often incorporate aspects of a tengu’s appearance into their garb.

The rituals of the shugenja – both formal and day-to-day – are as the Hingan kannushi and Hannish monks, both roles with quite rigid and dedicated practices culminating in a very unique syncretic identity. While one can walk away from training with refined spirit and a sense of fulfillment, it is not meant to be for the faint of heart. Beyond the underlying philosophy of such training, the arcane discipline is territory that would risk one’s life in actuality — This is where perhaps the onmyojutsu aspect falls in place the most. Failing to measure up in commitment or aptitude does not get a shugenja in much further past the door, but if the resolve is true, then the real arts of the yamabushi await.

Before delving further into that, it does beg the question: why place so much emphasis on the magic at all? Why all the pretext to steel oneself for arcane arts and exorcising practices? Because, ultimately shugendo is also considered a rather altruistic discipline with a distinct idea of salvation, despite the seemingly selfish notions surrounding self-imposed isolation or focusing on one’s enlightenment. Healing was always a fundamental aspect of ritual practice, and it is likely that the rest developed from there as disciplines converged.

One could essentially call the active application of shugendo magic a rite of salvation — to help, protect, and save, and practitioners with a grasp on this knowledge are thus conductors of this vaunted rite. Those deemed yamabushi are the most well-equipped of all for the task.

That said, let us proceed by covering the most standard or common tools of the trade:

Horagai – or simply “hora”; a traditional horn fashioned and embellished from a large conch shell, considered a ‘signature’ item of the shugendo practitioners, and a central part to why “mountain callers” is in the subheader of this document.

The exact origin of the horagai’s use can be considered somewhat debatable: broader belief traces it to similar forms of ritual in the ancient Near East, where the horn was called a “shankha”; others believe it came from more local water through the Kojin first. Regardless, it serves as perhaps the most explicit symbol of interaction between yamabushi and their muses. It was also standard for a time to obtain resplendent new conch shells from the Ruby Tide by entreating with the Kojin, symbolizing the enduring bonds originally forged by En no Godai, although this practice has been waning due to various factors over recent decades.

In spiritual training, blowing into the hora signals a transition between the profane and the sacred, and that can be taken quite literally with the power of sound. The resounding call of the horn penetrates the land. It can be used as a way of communing with the divine, of perceiving the unseen, or opening a door into the otherworld. It can also rally the spirit or offer a way of protection by invoking the qi of wind to form a barrier. Trust in kotodama, and the intent will be carried in each note as you play the hora, achieving the specific outcome you desire.

Suzaku’s cane, Seiryu’s cane, Byakurenge, Kujo, Makibi, and Masakaki.

Shakujo – Likely the most vital tool in any shugenja’s toolkit, the shakujo serves as much a practical walking stick for mountain austerities as it is an aetherial medium for rituals and spellcasting, bearing a natural resemblance in form and function to western canes and crooks. As unassuming as they may be at times, shakujo usually tend to have a solid iron core running through the middle of them to provide reinforcement for traversals through tricky mountainous terrain. This also incidentally makes them further effective as a bludgeoning-type weapon, as some shugenja prove to be quite surprising in the depths of their martial skill.

A subtype of shakujo as introduced from the Near East is the khakkhara, or sounding staff, which as that may suggest emphasizes the aural component of these staves. Holding the particular power to purge fell magicks via sound, the most known aspect of a khakkhara are the metal rings – as many as a dozen – adorning the top end of the staff. These may be eschewed for a different type of ornament (one may at times find these in the employ of geomancers, adorning theirs with bells), and in general the physical characteristics of shakujo are known to vary significantly between sects or individual practitioners.

Often they will be decorated to reflect a specific kami of focus; a popular choice for instance is symbolically theming after the Four Lords (Genbu, Seiryu, Suzaku and Byakko), each one considered a kami in their own right, for the travels and travails they faced alongside the hero Tenzen in folklore. Those who choose to base theirs off of Seiryu in particular tend to emphasize his role as a patron god of geomancy.

Byakurenge – a masterwork of a shakujo carved from the heartwood of holy sentinels by yamabushi as part of their ascetic training, the tawny lily – folding outward to expose a brilliant crystal – is believed to represent the promise of enlightenment in an age of spiritual darkness, while the unrelentingly straight haft represents the shortest path to achieve it. Its name aptly means “white lotus,” a significant icon of purity and enlightenment.

Kujo – Frustrated with his inability to foreshorten the suffering of his land’s people at the hands of a cruel leader, one yamabushi set off on a journey of enlightenment with naught but Kujo, his staff, and the robes on his back. After a year having journeyed the entire length of the Dairyu Chain, the ascetic returned to Doma and presented the staff – now primed with the geomantic energies of water and wind – to his lord that he, too, might awaken to his vassals’ plight.

Makibi – A particularly ornate take on the khakkhara possessed of two large bells, Makibi were initially crafted for use in ceremonial geomantic rites honoring the first Doman king, Ganen. As their use dwindled in numbers following the Garlean occupation and sealing of the Swallow’s Compass, a surplus of these khakkhara fell into the hands of Eorzean entrepreneur Rowena — valuing their exotic design as a means of turning a profit over any cultural significance they may have. Perhaps the best thing that can be said is that it brought more attention to an endangered aspect of Othardian life.

Masakaki – Adorned with twin wands made of cuttings from a broad-leafed Far Eastern evergreen tree known as the sakaki, as well as sets of folded paper called shide, this shakujo was originally a traditional ritual stand used by kannushi and miko for displaying sacred relics. Through no small amount of influence on part of the yamabushi, some were thenceforth shaped into proper staves, making Masakaki emblematic of the syncretized form of shrine priest called shinkan.

Ofuda – These strips of consecrated Doman-made paper become proper talismans by binding words of power to them with special ink. By deploying these seals, shugendo can invoke passive divine protection, geomantic wards and myriad other eldritch enchantments.

The properties of the ink used, which is a closely-guarded secret in its creation but is highly conductive to qi, can capture and retain the ambient essence of other entities (a method markedly similar to blue magic) or even bind entire spirits or their mitama. This is a key aspect of employing shikigami.

Like the onmyoji, an accomplished shugenja is a deft hand at calligraphy, constructing their talismans’ glyphs with elegant yet precise mixtures of scarlet and black ink — the composition of which can be quite complex and extensive depending on the invocation. Unlike onmyoji, however, they did not embrace the use of ofuda-sho. As it is to be expected that shugenja use ofuda with one hand while simultaneously wielding their shakujo in the other, compiling them akin to the pages in a tome was unanimously seen as the more unwieldy and impractical option.

An exemplary standard ofuda that shugenja are often trained to have at ready bears a simple yet versatile warding spell. It makes for rapid application of barriers to protect, defend, deny, counter, and bind. By deploying several in tandem, one can establish an Ascetic Ward that will offer a wider range of protection to an area.

