State Terror Has Arrived
Jan. 24, 2026
By M. Gessen
Opinion Columnist
After the past three weeks of brutality in Minneapolis, it should no longer be possible to say that the Trump administration seeks merely to govern this nation. It seeks to reduce us all to a state of constant fear â a fear of violence from which some people may at a given moment be spared, but from which no one will ever be truly safe. That is our new national reality. State terror has arrived.
Please look at this list with me. Since early January, when Immigration and Customs Enforcement expanded its operation in Minneapolis and St. Paul, Minn., federal officers have: killed Renee Good, a white middle-class mother; menaced a pregnant immigration lawyer in her firmâs parking lot; detained numerous U.S. citizens, including one who was dragged out of his house in his underwear; smashed in the windows of cars and detained their occupants, including a U.S. citizen who was on her way to a medical appointment at a traumatic brain injury center; set off crowd-control grenades and a tear gas container next to a car that contained six children, including a 6-month-old; swept an airport, demanding to see peopleâs papers and arresting more than a dozen people who were working there; detained a 5-year-old. And now they have killed another U.S. citizen, Alex Jeffrey Pretti, an I.C.U. nurse with no criminal record. It seems he was white. The agents had him down on the ground, subdued, before they apparently fired at least 10 shots at point-blank range.
Confronted with a list like this â a deluge like this â we look for details that might explain why these people were subjected to this treatment, details that might reassure us that we, by contrast, are not in danger. Good was in a relationship with a woman, and her partner, who is butch, spoke impertinently to an ICE officer, so there, Good wasnât your average white mother after all. ChongLy Thao, the man who was dragged out of his house in his underwear, is an immigrant from Laos; he is not white, and presumably he speaks with an accent. The woman on her way to the medical appointment and the family with six kids drove through areas where anti-ICE protests were taking place. The 5-year-old childâs family doesnât have permanent status. Little is known about Pretti at this writing, but his father said he did participate in protests and he might have been carrying a gun (legally).
We donât focus on these details in order to justify the federal agentsâ actions, which are plainly brutal and unjustifiable; we do it to force the world to make sense, and to calm our nerves. If we donât talk back, if we alter our routes to avoid protests, if we are lucky enough to be white, straight, natural-born Americans â or, if we are not, but we lie low, stay quiet â we will be safe. Conversely, we can choose to speak up, to go to protests, to take a risk. Either way, we tell ourselves, if we can predict the consequences, we have agency.
But thatâs not how state terror works.
In the 1990s, when I talked to people in the former Soviet Union about their familiesâ experiences of Stalinist terror, I was repeatedly struck by how much people seemed to know about their circumstances. Time and time again, people would tell me exactly what had led to their family membersâ arrests or executions. Jealous neighbors had reported them to the authorities, or colleagues who had been arrested named them under duress. These stories had been passed on from generation to generation. How could they come to know so much, I wondered. They couldnât. People crafted narratives out of suspicions, rumors and hints, to fill a desperate need for an explanation.
My favorite book about state terror is Lydia Chukovskayaâs âSofia Petrovna,â a short Russian novel that has been translated into English. The protagonist, a middle-aged woman loyal to Stalinâs Communist Party, loses her mind trying to make sense of her sonâs arrest. My own family history contains a corollary. After the secret police arrested most of the senior staff at the newspaper where my grandfather was a deputy editor, he waited for the knock on his door. When the secret police failed to show up night after night, week after week, he became so distressed that he checked himself into a mental institution. It could be that was how he avoided arrest. Or it could be that the secret police had filled their quota of arrests for that month.
For this was the secret about the secret police that became clear when the K.G.B. archives were opened (briefly) in the 1990s: They were ruled by quotas. Local squadrons had to arrest a certain number of citizens so they could be designated enemies of the people. That the officers often swept up groups of colleagues, friends and family members was probably a matter of convenience more than anything else. Fundamentally, the terror was random. That is, in fact, how state terror works.
The randomness is the difference between a regime based on terror and a regime that is plainly repressive. Even in brutally repressive regimes, including those of the Soviet colonies in Eastern Europe, one knew where the boundaries of acceptable behavior lay. Open protest would get one arrested; kitchen conversation would not. Writing subversive essays or novels or editing underground journals would get one arrested; reading these banned works and quietly passing them on to friends probably would not. A regime based on terror, on the other hand, deploys violence precisely to reinforce the message that anyone can be subjected to it.
When we think of the terror regimes of the past, it is tempting to superimpose a logical narrative on them, as though totalitarian leaders had an extermination to-do list and worked their way through it methodically. This, I think, is how most people understand Martin Niemöllerâs classic poem âFirst They Came.â In reality, though, the people living under those regimes never knew which group of people would be designated an enemy of the state next.
In Niemöllerâs day, terror was carried out by the secret police and the paramilitary forces â especially the SA, more commonly known as the Brownshirts â whose job it was to instill fear in the population. In 1934, Adolf Hitler had an estimated 150 to 200 members of the SAâs own leadership arrested and its top generals executed in the ultimate demonstration that no one was immune from the stateâs deadly violence. Stalin regularly carried out similar purges. Terror itself was not the end goal of those regimes, but nothing that followed would have been possible without it.
The toolbox isnât particularly varied. President Trump is using all the instruments: the reported quotas for ICE arrests; the paramilitary force made up of thugs drunk on their own brutality; the spectacle of random violence, particularly in city streets; the postmortem vilification of the victims. Itâs only natural that our brains struggle to find logic in what we are seeing. There is a logic, and this logic has a name. Itâs called state terror.
[New York Times]
