You know what i find absolutely irritating about the modern 'literature' of the left? The sheer amount of ignorant slop that gets lauded as a "wonderful critique of capitalism." I understand not everyone likes capitalism, you can have that oppinion, it's okay. But if youâre going to critique it, at least try understand the topic you are writing about. So much of what I see could be decent if the writers actually bothered reading their own work before patting themselves on the back.
A lot of dystopias focus on workers suffering, and sure, suffering is is punchy, it gets attention. However when the authors only focus is suffering, rather than the system, it's hard to call it capitalism. Itâs not even cronyism. Itâs just needless suffering.
They justify everything as 'profit', when making sadistic decisions that actively hurt profits. Killing workers without a care? Providing 'un'safety equipment? How is a capitalist supposed to exploit labor if the labor force is dead? If work stops every other day to replace employees?
Some of these fictional capitalists donât even seem to want profit. they just like suffering. Honestly it could be a good story, if the writer actually thought about what they were talking about: power. You want to critique elites? Class structure? Hierarchy? Go for it! But the moment you say "in the name of profit" when it should be "in the name of control" or "because theyâre sadistic," youâre not critiquing capitalismâyouâre just writing nonsense. If my eyes roll any further back, they might detach.
Write what you want, but actually think about what youâre saying. Capitalism can be critiqued thereâs plenty of real-world exploitation and you donât even have to dig deep to find it.
But when your "capitalists" are so antithetical to the identity theyâre supposed to represent, itâs just bad writing. Plain and simple.
Itâs absolutely possible to write a story where capitalism is a means to achieve power and do evil. Thatâs a valid, compelling interesting angle! It can spark interesting dilemmas and even make actual capitalists reconsider certain aspects of the system. But if your characters are one-dimensional, itâs bad writing. And if theyâre not even one-dimensional?
Anya is live and ready to show you everything. Watch her strip, dance, and perform exclusive shows just for you. Interact in real-time and make your fantasies come true.
â Live Streamingâ Interactive Chatâ Private Showsâ HD Qualityâ Free Actions
Free to watch ⢠No registration required ⢠HD streaming
Whenever I'm not posting art I'm making OCs and writing lore for this stupid fandom. Q_Q Here's Agorism! He's so beautiful and I love him.
For my design, I was inspired by the Agorist principles of counter-economics (the use of the black and grey market) so I made him a freelancer who does various short-term jobs and doesn't hold a specific occupation though he specialises in private investigation. Agorism is also a non-revolutionary anarchist ideology that supports a non-violent overthrow of the state, therefore he tries to avoid jobs that are inherently violent or part of the red market.
âł {Lore ramblings below!:}
Agorism is a Cis-man (He/Him) and Unlabeled (if he had a label he'd be on the bi-spectrum). Character-wise he's light-hearted, attentive and caring outside of work.
He's an ex-government agent and now primarily works as a private investigator (his preferred line of work) though he can be hired for other jobs such as being a bodyguard or delivering packages and selling illegal products on behalf of others. He's non-violent and avoids conflict when he can, but due to the sensitive and risky nature of his jobs, he will inevitably end up in some form of conflict.
He's unaligned in Das Kapitacide and works independently and on his own terms, though you'll often find him in Ancapistan due to his work and the individuals he has to deal with, for example you'll frequently find him in AnCorp.'s many casinos discussing with clients or building connections. The members of AnCorp. are either vaguely familiar or closely familiar with Agorism.
âł {Other miscellaneous details!:}
âŚ=- Agorism is Middle Eastern (still deciding on a specific ethnicity) but grew up in New York.
âŚ=- He has white pupils which causes light sensitivity, therefore he prefers being in dimly lit areas and working at night. He'd wear sunglasses in the day.
âŚ=- He's in a casual relationship with Neoliberalism.
This could be considered the libertarian equivalent of a card trick. In sleight-of-hand, the object is to have the member of the audience choose the card you want him to, while letting him choose whatever he wants. The libertarian trying to conjure up a convertâor at least a little attentionâcan load his deck in the same way.
Whatâs the trick? The stage magician wants you to select a card, any cardâbut from his deck. And the adept libertarian asks the same: select an âantiâ position from the Deck of Political Issues.
So if the âmember of the audienceâ says heâs anti-tomato soup, or anti-brushing oneâs teeth four times a day, the libertarian just shrugs and says, âLaissez faire!â Then you remind the mark that he was supposed to pick a card from the deck, select an âantiâ from political issues.
Anti-busing? Even the most retarded libertarian could demonstrate that the State is responsible for busing to atone for the sins of segregation visited upon the seventh generation.