Irataka juzu – a thread of 108 ridged beads tied into a rosary with a tassel. Each bead represents one of 108 worldly desires that must be cleansed, and the abacus-like shape of them are a trait particular to this juzu as used by the yamabushi, as opposed to similar holy rosaries (mala) in other faiths. Shugenja carry irataka juzu for purposes of ritual prayer, and it accompanies the horagai in its part in marking the boundary between the profane and sacred.

The sound the beads make when they hit each other are a way of sensing where that line is, of perceiving the veil to the otherworld via the currents of qi and then concentrating on lifting that veil. They can also be used to draw upon and channel spirits, and wrapping them around one’s hands while clutching them in prayer provides spiritual defense against malevolent forces. As a medium of faith, they may take on other bizarre and auspicious qualities on rare occasions.

Magatama – a curved jade ornament that has been around since ancient times. While its origins are rooted in mystery, the magatama is by most accounts a sacred artifact, one in particular – Yasakani – being revered in myth as one of the three great treasures carried by the heavenly kami Susano.

The magatama does not appear universally across arcane practitioners, but wherever it does – mostly among certain yamabushi or shrine attendants/shinkan – it has the makings and properties of a soul crystal. The stones are capable of bearing residual energies, including the deeds and actions of countless disciples from ages past.

Soul crystals are reputed to grant gifted users the ability to tap into knowledge of tried techniques, thereby allowing one to execute them with expedience that contrasts a more traditional process of learning. In theory, the magatama is no different in that potential, but it is generally frowned upon for anyone to make use of it strictly to forgo the slow path — especially concerning a discipline wherein hardship is a key precept of training.

Indeed, anyone who carries a magatama in their sects of discipline have only usually received theirs after years of hard work to demonstrate the aptitude required for the knowledge the stone holds. That the practitioner has proven fit to interface with the magatama and interpret its eldritch secrets.

The magatama may then be worn like a pendant or even affixed to the irataka juzu, in which case it becomes a direct part of rituals and training. Some recognize its capacity for qi, the same principles that allow it to harbor knowledge, and have been able to use it as an aetherial medium for a variety of purposes.

The Tricks of the Trade

The final section of this document will cover the general nature of a shugenja’s practical skills as a Disciple of Magic and the most frequent techniques at play during exorcisms or in battle. The body of their spellcraft can be best divided into two main facets: their shingon, chants which serve as the essential healing and attack spells; and ofuda, which when coupled with the mudras serve as further support for both defense and offense. A shugenja is stanced bearing their shakujo at ready in one hand while holding their open other hand by default in a “resting” mudra gesture, demonstrating clean sleight of hand to take up any number of ofuda at moment’s notice.

It is again worth emphasizing here that the shugenja’s arcane arsenal is wont to vary, not just by the diversity of sects or the syncretic principles at the foundation of their discipline, but by one’s own individual experiences in their travels impacting and inspiring the nature of what spells or skills they may employ. This can make them rather unpredictable.

This is but one sample loadout.

Ofuda and Healing Techniques

Draw Ofuda: Readies an ofuda for use. Replaces or augments certain offensive and healing magic actions while in effect.

Kattansho: Restores target's HP.  Becomes “Kattan-fuda” while under the effect of Draw Ofuda. Kattan-fuda: Grants healing over time effect to target.

Meikyusho: Restores HP of target and all party members nearby target. Becomes “Meikyu-fuda” while under the effect of Draw Ofuda. Meikyu-fuda: Restores target’s HP. Additional Effect: Erects a magicked barrier which nullifies damage equaling 180% of the amount of HP restored. When critical HP is restored, also grants Affirmed Seal, nullifying damage equaling 180% the amount of HP restored.

Yomeisho: Restores own HP and the HP of all nearby party members. Additional Effect: Grants healing over time effect to self and all nearby party members. Becomes “Yomei-fuda” while under the effect of Draw Ofuda. Yomei-fuda: Restores own HP and the HP of all nearby party members. Additional Effect: Erects a magicked barrier which nullifies damage equaling 320% of the amount of HP restored.

Chinkon: Resurrects target to a weakened state.

Shingon System

The element-aspected shingon that comprise the main body of offensive magicks derive mainly from the system of gogyo, while also accounting for a similar set of five elements introduced by Near Eastern cosmology. This may at times replace wood with wind or metal with unaspected aether (or “sky” or “void”).

In accordance with gogyo, the shingon of specific elements are combined with the qi of the other elements – of “generative” or “destructive” affinity – to enhance the next respective shingon, increasing its potency and reducing cast time. The combination of shingon used has other benefits, which will be covered in a moment.

Gangekisho: Deals earth damage. Additional Effect: Grants “Qi: Earth.” Effect ends upon execution of a different shingon. Becomes Gangekisho Kai while under the effect of “Qi: Fire” or “Qi: Wind.” Qi: Fire (Generative) Bonus: Potency and cast time are increased. Qi: Wind (Destructive) Bonus: Cast time, potency and MP cost are reduced. Becomes “Ji-fuda” while under the effect of Draw Ofuda. Ji-fuda: Deals earth damage to target and all enemies nearby it. Additional Effect: Interrupts the use of the target's action.

Kingekisho: Deals unaspected damage. Additional Effect: Grants “Qi: Metal.” Effect ends upon execution of a different shingon. Becomes Kingekisho Kai while under the effect of “Qi: Earth” or “Qi: Fire.” Qi: Earth (Generative) Bonus: Potency and cast time are increased. Qi: Fire (Destructive) Bonus: Cast time, potency and MP cost are reduced. Becomes “Kin-fuda” while under the effect of Draw Ofuda. Kin-fuda: Deals unaspected damage to target and all enemies nearby it. Additional Effect: Increases damage taken by 5%.

Suigekisho: Deals water damage.  Additional Effect: Grants “Qi: Water.” Effect ends upon execution of a different shingon. Becomes Suigekisho Kai while under the effect of “Qi: Metal” or “Qi: Earth.” Qi: Metal (Generative) Bonus: Potency and cast time are increased. Qi: Earth (Destructive) Bonus: Cast time, potency and MP cost are reduced. Becomes “Sui-fuda” while under the effect of Draw Ofuda. Sui-fuda: Deals water damage to target and all enemies nearby it. Additional Effect: Slow +10%.

Fugekisho: Deals wind damage. Additional Effect: Grants “Qi: Wind.” Effect ends upon execution of a different shingon. Becomes Fugekisho Kai while under the effect of “Qi: Water” or “Qi: Metal.” Qi: Water (Generative) Bonus: Potency and cast time are increased..  Qi: Metal (Destructive) Bonus: Cast time, potency and MP cost are reduced. Becomes “Kaze-fuda” while under the effect of Draw Ofuda. Kaze-fuda: Deals wind damage over time to target and all enemies nearby it.

