#forvik

(Note: not written for political purposes, only information on an interesting topic. Not intended to be taken as a serious examination of living monarchies)

While not the most shining example of modern monarchy, monarchist micronations are still an example to be thoroughly examined when considering the implications of creating new monarchies and how they are accepted in the present world.

To start, let’s examine a few living micronations and how they came to be:

Sealand (est. 1967)

The Crown Dependency of Forvik (declared independent in 2008)

Kingdom of Talossa (est. 1979)

Principality of Seborga (claim extends back to Middle Ages)

Each of these has notable claim to independence and has garnered support for their actions both online and in person. Let us begin with examining the famous Principality of Sealand:

Founded in 1967 on a WWII-era Maunsell Fort (originally built to defend against Axis ships, submarines, and aircraft), it was declared a principality by British-born national Patrick “Paddy” Bates after being occupied for two years. The principality faced invasion by British authorities (despite being in international waters) was sacked by mercenaries hired by a former associate of Bates, saw the “Crown Prince” Michael taken hostage, and eventually was given its independence. This micronation is seen as a symbol of independent thought and innovation in the face of adversity. Today, Sealand continues to operate as a monarchist state and has sports teams, sells/produces titles of nobility, passports, currency, and is active in social media. One of the first modern micronations, it has certainly been an interesting addition to British history and has stood as inspiration for later micronations. More information can be found here:

https://sealandgov.org/

The Crown Dependency of Forvik was established in 2008 on a small island within the Scottish Shetland islands. While not as “legitimate” (as much as a micronation can be) as the others listed, this principality has never had a physical population and citizenship can only be obtained through yearly payments online. On the island, though, there are the remnants of a structure that cannot conclusively be identified. It could be anything from a Pictish era fort-type building to a sheep pen. In any case, ownership is disputed between Mark King, the original owner of the island, and Stuart Hill, or “Captain Calamity”, who had shipwrecked there while attempting to sail around the British Isles. The small island was declared a Crown Dependency, making it independent of the British Crown and self-governing. This, Hill claims, has inspired Shetland secessionists and he is actively involved in their movements. According to the Wikipedia page on the Crown Dependency of Forvik (for lack of better source): “Hill cited an arrangement struck in 1469 between King Christian I of Denmark/Norway and Scotland’s King James III, whereby Christian effectively pawned the Shetland Islands to James in order to raise money for his daughter's dowry. He contended that, as the loan was never repaid and no other legal agreement ever put in place, Shetland remains in a constitutional limbo, and should properly enjoy the status of Crown Dependencies such as the Isle of Man or the Channel Islands. The validity of this was not accepted by the British government.” Now, the Crown Dependency of Forvik serves as a symbol for Shetland secessionists who strive for independence of the British Crown. More information can be found here (with additional links to other references):

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Forewick_Holm

The Kingdom of Talossa (Talossa is Finnish for “within the house”) was created in 1979 in Milwaukee, Wisconsin in the bedroom of 14 year old Robert Madison. It was documented in publications such as Wired and the New York Times garnering interest in the micronation and inspiring people to obtain Talossian “citizenship”. The Kingdom of Talossa developed to the point that the nation has its own language, with an extensive vocabulary based primarily on French. Though claiming an area of only 13 km2 in Milwaukee, the small country claims a population of around 250 individuals from multiple nations that maintain their citizenship primarily online. Talossa takes pride in its culture and language, and is arguably far more developed than other micronations. While the Kingdom of Talossa has a very spread-out “populace”, it is surprisingly close-knit with online forums, occasional physical meetings, and active cabinet involvement from members. For the purposes of this list, the Kingdom of Talossa may be considered the most complex of the given micronations. Between the developed culture, artificial language, and tight community, Talossa is a unique micronation. More information can be found here:

https://talossa.com/

The Principality of Seborga is perhaps the most legitimate on this list. Founded as a micronation in 1963 by Giorgio Carbone, he claimed that Vatican records showed Seborga as never having fallen under the jurisdiction of the House of Savoy, therefore making it a continually independent nation since 954 A.D. The same year as its refoundation, the people of Seborga voted to make Carbone their monarch, styling himself as His Tremendousness Prince Giorgio I of Serboga. The position is not hereditary, and every seven years a new head of state is voted on. After the death of Giorgio I, Italian-Swiss businessman Marcello Menegatto was elected Prince of Seborga and ruled until his abdication in 2019, after which his wife became ruler of Seborga as Princess Nina Menegatto. Although Seborga claims to have been recognized as a sovereign nation by Burkina Faso, which would make it the most legitimate of the nations in this list, and has a (supposed) history of independence dating back longer than a portion of modern nations, the validity of Seborga’s claims to statehood have been speculated by some to be a ploy in the interest of attracting tourists. Even if it isn’t a true, this micronation is unique in its claims compared to others. More information can be found here:

https://www.principatodiseborga.com/pds/

MANTHEY KULA, FORVIK FERRY TERMINAL,  NORWAY - FORVIK , 2015

By Stephen Castle, NY Times, April 19, 2017

SANDNESS, Shetland Islands--With gray clouds building and rain slanting in over the Atlantic, Stuart Hill pointed to a small lump of land inhabited by an otter, a few seals and a variety of seabirds.

