Objects of Desire

Phew, I am proud to say that I have just finished editing my podcast!! And now comes the end of my research log as well as my half year journey in exploring the very beautiful Tibetan bone apron.

I need to say that taking this module is one of the best decisions I have ever made. At first, I couldn’t imagine doing research on a single object for a whole academic year. I remember how surprised I was to see the pile of research log at the beginning of the first term. I simply couldn’t see myself sending emails to professors and museums, reading books after books, and finally coming out with a really “professional” podcast illustrating every single thing you need to know about the object in a year.

However, here I am, with my lengthy tumblr, and my little podcast. 

I had a look at all my blogs again and was amazed by how one learns little by little throughout time without even noticing it. For example, I had absolutely no idea about Indian Tantrik or Tibetan Buddhism whatsoever before, not to mention those terms like “wrathful deities”, “yidam”, “’cham” etc. However, as time goes by, as I read more and more about the subject, these unfamiliar terms started to become part of me.

I still remember my astoundment when I saw the sky burial pictures, and learned about the significance of death and bones to Tibetan. The visualisation of the deities as the means of meditation to reach Enlightenment, and the extreme of such kind with complete mental sacrifice and spiritual drama in the Chod ritual are things that I will never forget. Not to mention all those unexpected links between things that seem so distinct from each other - the Shamanist and Tibetan Buddhist costumes, archaic beliefs of hunting people all over the world, the similarities between Dutch genre painting Vanitas and the meaning of bones to Tibetan, and the mysterious red fabric attached onto the bone plaques and its relationship with the British expedition to Tibet. All these seem to remind us of the universality of the beings in this world.

This research is never an easy task. I borrowed and bought loads of books (that I wasn’t even sure were relevant or not), sometimes I read pages of materials that were not really relevant. Sometimes I just had no idea where to find answers to certain questions. Asking is always the way out, and I guess imagination and the ability to make sensible correlation and assumption always helps - this is what I learned from Dr. Brooks from the Archaeology Department.

Last but not least, I must say I am deeply impressed by all the scholars who devote their lives in doing research, especially those who immerse themselves into a completely different culture and environment. Rene De Nebesky-Wojkowitz, Robert Beer, Audrea Loseries-Leick, and many more... they spent almost their whole lives learning the Tibetan language, staying in Tibet, living with the informants, translating Tibetan text and recording all the symbols and motifs on Tibetan objects. It must be really challenging, but they didn’t stop half way. Sometimes I can’t really tell the significance or meaning in pursuing a research of such kind - to preserve the unique culture? To publicise their religious practices and beliefs worldwide? When I read the Encyclopaedia of Tibetan Symbols and Motifs, I just wonder, it is true that Robert Beer spent several decades drawing the Tibetan symbols and motifs, however, who will actually read the Encyclopaedia except those who are doing a research of such kind, like me? Or maybe, it is simply the desire in acquiring knowledge, in knowing something that we don’t, in becoming something that we’ve yet to be, that pushes these scholars this far?

I can’t really tell. I wish I had the answer.

Still, I have come this far. Now I think of it, it is actually a little bit sad that I won’t be studying and researching on this object anymore - I think that is what you called, to miss something. (and Durham, and my year abroad, and everything maybe)

I have booked Rachel for the filming on 26/4 morning, and I think I should at least come up with a script before the filming, so as to know what kind of shots do I need.

I had a quick review of this blog, and found that there is simply too much that I want to include! 

I will definitely include the dance rituals, significance of death and bones, the symbolism of the carvings, as well as the suggested cultural exchange.

I wrote my script and tested the length of it so to ensure I won’t overrun. I omitted quite a lot of information, for example, for the significance of death and bones, I didn’t have enough time to talk about the archaic beliefs of hunting people (rebirth and resurrection brought by bare bones), and also the trance runners and chod rituals. For the function of the bone objects, I couldn’t include functions like the stabilisation of Samadhi either. Which is a pity... but I guess we need to make a choice within limited time.

I found it quite difficult to write the script, as I need to be really precise (I have done a year’s research on this object, it is just too difficult to include everything I want in just 8 minutes time). Also, I can’t use a lot of technical terms, as it will be difficult for viewers to understand, so I didn’t really use any Tibetan terms, and didn’t talk much about the deities and gods, as it will just end up being too complicated and difficult to comprehend.