Engekisho: Deals fire damage. Additional Effect: Grants “Qi: Fire.” Effect ends upon execution of a different shingon. Becomes Engekisho Kai while under the effect of “Qi: Wind” or “Qi: Water.” Qi: Wind (Generative) Bonus: Potency and cast time are increased. Qi: Water (Destructive) Bonus: Cast time, potency and MP cost are reduced. Becomes “Hi-fuda” while under the effect of Draw Ofuda. Hi-fuda: Deals fire damage to target and all enemies nearby it. Additional Effect: Reduces damage dealt by 5%.

Counteraction: Allows the execution of shingon in either the generative or destructive cycle. Swaps to the opposite cycle upon subsequent activation. Five second recast.

Realignment: Shifts the “Qi” effect to the next one in sequence in either the generative or destructive cycle, depending on which version of the effect is active. Two second recast.

Unbroken Mantra: Initiate a state of oneness, granting yourself Unbroken Mantra. Potency of the five shingon are reduced, while cast times and MP cost are sharply reduced. Shingon do not grant “Qi” effects while under the effect of Unbroken Mantra. Cast each of the five shingon in either the generative or destructive sequence in order to execute the next ability. Cast order is fixed upon casting the second shingon. Generative Cycle Effect: Ability becomes “Rokkon-shojo.” Destructive Cycle Effect: Ability becomes “Seimei Star.”

Rokkon-shojo: Restores own HP and the HP of all nearby party members. Additional Effects: Increases healing magic potency by 10%. Grants self and nearby party members the effect Moment of Clarity. Party members under the effect of Moment of Clarity will receive additional healing upon receiving HP recovery via Meikyusho, Yomeisho, Worldly Dispersal, or Ascetic Blessing. Can only be executed upon meeting certain conditions.

Seimei Star: Deals fivefold unaspected damage to target and all enemies nearby it with a set potency for the first enemy, and 30% less for all remaining enemies. Additional Effect: Increases damage dealt by self and nearby party members by 10%. Can only be executed upon meeting certain conditions.

Shiki-fuda System

Through the combination of elements by uttering shingon in sequence, the caster is able to enhance a so-called “shiki-fuda,” a sort of specialized trap talisman. Infused with the residual qi of spirits or other creatures, these can trigger a diverse array of effects based on the elemental components that went into them. Such are often the uniquely inventive work of the shugenja deploying them.

In this system, one can hold up to three Shiki-fuda in hand at a time and trigger the first two at will, while the third sits in reserve until a space is open. The continued combining of elements through shingon while holding the maximum three would push the first ofuda conjured out of your hand. It would be considered advantageous to weave them into your spellcasting as you obtain them.

Additionally, these ofuda will be polarized one way or another, depending on the cycle associated with their creation. In this case, the “generative” ofuda are aspected to yin and will generate stacks of the On seal, while the “destructive” ofuda are aspected to yang and will generate stacks of Yo seal. These seals can be used for further skills.

*Shiki-fuda with a persistent field effect or a damage-over-time effect cannot be stacked with other Shiki-fuda with similar effects.

Zen-ei: Deploys the first Shiki-fuda on hand. Action changes when a Shiki-fuda is ready to use.

Ko-ei: Deploys the second Shiki-fuda on hand. Action changes when a Shiki-fuda is ready to use.

Worldly Dispersal: Discards the Shiki-fuda in your hand, restoring own HP and the HP of all nearby party members. Potency varies with number of Shiki-fuda discarded.

Boon of the Kojin: (Gangekisho + Kingekisho.) Manifests precious crystal to create a barrier around target and all party members nearby. Absorbs damage totaling 20% of target's maximum HP and 10% of maximum HP for all remaining party members. Additional Effects: Reflects and returns 15% of damage taken from enemies until barrier is absorbed. Grants one stack of On.

Umibozu's Curse: (Kingekisho + Suigekisho.) Unleashes an unnaturally corrosive torrent of rain to batter a designated area, causing water damage over time to any enemies who enter. Additional Effects: Increases physical damage taken. Grants one stack of On.

Yuki-onna’s Breath: (Suigekisho + Fugekisho.) Ushers in a sudden freeze that deals ice damage to target and all enemies nearby it. Additional Effects: Inflicts Bind. Has a low chance of freezing enemies affected. Grants one stack of On.

Ruinous Nue: (Fugekisho + Engekisho.) Bolts of thunder sear the land, dealing lightning damage to target and all enemies nearby it. Additional Effects: Inflicts Paralysis. Grants one stack of On.

Tatarigami's Omen: (Engekisho + Gangekisho.) Summons a meteor to the field, causing direct fire damage to target and all enemies nearby with a set potency for the first enemy, and 30% less for all remaining enemies. Additional Effect: Grants one stack of On.

Dorotabo’s Grasp: (Gangekisho + Suigekisho.) Creates a festering pitch of mud in a designated area, causing earth damage over time to any enemies who enter. Additional Effects: Heavy +40%. Grants one stack of Yo.

Scalding Narigama: (Suigekisho + Engekisho.) A steaming geyser erupts from the earth, causing water damage to target and all enemies nearby with a set potency for the first enemy, and 30% less for all remaining enemies. Additional Effects: Deals fire damage over time. Grants one stack of Yo.

Wrathful Kijin: (Engekisho + Kingekisho.) The spectral hand of a giant crashes down, causing unaspected physical damage to target and all enemies nearby with a set potency for the first enemy, and 30% less for all remaining enemies. Additional Effects: A splash of molten metal pools around the target, causing fire damage over time to any enemies who enter the affected area. Grants one stack of Yo.

Descending Tengu: (Kingekisho + Fugekisho.) Delivers a flurry of cuts in the blink of an eye as if dashing forward, dealing critical hits to all enemies in a straight line before you. Area of effect: 15 x 10 yalms. Additional Effect: Grants one stack of Yo.

Kamaitachi's Wake: (Fugekisho + Gangekisho.) Conjures a blistering dust devil, causing wind damage to target and all enemies nearby with a set potency for the first enemy, and 30% less for all remaining enemies. Additional Effects: Inflicts Blind, reducing accuracy. Grants one stack of Yo.

Mukyoku: Grants Mukyoku to self. Changes conditions for next execution of Ascetic Gift, Ascetic Blessing, or Ascetic Purgation.

Ascetic Gift: Restores target's HP. On Seal Cost: 1. Mukyoku Effect: Nullifies the On Seal cost.

Ascetic Blessing: Restores own HP and the HP of all nearby party members. On Seal Cost: 1. Mukyoku Effect: Nullifies the On Seal cost.

Ascetic Purgation: Deals unaspected damage to target and all enemies nearby it with a set potency for the first enemy, and 50% less for all remaining enemies. Potency varies depending on number of Yo seals. All are consumed upon execution. Mukyoku Effect: Reduces the cost of Yo to 1.

Ascetic Revelation: Erects a magicked barrier around self and all party members near you that absorbs damage equivalent to a heal of certain potency. Additional Effect: Grants up to 3 stacks of Shinpu. When the barrier is completely absorbed, a stack of Shinpu is consumed and a new barrier is applied. When the effect duration expires, a healing effect is then applied. Can only be executed when stacks of On and Yo are of equal number. Number of Shinpu granted depends on number of On and Yo consumed. Healing potency upon barrier’s absorption varies depending on number of Shinpu applied. Consumes all On and Yo seals upon execution.