Anti-gun? Well, this may bother some gun nut libertarians, but the trick, I assure you, always works. If the rube throws you a curve, reverse your stance to catch it. Try this:
âIâm sure youâll agree we canât get rid of all guns by force. After all, who will get rid of the guns held by those who are forcing everyone else to hold them?
âBut actually, there are indeed far more guns than people would freely produce if they had their way. And you know who has the most gunsâto be used for offensive as well as defensive purposesânot to mention gas, planes, neutron bombs, killer lasers, missiles, tanks and on and on?â
Needless to say, the audience is once again facing the State as the obstacle to the satisfaction of their anti-ness. The same âreverse stanceâ can be used whether youâre given anti-sexism or anti-feminism, anti-pollution or anti-ecology, anti-war or anti-(reason for the war).
Anti-tax? You should be so lucky.
Now if Iâm really that good a libertarian magician, I should be able to foil my own trick. Suppose I enter a parlor where some alleged libertarian, having only read the first half of this article, is wowing the guests with my ploy. Heâs a deviationist of some kind, so assume I am annoyed. He decides to rub it in by looking at me, asking me to fall for my gambit. âPick an anti, any . . .â
âAnti-repeal. â
More than likely, this deviationist is an anarcho-democrat (polite term for political-process libertarians ranging from cuddly Roycians to fire-breathing Partyarchs). If there is one thing every anarcho-democrat believes, one common denominator for any libertarian whoâs the least bit soft-core on politics, it is support of repeal. Repeal of laws, repeal of taxes, repeal of regulations, repeal of office (impeachment)âwhat libertarian could be against that?
Got him!
But maybe this person has read two-thirds of the way through this article and was expecting this. Suppose, fiendishly, he throws it, back at me, like so:
âSay, arenât you the guy who came up with this trick? Yeah, thatâs right. OK, why donât you show us all how to answer it?â
As I said, a good libertarian magician should be able to foil his own trick. A great libertarian wizard should be able to counter the foil when used on him. So Iâd answer thusly:
ââTo repealâ means âto enact legislation withdrawing or nullifying other legislation.â That is, the supporters of a repeal divide into two groups: those who gain by further political processing, and those who just want to get another law off their backs.
âBut many, if not most, laws are perceived to affect only a small interest group in a statist society; hence, in order to use the political process to get the law in question off their backs, the latter group must devote resources to persuade the less concerned to bestir themselves. The former groupâpoliticians and their jackalsâprofit by allocating the resources and consuming much.
âThe alternative is for the latter group (victims is a good name) to devote whatever resources they have for the struggle to protect or defend themselves while they are ignoring the law. Suddenly, the equation changes.
âNow the dead weight of the unconcerned has to be stirred to gain resources and consent to crack down on the law-abolitionists (counter-economists).
âFinally, a coalition of repeal groups, seeking repeals of various laws, find it difficult to see the common enemy (the State) and rather see themselves competing for the same people, same money, same time for their particular repeal. In stark contrast, every counter-economist is in solidarity with every other. âThe Manâ is enemy of the smuggler, prostitute, dealer and street gambler alike. To fink is the ultimate crime.
âRepeal, then, perpetuates the State, and even where it passes, it leaves 99 and 44/100 of the oppression and plunder. The direct action of counter-economics consumes capital only for the specific purpose desired, and can never be used to sustain the State. Every counter-economic act takes from the taxman and regulator, and snubs noses at their authority.
âAnd thatâs why libertarian are anti-repeal as well.â
And thatâs how the trick is done. Some may call it sorcery; I call it consistency. For an anti? Why, youâre libertarian! Presto!
Looked at Project 2025... and oh no! It's a standard conservative platform! With gasp "Anti-Woke Language"! DUN DUN DUUUUUUUN
But seriously, this shit is nothing new, most of it is promises that Republicans have been making for a while and do nothing about, even Trump. There's nothing in this about turning Trump into a dictator with full power over the government and the people, there's no building camps for the gays, trans, and minorities, it's just the boring old normal. The blue train is fear mongering about it, the red train is fear mongering what would happen without it, but it's literally just bleh.
I'm still not voting and this hasn't convinced me of some necessity to do so. I'd rather continue on with counter-economic means than to touch the partyarchy.
Anya is live and ready to show you everything. Watch her strip, dance, and perform exclusive shows just for you. Interact in real-time and make your fantasies come true.