To the rest of the world, this barren, inhospitable and largely inaccessible rock off the coastline of the Shetland Islands is a part of Scotland, on the northernmost tip of Britain. To Mr. Hill, it is the sovereign state of Forvik, whose independence he proclaimed in 2008, arguing that it--along with the oil-rich Shetland Islands themselves--is legally neither part of Scotland nor Britain.

Needless to say, the authorities here do not agree. The police have confiscated three vehicles from Mr. Hill after he drove in Shetland with Forvik license plates he designed, and he has spent 28 days in prison (including a brief hunger strike) for challenging the authority of the courts.

Yet, while many Shetlanders regard Mr. Hill as an eccentric, a growing number are being drawn to calls for more independence for their remote and scenic isles.

On this beautiful windswept archipelago, closer to Norway than to mainland Scotland, Wir Shetland, a group that promotes “self-government,” counts about 400 members and claims the support of four times that many.

Even though Gary Robinson, leader of the Shetland Islands Council, opposes independence, he favors more autonomy. To that end, he is pursuing links beyond Edinburgh and London, through the Nordic Council, which includes Denmark and Norway, as well as the Faroe and Aland Islands. Mr. Robinson is also working with neighboring Orkney, whose council recently produced a report on self-determination.

Unleashed by Britain’s planned withdrawal from the European Union, known as Brexit, the debate underscores the forces of fragmentation threatening to turn the United Kingdom into a contradiction in terms.

The domino effects of Brexit have been felt clearly in Scotland, where there is new pressure for Scottish independence, and in Northern Ireland, where there are calls for a vote on joining Ireland. But now the ripples are reaching Shetland, which has a population of 23,000, but a distinct identity.

In 2014, Shetland voted against independence for Scotland by 63.7 percent to 36.2 percent in a referendum that rejected separation.

But last year’s referendum on Brexit, in which a majority of Scots voted to remain, brought closer another plebiscite on Scottish independence, leaving Shetlanders wondering whether they might be better off controlling their own affairs--and the lucrative energy reserves and fishing stocks in the seas around them.

Shaped by their Viking, rather than Celtic, roots, the Shetlands have a unique culture. Small Shetland ponies are a frequent sight in much of its panoramic landscape, and the red and blue houses of parts of its capital, Lerwick, look more Nordic than British.

Mr. Hill (who comes from England) would argue that is because the Shetlands aren’t Scottish at all. The islands were pawned to King James III of Scotland in 1469 by Christian I of Denmark and Norway in exchange for a wedding dowry for his daughter.

To this day, however, historians struggle to identify a point at which they became, legally, Scottish. Hence, Mr. Hill’s case that the Shetlands belong neither to Scotland nor to Britain.

To critics, discussion of independence for a tiny clutch of islands, while far-fetched, underscores the growing risk of the post-Brexit Balkanization of Britain.

“We live in a globalized world. This is the time to be rubbing out lines on the map, not drawing new ones,” said the local member of the British Parliament, Alistair Carmichael. He concedes, however, that Shetland’s relationship with power centers can be strained.

“We have a history of having to push water uphill against Edinburgh,” he said. “From London, you get benign neglect, but you get patronized from Edinburgh.”

Inspecting boxes of haddock and cod at Lerwick’s busy wholesale fish market, Gary Smith, skipper of a trawler, agrees.

“I would never say to anybody I am Scottish--never,” he said.

Shetland has its specific concerns, like ferry services and the sustainability of rural schools, he said against the backdrop of a harbor where seals regularly bob to the surface.

The way people behave is different too, and generally rather nicer, he added. “They tolerate more; they are not so volatile,” he said. On Shetland, people cannot avoid one another for long, he said, so before starting an argument that might escalate into a bitter personal feud, you think, “Why make life difficult for yourself?”

Yet, collectively, Shetlanders are becoming more argumentative. Given the oil beneath the seabed and the seafood in nearby waters, there is seething resentment that public spending has been reduced.

“There’s a feeling in Shetland that everybody is working and we are paying into the pot, and we are getting shortchanged,” Mr. Smith said. He thinks Mr. Hill has a good historical case, but jokes that he is “probably about 400 years too late with his argument.”

The Shetland Islands Council has a reserve fund, financed by the oil industry, currently worth a hefty $375 million--more than $16,000 for every inhabitant--but there are worries that it is being drained by funding cuts from Edinburgh.

At the St. Magnus Bay Hotel she runs in scenic Hillswick, Andrea Manson, a councilor and Wir Shetland supporter, argues that, had the islands won independence decades ago, “we would have been rich on the same sort of scale as Norway, with millions of pounds in the bank for each person; we would be treated with more respect.”