Kuji-kiri, Mudras and Kuji-in

In the beginning, the taoists made use of somatic triggers by tracing lines in specific formations, chiefly and most significantly Kuji-kiri, the nine cuts. Perhaps one of the most ancient extant forms of endemic magic in Othard, Kuji-kiri is named such because the setup calls for using your hand to proverbially cut the air (with index and middle fingers) into a neat grid of nine lines (seals) – in specific order – and then “draw” upon that grid a specific character, or tenth seal (Juji), to convey the spell you want to cast, and that is in its most basic form.

A demonstration of the “blade and sheath” gesture (here, the right hand is the blade), as well as an example of the Kuji-kiri grid with order and direction of execution. Note: One can also hold their hands at their waist, like a real sword and scabbard.

When executing Kuji-kiri, you traditionally start and end with your casting hand’s two fingers (“the blade”) resting within your other hand (“the sheath”). As perhaps inferred, this is a technique that one can use with an actual sword and sheath: as the scabbard of a samurai’s blade is made to retain ambient qi in order to enhance the blade itself, Kuji-kiri offers a way to conduct meticulous magic with even a katana as the medium.

This way of spellcasting was naturally adopted by the onmyoji and then the shugenja, and even now some schools or individual mages may implement it, but it was the latter shugenja coming in contact with pilgrims from Ilsabard that begot the use and proliferation of mudras in the Othardian arts: enter the system of Kuji-in, the nine hand seals.

A demonstration of the nine seals. Left-to-right, top-to-bottom: Rin, Pyo, Toh, Sha, Kai, Jin, Retsu, Zai, Zen.

Each two-handed mudra is symbolic, and while standalone for certain mantras, they are also performed in specific sequences in order to execute different enchantments — often in conjunction with verbal commands, although not explicitly necessary.

As with most scattered or branching schools of discipline in Othard, even the specifics of Kuji-in used are subjective and wont to vary. However, the most recognized seals by a margin are: Rin (power), Pyo (directional flow), Toh, (inner struggle and harmony), Sha (healing, self-awareness), Kai (totality), Jin (externalization), Retsu (time, space and energy), Zai (existence), and finally Zen (enlightenment).

These mudras are believed to have been created by the shugenja themselves, then introduced to practitioners in Hingashi. The particular nine symbols are also applicable in Kuji-kiri.

Furthermore, the shugenja made a point to adapt each sign into one-handed variants in order to execute them while holding their shakujo when the occasion arose. The staff in question serves to compensate along with verbally invoking the power of the mudras and/or corresponding talismans, often wordlessly.

The one-handed shugenja versions of the nine seals.  Left-to-right, top-to-bottom: Rin, Pyo, Toh, Sha, Kai, Jin, Retsu, Zai, Zen.

* It follows that, after shugenja introduced Kuji-in in Hingashi, the shinobi adapted and created their own streamlined mudras during the Age of Blood, wielding field-ready versions of Ten (heaven), Chi (earth) and Jin (man) – harnessing the respective qi around them – along with a supposed hidden fourth mudra speculated to be Hi or Nichi (the Sun). All four are symbolically linked with the legendary mononoke known as Yatagarasu, the three-legged crow, a figure depicted most prominently in both ninjutsu and onmyodo.

Additional Abilities

Tsuchidosho: Creates a seismic shockwave that deals earth damage to all nearby enemies. Additional Effect: Stun.

Shokanjo: Consecrate the area around you, dealing unaspected damage to all nearby enemies. Additional Effects: Restores own HP and the HP of nearby party members. Restores 5% of maximum MP.

Shuchu: By honing focus, increases healing magic potency of your next healing spell by 50%.

Omamori: Creates a barrier around self or target party member that absorbs damage equivalent to a heal of 500 potency.

Katashiro: Places a manikin at the designated location. Trigger Katashiro again to swap places with the manikin, moving instantly to the designated location while the manikin occupies your original location in your image. Trigger Katashiro a third time to return to original location. Additional Effect: Reduced enmity.

Ascetic Suspend: Grants Ascetic Suspend to self or target party member, becoming lighter than air and immune to certain mechanics.

Ascetic Ward: Deploys ofuda to erect a barrier at the area around the caster, reducing damage taken by 10% to self and any party members who enter. Additional Effect: Regen.

(Role Actions included for sake of reference and visualization.)

Repose: (Role Action.) Afflicts target with Sleep. Cancels auto-attack upon execution.

Esuna: (Role Action.) Removes a single detrimental effect from target.

Lucid Dreaming: (Role Action.) Gradually restores own MP.

Swiftcast: (Role Action.) Next spell is cast immediately.

Surecast: (Role Action.) Spells can be cast without interruption. Additional Effect: Nullifies most knockback and draw-in effects.

Rescue: (Role Action.) Instantly draws target party member to your side. Cannot be used outside of combat or when target is suffering from certain enfeeblements.

Komyo Shingon: (Healer Limit Break Level 3.) A divine mantra restores 100% of HP of all nearby party members, even if they are currently dead. If resurrected this way, party members also revive with 100% MP and are not given Weakness or Brink of Death debuffs.

Ame-no-Ukihashi: (Magic Ranged DPS Limit Break Level 3.) A fivefold invocation in a god's name deals 210% the damage of Braver to all enemies in a circular area.

~

Works Referenced

Cummins, Antony. The Dark Side of Japan: Ancient Black Magic, Folklore, Ritual. Amberley Publishing, 2017.

Gill, Zachary. Onmyodo: Spiritual Traditions Across Asia. Edited by Alexander Snellings, Hammer & Vajra, 2022.

Jinwu. “Doman Geomancy.” Records of a Poor Historian, Tumblr, 3 May 2022, izakaya-jinh.tumblr.com/post/655843796988395521/.

Jinwu. “Hingan Onmyojutsu.” Records of a Poor Historian, Tumblr, 3 May 2022, https://ffxiv-shiji.tumblr.com/post/683244858743373824.

Jinwu. “Yanxia: The Cradle of Ambition.” Records of a Poor Historian, Tumblr, 18 June 2022, https://ffxiv-shiji.tumblr.com/post/687367879882063872/.

Miyake, Hitoshi. Shugendō: Essays on the Structure of Japanese Folk Religion. Center for Japanese Studies, Univ. of Michigan, 2001.

Oda, Banri, et al. Encyclopædia Eorzea: The World of Final Fantasy XIV. Volume II. Square Enix Books, 2018.

Oda, Banri, et al. Encyclopædia Eorzea: The World of Final Fantasy XIV. Volume III. Square Enix Books, 2023.

Seki, Yujiro, and Rev. Shokai Koshikidake. “What Are the Practices of Shugendo?” Carving the Divine, YouTube, 2 Jan. 2021, www.youtube.com/watch?v=FigrWcGvX-g.