â Live Streamingâ Interactive Chatâ Private Showsâ HD Qualityâ Free Actions
Free to watch ⢠No registration required ⢠HD streaming
so during a discussion with my closest confidante on this website, i mention my own âanalysis paralysisâ and the fact i struggle with this bad habit of living in my own head and making things up potentially for mental stimulation or some other thing, and something came to mind about my experience as a young teen in the punk scene. it hasnât been all too long since then, but i want to dispense some wisdom for the youngins interested in it as i was.
the problem with âthe sceneâ is that itâs filled with older punks who will have a LOT of insight on how it was way back when and what they believe, but most of their time talking to you in the back garden while they smoke a joint will be reminiscing. there wonât be much âgood adviceâ on the current state of affairs unless youâre lucky because when theyâre there with you, talking to you, itâs like theyâve gone back to a moment in time long ago so your mentioning of whatâs happening now is like a thought experiment to who youâre chatting with. like they havenât experienced it themselves. a lot of what theyâll say is based on what they think theyâre hearing from someone else who may not even be anti-establishment and promoting pro-state (lol prostate) propaganda. you wonât get that much advice on how you feel post lockdown as a young person, or about how complex the anarchist environment is with all of the brand new terms that kind of all mean the same thing. itâs not whatâs on tv and itâs not what their friends send them so they donât have a robust understanding, which is fine, but you, as a young person with a malleable mind, should not depend on these people for information as i did.
i know a guy who is permanently repping a ânazi punks fuck offâ shirt, in a band, plays local, will talk to you for hours, seems very legit. in fact he is a family friend, who introduced me to the irl scene. problem is he cannot face the plight of the current generation despite having children of his own and just goes âhurr durr yes sirâ to whatever is on the tv to later yell down a microphone about being anti-corporate fuck the government fuck the rich etc etc.
if you do want to hang around these people, go for it. but go with an adult, first of all; they will still try to give you drinks despite knowing you age. and second, you should still seek other input from the places you typically wouldnât go. matter of fact, go outside and observe how you live, where you live, how others are living, what is causing their circumstances et cetera. donât forget to read, either. you are smart enough to realise you shouldnât be governed and controlled the way you are, but you are not immune to BS that people want to/maybe unintentionally are putting in your head. your experience as a teen is invaluable, so donât waste it getting caught up in doctrine and listening to the alt quirky equivalent of your boomer grandparents.
HCPP23 | Richard M. Stallman & Amir Taaki - The Economics of Free Software
Free Software has been wildly successful, but it is also heavily infiltrated and captured by hostile predatory corporations. The biggest issue facing the movement has been the lack of funding. Computing itself which once was about interlinking systems has started looking into where users are trapped on spying devices slaves to content delivered by "the cloud". How do we formulate and orient the modern vision of computing towards society? How can we construct a collaborative p2p paradigm that empowers users rather than making them farm animals for surveillance megasystems? How can we utilize modern cryptocurrency and token-econ techniques to enable value capture for provisioning services? Join this panel where the father of free software and GNU/Linux reflects on these topics together with YOU the audience.
â˛â˛â˛
ParalelnĂ Polis is a one-Âof-Âa-Âkind nonprofit organization that brings together art, social sciences, and modern technologies.
The ideas of liberty, independence, innovative thinking, and the development of society are the main underlying foundations upon which the whole project is built. The project intends to remain state-free as it operates entirely without support from the government, and most of the funds come from voluntary contributions of our donors and partly from commercial activities such as running a unique coÂworking space and the worldâs first bitcoin-Âonly cafe. It was founded by members of a contemporary-Âart group Ztohoven, and Slovak and Czech hackerÂspaces. Its main goal is to promote economic, social, and digital freedom. We try to be a vocal voice of freedom to shape the public discourse and ultimately work towards a freer future.
HCPP23 | Richard M. Stallman & Amir Taaki â The Economics of Free Software
Richard Stallman:
I started the free software movement for freedom-respecting software â because freedom is what makes life good.
If you're using computers and you're running software, your software needs to respect your freedom too.
Otherwise, if you're running non-free software, it's an instrument for somebody else to have power over you â whoever controls what's in that software.
If you're running Apple software, then Apple has power over you. If you're running Google software, then Google has power over you. If it's Microsoft software, then Microsoft has power over you.
And that's not right.
Anyway, Iâll give a talk this evening and say more, but this is more of an interview with Amir Taaki.
Amir Taaki:
Thank you very much, sir.
So I just want to give a preamble â this should be interactive, so feel free to throw things, yeah, throw things, join in, even come up if you want.
The title says âThe Economics of Free Software.â Now, economics doesnât mean money. It comes from the ancient Greek meaning âhousehold management,â and it concerns the well-being and needs that sustain life.
The most contemporary definition of economics is:
âThe science which studies human behavior as a relationship between ends and scarce means, which have alternative uses.â
So you have a sought-after end, but there are scarce resources to achieve that end.