Wong, Eva. Taoism: An Essential Guide. Shambhala, 2011.

“Wuxing (Chinese Philosophy).” Wikipedia, Wikimedia Foundation, 28 Sept. 2025, en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wuxing_(Chinese_philosophy).

The early days of onmyōdō In order to at least attempt to explain what the term shikigami might have originally entailed, I first need to briefly summarize the history of onmyōdō (陰陽道). This term can be translated as “way of yin and yang”, and at the core it was a Japanese adaptation of the concepts of, well, yin and yang, as well as the five elements. They reached Japan through Daoist and Buddhist sources. Daoism itself never really became a distinct religion in Japan, but onmyōdō is arguably among the most widespread adaptations of its principles in Japanese context.

Kibi no Makibi, as depicted by Yoshitoshi Tsukioka (wikimedia commons)

It’s not possible to speak of a singular founder of onmyōdō comparable to the patriarchs of Buddhist schools. Bernard Faure notes that in legends the role is sometimes assigned to Kibi no Makibi, an eighth century official who spent around 20 years in China. While he did bring many astronomical treatises with him when he returned, this is ultimately just a legend which developed long after he passed away.

In reality onmyōdō developed gradually starting with the sixth century, when Chinese methods of divination and treatises dealing with these topics first reached Japan. Early on Buddhist monks from the Korean kingdom of Baekje were the main sources of this knowledge. We know for example that the Soga clan employed such a specialist, a certain Gwalleuk (観勒; alternatively known under the Japanese reading of his name, Kanroku).

Obviously, divination was viewed as a very serious affair, so the imperial court aimed to regulate the continental techniques in some way. This was accomplished by emperor Tenmu with the formation of the onmyōryō (陰陽寮), “bureau of yin and yang” as a part of the ritsuryō system of governance. Much like in China, the need to control divination was driven by the fears that otherwise it would be used to legitimize courtly intrigues against the emperor, rebellions and other disturbances.  Officials taught and employed by onmyōryō were referred to as onmyōji (陰陽師). This term can be literally translated as  “yin-yang master”. In the Nara period, they were understood essentially as a class of public servants. Their position didn’t substantially differ from that of other specialists from the onmyōryō: calendar makers, officials responsible for proper measurement of time and astrologers. The topics they dealt with evidently weren’t well known among commoners, and they were simply typical members of the literate administrative elite of their times.

Onmyōdō in the Heian period: magic, charisma and nobility

The role of onmyōji changed in the Heian period. They retained the position of official bureaucratic diviners in employ of the court, but they also acquired new duties. The distinction between them and other onmyōryō officials became blurred. Additionally their activity extended to what was collectively referred to as jujutsu (呪術), something like “magic” though this does not fully reflect the nuances of this term. They presided over rainmaking rituals, purification ceremonies, so-called “earth quelling”, and establishing complex networks of temporal and directional taboos.

A Muromachi period depiction of Abe no Seimei (wikimedia commons)

The most famous historical onmyōji like Kamo no Yasunori and his student Abe no Seimei were active at a time when this version of onmyōdō was a fully formed - though obviously still evolving - set of practices and beliefs. In a way they represented a new approach, though - one in which personal charisma seemed to matter just as much, if not more, than official position. This change was recognized as a breakthrough by at least some of their contemporaries. For example, according to the diary of Minamoto no Tsuneyori, the Sakeiki (左經記), “in Japan, the foundations of onmyōdō were laid by Yasunori”.

The changes in part reflected the fact that onmyōji started to be privately contracted for various reasons by aristocrats, in addition to serving the state. Shin’ichi Shigeta notes that it essentially turned them from civil servants into tradespeople. However, he stresses they cannot be considered clergymen: their position was more comparable to that of physicians, and there is no indication they viewed their activities as a distinct religion. Indeed, we know of multiple Heian onmyōji, like Koremune no Fumitaka or Kamo no Ieyoshi, who by their own admission were devout Buddhists who just happened to work as professional diviners.

Shin’ichi Shigeta notes is evidence that in addition to the official, state-sanctioned onmyōji, “unlicensed” onmyōji who acted and dressed like Buddhist clergy, hōshi onmyōji (法師陰陽師) existed. The best known example is Ashiya Dōman, a mainstay of Seimei legends, but others are mentioned in diaries, including the famous Pillow Book. It seems nobles particularly commonly employed them to curse rivals. This was a sphere official onmyōji abstained from due to legal regulations. Curses were effectively considered crimes, and government officials only performed apotropaic rituals meant to protect from them. The Heian period version of onmyōdō captivated the imagination of writers and artists, and its slightly exaggerated version present in classic literature like Konjaku Monogatari is essentially what modern portrayals in fiction tend to go back to.

Medieval onmyōdō: from abstract concepts to deities

Gozu Tennō (wikimedia commons)

Further important developments occurred between the twelfth and fourteenth centuries. This period was the beginning of the Japanese “middle ages” which lasted all the way up to the establishment of the Tokugawa shogunate. The focus in onmyōdō in part shifted towards new, or at least reinvented, deities, such as calendarical spirits like Daishōgun (大将軍) and Ten’ichijin (天一神), personifications of astral bodies and concepts already crucial in earlier ceremonies. There was also an increased interest in Chinese cosmological figures like Pangu, reimagined in Japan as “king Banko”. However, the most famous example is arguably Gozu Tennō, who you might remember from my Susanoo article. 

The changes in medieval onmyōdō can be described as a process of convergence with esoteric Buddhism. The points of connection were rituals focused on astral and underworld deities, such as Taizan Fukun or Shimei (Chinese Siming). Parallels can be drawn between this phenomenon and the intersection between esoteric Buddhism and some Daoist schools in Tang China. Early signs of the development of a direct connection between onmyōdō and Buddhism can already be found in sources from the Heian period, for example Kamo no Yasunori remarked that he and other onmyōji depend on the same sources to gain proper understanding of ceremonies focused on the Big Dipper as Shingon monks do. 

Much of the information pertaining to the medieval form of onmyōdō is preserved in Hoki Naiden (ほき内伝; “Inner Tradition of the Square and the Round Offering Vessels”), a text which is part divination manual and part a collection of myths. According to tradition it was compiled by Abe no Seimei, though researchers generally date it to the fourteenth century. For what it’s worth, it does seem likely its author was a descendant of Seimei, though. Outside of specialized scholarship Hoki Naiden is fairly obscure today, but it’s worth noting that it was a major part of the popular perception of onmyōdō in the Edo period. A novel whose influence is still visible in the modern image of Seimei, Abe no Seimei Monogatari (安部晴明物語), essentially revolves around it, for instance.

Onmyōdō in the Edo period: occupational licensing

Novels aside, the first post-medieval major turning point for the history of onmyōdō was the recognition of the Tsuchimikado family as its official overseers in 1683. They were by no means new to the scene - onmyōji from this family already served the Ashikaga shoguns over 250 years earlier. On top of that, they were descendants of the earlier Abe family, the onmyōji par excellence. The change was not quite the Tsuchimikado’s rise, but rather the fact the government entrusted them with essentially regulating occupational licensing for all onmyōji, even those who in earlier periods existed outside of official administration.

As a result of the new policies, various freelance practitioners could, at least in theory, obtain a permit to perform the duties of an onmyōji. However, as the influence of the Tsuchimikado expanded, they also sought to oblige various specialists who would not be considered onmyōji otherwise to purchase licenses from them. Their aim was to essentially bring all forms of divination under their control. This extended to clergy like Buddhist monks, shugenja and shrine priests on one hand, and to various performers like members of kagura troupes on the other. 

Makoto Hayashi points out that while throughout history onmyōji has conventionally been considered a male occupation, it was possible for women to obtain licenses from the Tsuchimikado. Furthermore, there was no distinct term for female onmyōji, in contrast with how female counterparts of Buddhist monks, shrine priests and shugenja were referred to with different terms and had distinct roles defined by their gender. As far as I know there’s no earlier evidence for female onmyōji, though, so it’s safe to say their emergence had a lot to do with the specifics of the new system. It seems the poems of the daughter of Kamo no Yasunori (her own name is unknown) indicate she was familiar with yin-yang theory or at least more broadly with Chinese philosophy, but that’s a topic for a separate article (stay tuned), and it's not quite the same, obviously.

The Tsuchimikado didn’t aim to create a specific ideology or systems of beliefs. Therefore, individual onmyōji - or, to be more accurate, individual people with onmyōji licenses - in theory could pursue new ideas. This in some cases lead to controversies: for instance, some of the people involved in the (in)famous 1827 Osaka trial of alleged Christians (whether this label really is applicable is a matter of heated debate) were officially licensed onmyōji. Some of them did indeed possess translated books written by Portuguese missionaries, which obviously reflected Catholic outlook. However, Bernard Faure suggests that some of the Edo period onmyōji might have pursued Portuguese sources not strictly because of an interest in Catholicism but simply to obtain another source of astronomical knowledge. 

The legacy of onmyōdō 

In the Meiji period, onmyōdō was banned alongside shugendō. While the latter tradition experienced a revival in the second half of the twentieth century, the former for the most part didn’t. However, that doesn’t mean the history of onmyōdō ends once and for all in the second half of the nineteenth century. 

Even today in some parts of Japan there are local religious traditions which, while not identical with historical onmyōdō, retain a considerable degree of influence from it. An example often cited in scholarship is Izanagi-ryū (いざなぎ流) from the rural Monobe area in the Kōchi Prefecture. Mitsuki Ueno stresses that the occasional references to Izanagi-ryū as “modern onmyōdō” in literature from the 1990s and early 2000s are inaccurate, though. He points out they downplay the unique character of this tradition, and that it shows a variety of influences. Similar arguments have also been made regarding local traditions from the Chūgoku region.

Until relatively recently, in scholarship onmyōdō was basically ignored as superstition unworthy of serious inquiries. This changed in the final decades of the twentieth century, with growing focus on the Japanese middle ages among researchers. The first monographs on onmyōdō were published in the 1980s. While it’s not equally popular as a subject of research as esoteric Buddhism and shugendō, formerly neglected for similar reasons, it has nonetheless managed to become a mainstay of inquiries pertaining to the history of religion in Japan.

Yoshitaka Amano's illustration of Baku Yumemakura's fictionalized portrayal of Abe no Seimei (right) and other characters from his novels (reproduced here for educational purposes only)

Of course, it’s also impossible to talk about onmyōdō without mentioning the modern “onmyōdō boom”. Starting with the 1980s, onmyōdō once again became a relatively popular topic among writers. Novel series such as Baku Yumemakura’s Onmyōji, Hiroshi Aramata’s Teito Monogatari or Natsuhiko Kyōgoku’s Kyōgōkudō and their adaptations in other media once again popularized it among general audiences. Of course, since these are fantasy or mystery novels, their historical accuracy tends to vary (Yumemakura in particular is reasonably faithful to historical literature, though). Still, they have a lasting impact which would be impossible to accomplish with scholarship alone.

Shikigami: historical truth, historical fiction, or both?

You might have noticed that despite promising a history of shikigami, I haven’t used this term even once through the entire crash course in history of onmyōdō. This was a conscious choice. Shikigami do not appear in any onmyōdō texts, even though they are a mainstay of texts about onmyōdō, and especially of modern literature involving onmyōji.

It would be unfair to say shikigami and their prominence are merely a modern misconception, though. Virtually all of the famous legends about onmyōji feature shikigami, starting with the earliest examples from the eleventh century. Based on Konjaku Monogatari, there evidently was a fascination with shikigami at the time of its compilation. Fujiwara no Akihira in the Shinsarugakuki treats the control of shikigami as an essential skill of an onmyōji, alongside the abilities to “freely summon the twelve guardian deities, call thirty-six types of wild birds (...), create spells and talismans, open and close the eyes of kijin (鬼神; “demon gods”), and manipulate human souls”. 

It is generally agreed that such accounts, even though they belong to the realm of literary fiction, can shed light on the nature and importance of shikigami. They ultimately reflect their historical context to some degree. Furthermore, it is not impossible that popular understanding of shikigami based on literary texts influenced genuine onmyōdō tradition. It’s worth pointing out that today legends about Abe no Seimei involving them are disseminated by two contemporary shrines dedicated to him, the Seimei Shrine (晴明神社) in Kyoto and the Abe no Seimei Shrine (安倍晴明神社) in Osaka. Interconnected networks of exchange between literature and religious practice are hardly a unique or modern phenomenon. 

However, even with possible evidence from historical literature taken into account, it is not easy to define shikigami. The word itself can be written in three different ways: 式神 (or just 式), 識神 and 職神, with the first being the default option. The descriptions are even more varied, which understandably lead to the rise of numerous interpretations in modern scholarship. Carolyn Pang in her recent treatments of shikigami, which you can find in the bibliography, has recently divided them into five categories. I will follow her classification below.

Shikigami take 1: rikujin-shikisen

An example of shikiban, the divination board used in rikujin-shikisen (Museum of Kyoto, via onmarkproductions.com; reproduced here for educational purposes only)

A common view is that shikigami originate as a symbolic representation of the power of shikisen (式占) or more specifically rikujin-shikisen (六壬式占), the most common form of divination in onmyōdō. It developed from Chinese divination methods in the Nara period, and remained in the vogue all the way up to the sixteenth century, when it was replaced by ekisen (易占), a method derived from the Chinese Book of Changes.