Given the end of technological freedom, parallel infrastructure, and ownership by society â how do we reconcile that with the means? The means being developer focus, actual resources (like money, time, quality of life), and community momentum to achieve maximal effect.
Thatâs the kind of topic I want to go more into.
If you donât mind, Iâd like to also give an introduction to you, and why you're so important to this movement.
Stallman:
Okay â but I would not have chosen that title.
Amir:
In my life, there were three moments when my mind was completely blown.
One of them was discovering Bitcoin. Another was discovering zero-knowledge proofs.
But the first â the first time was when I learned that you could change the operating system on your computer. That free software existed.
I was a teenager. I was at school. One of my friends said, âYou know, you can change the OS on your computer.â
I said, âWhat? Really?â
He said, âYeah, you know thereâs Windows and stuff, but you can change that. Thereâs another one called Linux.â (We used to call it G/Linux â but my friend said âLinux.â)
I said, âWhatâs that?â
He said, âItâs an operating system made by people all around the world. Itâs not owned by any company.â
So I went home. I started researching. I started watching videos. I saw the documentary Revolution OS. I saw Stallman.
I was so inspired. I decided I would dedicate my life to the free software movement.
That was the beginning of the path that led to where I am now.
Amir (continued):
Letâs also give some historical context.
The personal computer revolution â which Stallman was very much a part of in the 1980s â that was a time when computers were these giant machines, in the hands of industry and military.
And hackers, like me, acquired that technology because they saw it as a tool of power. They said, âWe need to bring that power to the people.â
They started getting jobs as janitors, or whatever, just to access those machines. They learned how they worked. They put them together in their garages.
People shared software freely because there was mutual recognition â a shared mission. That led to the development of the personal computer.
But then, what happened?
This formerly niche hacker community â suddenly, a ton of money started to flow in. Kind of like with crypto.
A lot of people lost their morals. They started throwing themselves at companies. The culture changed.
But one person didnât change. One person said âNo.â And that was Stallman.
Stallman:
[laughs] Well...
Amir:
When I was 16, I literally wanted to be Stallman.
I used to say, âWhen I grow up, I want to be Stallman.â I even wanted to have a beard â to look like a hacker.
But when I grew a beard, I ended up looking more like a Muslim terrorist... like Al-Qaeda. [laughter]
But seriously, Stallman is the reason many of us are here today.
I kind of liken him to the Diogenes of hacking.
I want to tell a little story â but in it, weâre going to replace Diogenes and Alexander with Stallman and Elon Musk.
So... Elon Musk comes up to Stallman and says:
âStallman, Iâm a great admirer of you. I yield to your greatness. I can offer you the heavens. What do you want from me?â
And Stallman replies:
âYouâre in my metaphorical sunlight. I want you to just get out of my way. Iâve got work to do.â
Stallman (cutting in):
No, thatâs not me. Iâm sorry to mischaracterize you.
Amir:
Fair enough, fair enough...
Stallman:
I might ask him for things he wouldnât do. True â theyâd be things that would help other people.
But he, being what he is, wouldnât want to do things that are good for other people. So he wouldnât do them.
But I wouldnât waste the opportunity just asking for âGet out of my light.â
Amir:
True. You're very perceptive and always practical.
Stallman:
Iâm a practical sort of philosopher.
I see things that are unjust, bad, painful in the world â and I look for ways to make them better with whatever is at my disposal.
Often, that calls for more than just me. So I ask other people: âWould you like to help?â
Of course, only a fraction help â but thatâs better than nothing. And so good things get done.
Amir:
I made a short two-minute video â a compendium of clips from the 1980s â with you, Stallman, talking about free software.
Itâs a gathering of hackers discussing the future of the personal computer. Theyâre talking about business and technology.
Then you stand up, in the middle of the crowd, and make a giga-Chad move. You say:
âI want to make all software free. Thatâs my life goal.â
[Video plays â archival footage from 1980s:]
At the touch of a button, you can now correct a letter without retyping it, recalculate financial projections, or send electronic mail across the world. Hundreds of programs let you manage money, draw on your screen, teach your kids to type, and play games. But the real purpose of the get-together was to discuss the unique set of values that made the computer revolution possible and to brainstorm about its future.
Richard Stallman: âMy political platform is that we need an electronic Declaration of Independence. My project is to make all software free.â
Amir (continues):
Youâve been called the last pure hacker â for staying at MIT and not chasing the temptations of the commercial world.
What early hackers had in common was a love of excellence in programming. They wanted their programs to be as good as they could be â to do neat things, exciting things that others believed impossible.
But today hackers are divided. Some believe source code â the blueprints â should be shared. Others donât.