Shikisen required a special divination board known as shikiban (式盤), which consists of a square base, the “earth panel” (地盤, jiban), and a rotating circle placed on top of it, the “heaven panel” (天盤, tenban). The former was marked with twelve points representing the signs of the zodiac and the latter with representations of the “twelve guardians of the months” (十二月将, jūni-gatsushō; their identity is not well defined). The heaven panel had to be rotated, and the diviner had to interpret what the resulting combination of symbols represents. Most commonly, it was treated as an indication whether an unusual phenomenon (怪/恠, ke) had positive or negative implications. It’s worth pointing out that in the middle ages the shikiban also came to be used in some esoteric Buddhist rituals, chiefly these focused on Dakiniten, Shōten and Nyoirin Kannon. However, they were only performed between the late Heian and Muromachi periods, and relatively little is known about them. In most cases the divination board was most likely modified to reference the appropriate esoteric deities.

Shikigami take 2: cognitive abilities

While the view that shikigami represented shikisen is strengthened by the fact both terms share the kanji 式, a variant writing, 識神, lead to the development of another proposal. Since the basic meaning of 識 is “consciousness”, it is sometimes argued that shikigami were originally an “anthropomorphic realization of the active psychological or mental state”, as Caroline Pang put it - essentially, a representation of the will of an onmyōji. Most of the potential evidence in this case comes from Buddhist texts, such as Bosatsushotaikyō (菩薩処胎経). 

However, Bernard Faure assumes that the writing 識神 was a secondary reinterpretation, basically a wordplay based on homonymy. He points out the Buddhist sources treat this writing of shikigami as a synonym of kushōjin (倶生神). This term can be literally translated as “deities born at the same time”. Most commonly it designates a pair of minor deities who, as their name indicates, come into existence when a person is born, and then records their deeds through their entire life. Once the time for Enma’s judgment after death comes, they present him with their compiled records. It has been argued that they essentially function like a personification of conscience. 

Shikigami take 3: energy

A further speculative interpretation of shikigami in scholarship is that this term was understood as a type of energy present in objects or living beings which onmyōji were believed to be capable of drawing out and harnessing to their ends. This could be an adaptation of the Daoist notion of qi (氣). If this definition is correct, pieces of paper or wooden instruments used in purification ceremonies might be examples of objects utilized to channel shikigami. 

The interpretation of shikigami as a form of energy is possibly reflected in Konjaku Monogatari in the tale The Tutelage of Abe no Seimei under Tadayuki. It revolves around Abe no Seimei’s visit to the house of the Buddhist monk Kuwanten from Hirosawa. Another of his guests asks Seimei if he is capable of killing a person with his powers, and if he possesses shikigami. He affirms that this is possible, but makes it clear that it is not an easy task. Since the guests keep urging him to demonstrate nonetheless, he promptly demonstrates it using a blade of grass. Once it falls on a frog, the animal is instantly crushed to death. From the same tale we learn that Seimei’s control over shikigami also let him remotely close the doors and shutters in his house while nobody was inside.

Shikigami take 4: curse As I already mentioned, arts which can be broadly described as magic - like the already mentioned jujutsu or juhō (呪法, “magic rituals”) - were regarded as a core part of onmyōji’s repertoire from the Heian period onward. On top of that, the unlicensed onmyōji were almost exclusively associated with curses. Therefore, it probably won’t surprise you to learn that yet another theory suggests shikigami is simply a term for spells, curses or both. A possible example can be found in Konjaku Monogatari, in the tale Seimei sealing the young Archivist Minor Captains curse - the eponymous curse, which Seimei overcomes with protective rituals, is described as a shikigami.

Kunisuda Utagawa's illustration of an actor portraying Dōman in a kabuki play (wikimedia commons)

Similarities between certain descriptions of shikigami and practices such as  fuko (巫蠱) and goraihō (五雷法) have been pointed out. Both of these originate in China. Fuko is the use of poisonous, venomous or otherwise negatively perceived animals to create curses, typically by putting them in jars, while goraihō is the Japanese version of Daoist spells meant to control supernatural beings, typically ghosts or foxes. It’s worth noting that a legend according to which Dōman cursed Fujiwara no Michinaga on behalf of lord Horikawa (Fujiwara no Akimitsu) involves him placing the curse - which is itself not described in detail -  inside a jar.

Mitsuki Ueno notes that in the Kōchi Prefecture the phrase shiki wo utsu, “to strike with a shiki”, is still used to refer to cursing someone. However, shiki does not necessarily refer to shikigami in this context, but rather to a related but distinct concept - more on that later.

Shikigami take 5: supernatural being

While all four definitions I went through have their proponents, yet another option is by far the most common - the notion of shikigami being supernatural beings controlled by an onmyōji. This is essentially the standard understanding of the term today among general audiences. Sometimes attempts are made to identify it with a specific category of supernatural beings, like spirits (精霊, seirei), kijin or lesser deities (下級神, kakyū shin). However, none of these gained universal support. Generally speaking, there is no strong indication that shikigami were necessarily imagined as individualized beings with distinct traits.

The notion of shikigami being supernatural beings is not just a modern interpretation, though, for the sake of clarity. An early example where the term is unambiguously used this way is a tale from Ōkagami in which Seimei sends a nondescript shikigami to gather information. The entity, who is not described in detail, possesses supernatural skills, but simultaneously still needs to open doors and physically travel. 

An illustration from Nakifudō Engi Emaki (wikimedia commons)

In Genpei Jōsuiki there is a reference to Seimei’s shikigami having a terrifying appearance which unnerved his wife so much he had to order the entities to hide under a bride instead of residing in his house. Carolyn Pang suggests that this reflects the demon-like depictions from works such as Abe no Seimei-kō Gazō (安倍晴明公画像; you can see it in the Heian section), Fudōriyaku Engi Emaki and Nakifudō Engi Emaki.

Shikigami and related concepts

A gohō dōji, as depicted in the Shigisan Engi Emaki (wikimedia commons)

The understanding of shikigami as a “spirit servant” of sorts can be compared with the Buddhist concept of minor protective deities, gohō dōji (護法童子;  literally “dharma-protecting lads”). These in turn were just one example of the broad category of gohō (護法), which could be applied to virtually any deity with protective qualities, like the historical Buddha’s defender Vajrapāṇi or the Four Heavenly Kings. A notable difference between shikigami and gohō is the fact that the former generally required active summoning - through chanting spells and using mudras - while the latter manifested on their own in order to protect the pious. Granted, there are exceptions. There is a well attested legend according to which Abe no Seimei’s shikigami continued to protect his residence on own accord even after he passed away. Shikigami acting on their own are also mentioned in Zoku Kojidan (続古事談). It attributes the political downfall of Minamoto no Takaakira (源高明; 914–98) to his encounter with two shikigami who were left behind after the onmyōji who originally summoned them forgot about them.

A degree of overlap between various classes of supernatural helpers is evident in texts which refer to specific Buddhist figures as shikigami. I already brought up the case of the kushōjin earlier. Another good example is the Tendai monk Kōshū’s (光宗; 1276–1350) description of Oto Gohō (乙護法). He is “a shikigami that follows us like the shadow follows the body. Day or night, he never withdraws; he is the shikigami that protects us” (translation by Bernard Faure). This description is essentially a reversal of the relatively common title “demon who constantly follow beings” (常随魔, jōzuima). It was applied to figures such as Kōjin, Shōten or Matarajin, who were constantly waiting for a chance to obstruct rebirth in a pure land if not placated properly.