Thereâs a quote from that same documentary:
âTools Iâll give away to anybody. But the product â thatâs my soul. I donât want anyone fooling with it.â
To which you responded with a great metaphor:
âImagine if you bought a house, but the basement was locked â and only the original builder had the key. Youâd be stuck.â
Stallman:
Yeah â and thatâs what happens when the blueprints to a computer program are kept secret by the organization that sells it. Thatâs the usual way things are done.
Amir:
Would you object if a few of us took a bow to you â just out of respect?
Stallman:
I would. It would be bad for me.
Nowadays, I get tremendous amounts of irrational, misguided hatred â but I also get tremendous amounts of perhaps excessive admiration.
Iâve learned to resist some of that influence â but I still need to keep practicing.
Instead of admiring me, admire justice, admire truth â those are the things that are bigger than me, and they are good to admire.
Amir:
Recently, you were âcanceled.â
Weâre all big believers in free speech here. You were attacked by people â would you like to talk about that?
Stallman:
I donât want to go into details.
But thereâs a website called stallmansupport.org â not written by me, but by supporters and friends. It refutes many of the false claims made about me.
Sadly, a lot of people donât even bother to check. They just see enough hostility and assume I must be a monster â because their friends say so.
And that has practical consequences.
It limits what I can do for causes like:
Free software
Justice in computing
Freedom in computing
Privacy
Still, I do what I can.
Amir:
You created the free software movement.
When you first started, a lot of people thought you were crazy.
But through your will, you created the GNU systemâŚ
Stallman:
Well â thatâs a bit of an oversimplification.
What I wanted was a world of software in which people could continue using computers and have freedom.
At that time, the old free software world had pretty much sunk beneath the waves. There was very little of it left.
So, I looked for the most practical plan: to make a free operating system similar to Unix. Unix was a non-free system, but it was widely used â and its structure made it a good model to imitate.
It was divided into many separate components. That meant each component could be replaced by someone else. Different parts could be developed in parallel, around the world.
Eventually, weâd have all the parts we needed â and weâd have a complete, free system.
I announced the GNU Project in September 1983. I started coding in January. By 1992, we more or less had a complete system.
Stallman (continues):
One of the components was a kernel called Linux. It was first released in 1991 â but initially under a non-free license.
So, at first, it didnât exist for us.
A non-free program has no value or contribution to the free world. But when its author re-released it under a free license, it became part of our free world.
So now we had a version of the GNU system that used Linux as the kernel. It became possible to get a PC, install the GNU system, and use it without software that put chains on you.
Of course, it took a few years to make it easy to install. But the important thing was: it was possible again to use a computer in freedom.
Stallman (continued):
But it didnât end there.
We want to do many things on our computers â and usually, new things come along tied to non-free software. Companies present them with chains.
So we have to come along and create free ways to do those things. Thereâs a lot of work to do.
And thereâs plenty for you hackers to help with.
Amir:
These days, we see companies like Microsoft and Google talking about âopen source.â
But in the 1980s, it was hackers who created the personal computing revolution.
Then corporations hijacked it. The free culture was lost.
You revived it â but as it started to grow again, people began to say, âWe need to bring in big business.â They stopped talking about freedom and values. Thatâs when the term âopen sourceâ was born.
Why do you think big tech finds that narrative more attractive?
Stallman:
To understand that, you need to know what the term âopen sourceâ means.
As you saw in the video, the idea of free software is about freedom â for the people who use computers.
Thatâs always been the point of the free software movement.
But in English, we donât have a word that clearly means âfree as in freedomâ and not âgratis.â In Czech, you can say âsvobodnĂ˝ software.â If we had such a word, I might have used it.
So people get confused. They think weâre talking about price. But weâre not. We donât care if you sell the software â we care whether it respects usersâ freedom.
Stallman (continued):
Some developers say,
âThis program is my soul. I donât want anyone touching it.â
But we say:
âYour freedom matters more than a developerâs ego.â
There are people who say the only value is how much money you can make.
We donât say itâs wrong to make money â but there are more important things. There are unjust ways to make money. If doing the right thing means making less, so be it.
The origin of âOpen Sourceâ and how it diverges from free software
Stallman on surveillance, âthe cloud,â and digital anonymity
A heated dive into modern tech platforms and peer-to-peer systems
Stallman (continued):
In the 1990s, there were disagreements in the free software community â disagreements between people with different values.
Some people just wanted to be successful and make money. They were involved in free software development, promotion, and use â but they didnât agree with me about why we were doing it.
In 1998, some of them coined a different term: âopen source.â They preferred it because it let them disconnect from the values I had brought into the free software movement.
Thatâs what âopen sourceâ has been ever since: a way of talking about more or less the same collection of programs, but with different underlying values.
Stallman (continued):
If you look at what open source advocates say, the values they promote tend to be:
Convenience
Success
Cooperative development
In the free software movement, we fight for people to have the right to change the programs they use, and to share those programs â so others can collaborate.
Itâs not just about whether this particular program was developed collaboratively. Itâs about whether you and your friends can collaborate on it in the future.
So for us, the key is the freedom to collaborate â to change and improve the software together.
Open source, on the other hand, tends to focus on how a particular piece of software was developed â not on what freedoms it gives the user.
Stallman (continued):
They donât criticize non-free software. They never say:
âThis program is bad because itâs closed source.â
Because they donât believe that. They donât want people to think that.
So they never even ask the question.
In contrast, for the free software movement, thatâs the most important question:
âWhy is it harmful for society if a program is non-free?â
So you have two different philosophies. And theyâve been disagreeing ever since.
What makes it hard is the misinformation.
For example:
More people will tell you that I am an open source advocate â which is false â than will tell you the truth, which is that I disagree with open source.
Most people have never heard of the free software movement. The only thing theyâve heard is someone connecting me with âopen source.â
Thatâs a pain.
How can I promote the cause I actually stand for, when everyoneâs out there saying I support the opposite?
Amir:
Fast-forward to today.
On one side, we have neoliberalism, big tech, surveillance capitalism.
On the other, we have free software.
Users are being turned into farm animals â their data harvested. Devices are designed for consumption, not creation.
Would you say the utility of a technology is linked to its ability to help people collaborate?
Stallman:
Well⌠I get the impression that many communities work together while using what I call âsnoop phones.â
Iâm not going to use a snoop phone myself â because the surveillance makes me too angry. I wonât tolerate it.
But I canât claim that no good comes from using them.
Amir:
Take platforms like Google Docs â the computing paradigm is: a user, and a company delivering âcontent.â
Stallman:
Letâs not call it âcontent.â I donât use that word.
âContentâ embodies the values of someone trying to sell a product. It reduces what people create â books, music, drawings â to stuff to fill a box.
And it says whatâs inside the box doesnât matter â just keep the box full.
Iâd rather look at a novel, a memoir, a song as a work â with value in itself, independent of whether it can be monetized.
If we use the word âcontent,â those values start to rub off on us. So I refuse to use that term.
Amir:
Okay, I hear you. But let me rephrase the question:
Is a technologyâs value linked to its ability to help communities work together?
Stallman:
Thatâs one measure.
But another is: Does the technology respect your freedom?
Does it require you to sacrifice your freedom to use it?
There are political causes I want to support â rallies Iâd like to attend. But the websites for those causes require non-free JavaScript just to find out where and when the event is.
Because of conscience, I canât visit those sites. I canât direct people to those rallies. And often, I canât go myself.
It hurts me deeply when that happens.
They focus on one cause. I focus on another. These causes donât conflict â we could help each other.
Just enough attention â enough care â to avoid harming one another. That would be good for all the good causes.
Amir:
You were part of the personal computing revolution. Hackers birthed it. Crackers too â breaking into networks, challenging authority.
Today, it feels like weâre on the defensive. We have to hack our own devices just to avoid surveillance.
What conceptual breakthroughs did you witness during that early era?
Stallman:
I donât think about that. I really donât.
I donât ask myself that kind of question. I lived through those years, but I donât analyze them in that way.
Amir:
Okay â then what did you experience firsthand? What did you see as the shifts?
Stallman:
In the early years of my computing life, any computer you could do anything useful with belonged to an institution.
It might be a school or a lab â and theyâd let me write programs on it. Sometimes because they needed those programs.
At MITâs AI lab, we â the system hackers â were staff. We wrote programs for others in the lab. Sometimes just for fun.
That was fine with me.
I didnât want to own a computer. I was happy using the labâs multi-million-dollar machine â funded by the Department of Defense.
But what mattered was what we were doing with it.
We werenât doing anything bad. Nothing military. Just useful tools.
Stallman (continued):
Some people were uncomfortable that the funding came from DARPA, especially during the Vietnam War.
But I pointed out:
âDARPA lets us release everything we write. If a business were funding this, theyâd make it proprietary.â
And later, when business did take over â it was far worse.
Next up
âThere is no such thing as the cloudâ â Stallmanâs takedown
Cryptocurrency, anonymity, and peer-to-peer tech
Questions from the audience on the future of freedom and software ethics
Amir:
So â can you explain why âthe cloudâ is dangerous?