The Twelve Heavenly Generals (Tokyo National Museum, via wikimedia commons)

A well attested group of gohō, the Twelve Heavenly Generals (十二神将, jūni shinshō), and especially their leader Konpira (who you might remember from my previous article), could be labeled as shikigami. However, Fujiwara no Akihira’s description of onmyōji skills evidently presents them as two distinct classes of beings.

A kuda-gitsune, as depicted in Shōzan Chomon Kishū by Miyoshi Shōzan (Waseda University History Museum; reproduced here for educational purposes only)

Granted, Akihira also makes it clear that controlling shikigami and animals are two separate skills. Meanwhile, there is evidence that in some cases animal familiars, especially kuda-gitsune used by iizuna (a term referring to shugenja associated with the cult of, nomen omen, Iizuna Gongen, though more broadly also something along the lines of “sorcerer”), were perceived as shikigami.

Beliefs pertaining to gohō dōji and shikigami seemingly merged in Izanagi-ryū, which lead to the rise of the notion of shikiōji (式王子; ōji, literally “prince”, can be another term for gohō dōji). This term refers to supernatural beings summoned by a ritual specialist (祈祷師, kitōshi) using a special formula from doctrinal texts (法文, hōmon). They can fulfill various functions, though most commonly they are invoked to protect a person, to remove supernatural sources of diseases, to counter the influence of another shikiōji or in relation to curses.

Tenkeisei, the god of shikigami

Tenkeisei (wikimedia commons)

The final matter which warrants some discussion is the unusual tradition regarding the origin of shikigami which revolves around a deity associated with this concept. 

In the middle ages, a belief that there were exactly eighty four thousand shikigami developed. Their source was the god Tenkeisei (天刑星; also known as Tengyōshō). His name is the Japanese reading of Chinese Tianxingxing. It can be translated as “star of heavenly punishment”. This name fairly accurately explains his character. He was regarded as one of the so-called “baleful stars” (凶星, xiong xing) capable of controlling destiny. The “punishment” his name refers to is his treatment of disease demons (疫鬼, ekiki). However, he could punish humans too if not worshiped properly.

Today Tenkeisei is best known as one of the deities depicted in a series of paintings known as Extermination of Evil, dated to the end of the twelfth century. He has the appearance of a fairly standard multi-armed Buddhist deity. The anonymous painter added a darkly humorous touch by depicting him right as he dips one of the defeated demons in vinegar before eating him. Curiously, his adversaries are said to be Gozu Tennō and his retinue in the accompanying text. This, as you will quickly learn, is a rather unusual portrayal of the relationship between these two deities.

I’m actually not aware of any other depictions of Tenkeisei than the painting you can see above. Katja Triplett notes that onmyōdō rituals associated with him were likely surrounded by an aura of secrecy, and as a result most depictions of him were likely lost or destroyed. At the same time, it seems Tenkeisei enjoyed considerable popularity through the Kamakura period. This is not actually paradoxical when you take the historical context into account: as I outlined in my recent Amaterasu article, certain categories of knowledge were labeled as secret not to make their dissemination forbidden, but to imbue them with more meaning and value.

Numerous talismans inscribed with Tenkeisei’s name are known. Furthermore, manuals of rituals focused on him have been discovered. The best known of them, Tenkeisei-hō (天刑星法; “Tenkeisei rituals”), focuses on an abisha (阿尾捨, from Sanskrit āveśa), a ritual involving possession by the invoked deity. According to a legend was transmitted by Kibi no Makibi and Kamo no Yasunori. The historicity of this claim is doubtful, though: the legend has Kamo no Yasunori visit China, which he never did. Most likely mentioning him and Makibi was just a way to provide the text with additional legitimacy.

Other examples of similar Tenkeisei manuals include Tenkeisei Gyōhō (天刑星行法; “Methods of Tenkeisei Practice”) and Tenkeisei Gyōhō Shidai (天刑星行法次第; “Methods of Procedure for the Tenkeisei Practice”). Copies of these texts have been preserved in the Shingon temple Kōzan-ji.

The Hoki Naiden also mentions Tenkeisei. It equates him with Gozu Tennō, and explains both of these names refer to the same deity, Shōki (商貴), respectively in heaven and on earth. While Shōki is an adaptation of the famous Zhong Kui, it needs to be pointed out that here he is described not as a Tang period physician but as an ancient king of Rajgir in India. Furthermore, he is a yaksha, not a human. This fairly unique reinterpretation is also known from the historical treatise Genkō Shakusho. Post scriptum The goal of this article was never to define shikigami. In the light of modern scholarship, it’s basically impossible to provide a single definition in the first place. My aim was different: to illustrate that context is vital when it comes to understanding obscure historical terms. Through history, shikigami evidently meant slightly different things to different people, as reflected in literature. However, this meaning was nonetheless consistently rooted in the evolving perception of onmyōdō - and its internal changes. In other words, it reflected a world which was fundamentally alive. The popular image of Japanese culture and religion is often that of an artificial, unchanging landscape straight from the “age of the gods”, largely invented in the nineteenth century or later to further less than noble goals. The case of shikigami proves it doesn’t need to be, though. The malleable, ever-changing image of shikigami, which remained a subject of popular speculation for centuries before reemerging in a similar role in modern times, proves that the more complex reality isn’t necessarily any less interesting to new audiences.

Bibliography

Bernard Faure, A Religion in Search of a Founder?

Idem, Rage and Ravage (Gods of Medieval Japan vol. 3)

Makoto Hayashi, The Female Christian Yin-Yang Master

Jun’ichi Koike, Onmyōdō and Folkloric Culture: Three Perspectives for the Development of Research

Irene H. Lin, Child Guardian Spirits (Gohō Dōji) in the Medieval Japanese Imaginaire

Yoshifumi Nishioka, Aspects of Shikiban-Based Mikkyō Rituals

Herman Ooms, Yin-Yang's Changing Clientele, 600-800 (note there is n apparent mistake in one of the footnotes, I'm pretty sure the author wanted to write Mesopotamian astronomy originated 4000 years ago, not 4 millenia BCE as he did; the latter date makes little sense)

Carolyn Pang, Spirit Servant: Narratives of Shikigami and Onmyōdō Developments

Idem, Uncovering Shikigami. The Search for the Spirit Servant of Onmyōdō

Shin’ichi Shigeta, Onmyōdō and the Aristocratic Culture of Everyday Life in Heian Japan

Idem, A Portrait of Abe no Seimei

Katja Triplett, Putting a Face on the Pathogen and Its Nemesis. Images of Tenkeisei and Gozutennō, Epidemic-Related Demons and Gods in Medieval Japan

Mitsuki Umeno, The Origins of the Izanagi-ryū Ritual Techniques: On the Basis of the Izanagi saimon