People often say, âThe cloud enables collaboration,â but I know youâve strongly criticized the concept.
Stallman (interrupting):
There is no such thing as âthe cloud.â Itâs a confused, confusing term.
If you treat it like it refers to a real thing, youâre already spreading confusion â no matter what you say.
The only way to avoid spreading that confusion is to reject the term completely.
Thereâs no âcloud.â
Letâs talk about what actually exists:
Servers.
Owned by companies or institutions.
Located in specific countries.
Governed by specific laws.
If someone says, âYour data will be in the cloud,â theyâre trying to pull the wool over your eyes.
What servers? Whose servers? Who owns them? What laws apply? What governments might access them?
These are the questions that matter â but the term âcloudâ exists to blur them.
Stallman (continued):
In reality, whatâs happening is:
You connect your browser to someoneâs server.
It pulls in data from you.
It forwards that data to other servers â maybe across the world.
You donât know where itâs going.
They donât care to tell you.
So my answer is:
âI donât want you to get any of my data. Get lost.â
When I buy something, I pay cash. I donât tell them who I am.
Amir:
You've just clarified the serious issues with todayâs computing paradigm â especially pushed by Google, Microsoft, Facebook.
Now, about Unix â one of its early strengths was its ability to network computers. That allowed it to scale.
Do you think that was a factor in its success?
Stallman:
I donât even know what âachieving scaleâ means. Thatâs too vague.
Yes, Unix had networking â usually based on phone lines. One great use of that was Usenet.
You could post an article in a newsgroup, and it would propagate across a network of computers via modem calls.
Each machine would send and receive articles from others â spreading them around. It was pre-internet. A decentralized information system.
It was nice.
Amir:
Recently, I was using Jitsi, a free software tool for making video calls. But their server went offline â probably due to lack of funding.
Many free software projects are trying to replace tools like Google Docs, but they rely on central servers that are hard to maintain.
In contrast, Google just eats the cost â and you pay with your data.
What do you think of peer-to-peer technologies like BitTorrent? And can cryptocurrency help fund infrastructure for free tools?
Stallman:
Iâm in favor of peer-to-peer systems for communication and collaboration.
Iâm not against server-based tech either â sometimes you need to run a server. But it doesnât have to be big or expensive.
You can set up a server with friends. Thatâs fine. Itâs not a huge problem.
As for cryptocurrency⌠I donât lean toward it.
Amir:
Let me give you an example.
Take Tor â they run many relays, but bandwidth is expensive. And it comes with legal risks, since states might pressure you.
Thereâs a project called Nym â theyâve created a mixnet, and when you run a server, you earn micropayments. That incentivizes people to host servers.
Do you think that could be a useful model?
Stallman:
Iâm not against it, but it raises a concern:
How would I get that cryptocurrency in the first place?
I donât do that sort of thing.
Amir:
There are crypto ATMs in most cities. No ID needed. You put in cash, scan your wallet, and get anonymous currency.
You can then use it to access services. Or exchange it.
Stallman:
I hope they donât require ID â because if they did, I wouldnât use them.
It sounds complicated, though.
What would the actual implications of this system be for anonymity, privacy, and freedom? Iâd be slow to draw conclusions.
Amir:
In the crypto world, thereâs lots of new cryptographic tech being developed. I come from both the free software and crypto communities.
But I often notice the free software world is skeptical of crypto â maybe because of conservative attitudes or misunderstandings.
Do you see a way for the communities to collaborate more?
Stallman:
Most cryptocurrency implementations are free software. So in that sense, thereâs already overlap.
But the community I built â the GNU community â is about building useful tools for people to use together.
Not something that depends on millions of people running it. Thatâs not how I think.
Yes, a program might be used by millions. But it doesnât require that scale. It doesnât rely on it.
Stallman (continued):
Itâs all decentralized â in a loose, informal way. Not organized like a single network where all the parts must function together.
I like the Tor network. I use it. But itâs not the sort of thing I would personally design.
Amir:
I helped grow the crypto scene, but I see a big task ahead of us â resisting the Big Tech surveillance paradigm.
Free software and crypto both aim to give power back to the user â but they often donât work together. I think thereâs potential synergy.
Stallman:
That may be. But personally, I donât do any digital payments.
What would I even want to pay for online? Mostly just bills: electricity, gas, internet.
Amir:
Then maybe telephony is something we could decentralize.
Stallman:
We already have GNU Jami â a free software tool for voice and video communication.
It avoids central servers â except for locating peers. Once youâre connected, itâs peer-to-peer.
Amir:
Thereâs also GNU Taler, right?
Stallman:
Yes. GNU Taler is an anonymous payment system.
Itâs not a cryptocurrency. We designed it specifically to avoid speculation.
We didnât want people buying a coin that fluctuates in value. Thatâs not freedom â thatâs gambling.
Stallman (continued):
With Taler:
Payments are denominated in national currencies.
The payer is anonymous, using blind signatures.
The payee is known â so they can be taxed.
Thatâs intentional. We donât want to help rich businesses evade taxes.
One of the biggest economic problems in the world is hidden wealth â money flowing from the poor to the rich.
We didnât want to contribute to that. So GNU Taler supports anonymity for users â not for large corporations.
Amir:
Thatâs a powerful distinction. Thank you.
Weâre coming up on the final segment. Shall we open it up to audience questions?
Stallman:
Sure.
Audience Question 1:
Mr. Stallman â youâve spent your life fighting for freedom at a time when itâs increasingly being taken away through surveillance.
Are you optimistic about the future of free software?
Stallman:
Iâm never optimistic. Thatâs just my nature.
I see all the ways things can go wrong. I see powerful enemies. I feel discouraged.
But I donât give up â because giving up is useless.
All it guarantees is defeat.
So we keep fighting â whether we think we can win or not.
Next up :
Audience questions on values, inflation, monetary systems
Stallmanâs views on âfree money,â taxation, and decentralization
Closing thoughts on strategy, philosophy, and resistance
Audience Question 2:
Thank you, Stallman, for being here with us.
What strategies or tactics have you found effective in propagating the values of free software?
Stallman:
I present these issues in terms of values â because ultimately, values are what matter to people.
Yes, different people have different values â but those differences are what we need to discuss.
What should matter to you?
Wealth?
Freedom â for yourself and others?
Working together to prevent harm to society?
These are broad questions â they apply to all of life. Software is just one domain I focus on because thatâs where my talent lies.
Audience Question 3:
Since you care about freedoms â what about monetary instruments? In many countries, theyâre the main tool of enslavement â through mechanisms like inflation.
Isnât using state money another way to propagate control? Shouldnât we also be creating free money?
Stallman:
Your words contain a lot of assumptions that I donât fully understand â and I may not agree with any of them.
Itâs hard to respond directly to what you said.
Stallman (continued):
Itâs true that governments often serve the rich, and the rich lobby to change laws to divert more wealth toward themselves.
Thatâs why things get worse for the rest of us.
But I donât believe that monetary systems, in and of themselves, are the core cause.
For example:
Union laws affect wealth distribution.
Public health policy affects well-being.
Tax policy affects social equity.
None of those are caused by money per se. Theyâre caused by political capture. The rich control politics â thatâs the deeper issue.
Audience Question 4:
Youâve spoken about âthe rich.â But who are the rich? Because by some standards, you might be considered rich â living in a developed country.
Stallman:
The rich are those who, through their wealth, dominate politics â in whatever country weâre talking about.
By US standards, Iâm not rich. I donât have political influence.
Yes, I donate to candidates â because I want the US government to allocate more resources to non-rich people.
I support progressive politics.
Audience Question 5:
Back to the topic of cash â you mentioned paying in cash whenever possible. But in many countries, weâre seeing rapid moves toward cashless systems. What then?
Stallman:
Thatâs an exaggeration.
Take the UK, for example. I read The Guardian, and people there are fighting back.
Theyâre demanding the right to use cash â because theyâre running into real problems:
Disabled people canât access card readers.
Some towns donât have working ATMs.
Some stores refuse cash.
So yes â people are organizing. And thatâs exactly what they should do.
Demand laws that require stores to accept cash.
Demand laws that require there to be an ATM in every town.
For example, New York City passed a law a few years ago requiring all places that sell food to accept cash. I celebrated that.
Audience Question 6:
In the crypto community, we talk a lot about how open-source software is necessary â but also insufficient â for confidence that software does what it claims.
Free software is auditable, yes. But itâs often too complex for most people to really verify.
So what about accidental complexity? Wouldn't it be better to build systems from small, provable modules â like the old Unix philosophy?
Stallman:
I think you're mistaken about our origins.
I never endorsed the Unix philosophy. I was not interested in âprovableâ behavior.
I wanted programs to work in practice. And that meant:
Build features.
Fix bugs.
Improve it continuously.
Yes â our systems were big and complicated â because thatâs what people wanted them to be. We needed them to be that way.
So, no â I never aimed for that minimalist philosophy. I wanted systems that were useful, not formally elegant.
Audience Question 7 (final):
Thank you. That actually answered my intended question too â I was going to ask whether the Unix philosophy fits with free software.
So instead, Iâll just say: congratulations on 40 years of GNU. We havenât had a chance to say that yet.