I did the filming this morning. As the bone apron is too fragile, I could only film at the gallery before the museum opens at 10am.

It is more difficult than I thought. I did plan some shots that I would like to have in my podcast. But the problem of shooting at the gallery is that I constantly film my reflection or the reflection of the lights, and there are always shadows of the bone plaques and beads and I just can’t make the lights right. Guess it would be better if I asked somebody to come along and help...

I filmed the skull cup as well, as I may include that in the podcast. That was much easier, as Rachel took the skull cup out and I could film it easily in the office with the black cloth and turning table etc.

I followed Dr. Brooks’ advice to do some research on the British soldiers’ uniform.

The red coat was used in the British army since 1645. The uniform coat has historically been made of wool with a lining of a loosely woven wool known as bay to give shape to the garment. There were some variations of the uniform throughout the years, and British soldiers fought in scarlet tunics for the last time at the Battle of Gennis in the Sudan on 30 December 1885. They adopted the khaki service dress later in 1902, but most British infantry regiments (81 out of 85) and some cavalry regiments (12 out of 31) continued to wear scarlet tunics on parade and for off-duty "walking out dress", until the outbreak of the First World War in 1914. Therefore, it is possible that the red fabric belongs to the British soldiers’ uniform.

I tried to search the collection of the National Army Museum. I did find some photos taken during the British Expedition to Tibet, but there are not many photos and they are in black and white, so I can’t really tell whether red coat is involved. Also, it is difficult to find out which regiments that retain the red coat for ceremonial use joined the Tibetan expedition.

I did some research on the symbolism of colours in Tibetan culture. I found that red is quite an important colour (just as that in India)

“Red is associated with fire and is related to life force and preservation. The Buddha Amitabha is depicted with a red body in Tibetan art. The part of the body associated with this color is the tongue. Fire is the natural element complementary to the color red. In Buddhism, meditating on the color red transforms the delusion of attachment into the wisdom of discernment.”

https://ashtamangala8auspicioussymbols.wordpress.com/meanings-of-colors-in-tibetan-buddhism/

It is also a marker of sacred area with protective use, like the shamanic wards.

http://buddhism.ygoy.com/2007/09/07/colors-in-buddhism/

I also remember I read that the dancers wear the bone apron on top of a red loincloth as part of their costumes from Loseires-Leick’s books.

By combining all these findings, I think the red fabric attached onto the bone plaques, as well as the red pigments on the bone apron, may show the importance of red in Tibetan culture. I found another bone apron with red fabric attached on it from the Himalayan Art website.

I got the reply from Dr. Brooks very soon. 

Dear Susane Wong

This is a fascinating object! I’m so pleased that you are studying it.

I suggested – rather than identifying as I have no firm evidence – that the red cloth might be from a British soldier’s uniform because I have seen similar material used in British soldier’s tunics. You need to research information on such soldiers’ uniforms and when red cloth was used. You could start by looking at: 

The National Army Museum https://www.nam.ac.uk/collections

I think British troops last fought in red tunics in about 1885 but regiments still retained them for ceremonial use. You need to find out which regiments were involved in the British Tibet ‘expedition’. You could start with  

http://www.bbc.co.uk/radio4/history/empire/episodes/episode_74.shtml

There are also a lot of images about this ‘expedition’ on Google.  

You could also think about the symbolism of red pigment on the bones on the apron: might this be why red cloth was used rather than any other colour cloth?

You should also bear in mind that the apron could have been attached to the textile fragment at any point in its history – in Tibet, by the person who acquired, by a later owner or dealer: there are lots of possibilities! 

I’m afraid I know very little about the symbols. I suggest you research similar aprons and look for research into their symbolism, for example

http://searchcollection.asianart.org/view/objects/asitem/search@/0?t:state:flow=424ea536-a98a-44d8-a4d7-dcac47804660

and

https://maa.missouri.edu/media-gallery/detail/245/813

I hope this is helpful. Do let me know what you find out! 

Best wishes  Mary

This is a very helpful email and I would really like to thank Dr. Brooks for all her suggestions and advice.

Now I learn that there actually is no absolute evidence to prove that the red fabric belongs to the British soldiers, but we can only assume as there are similarities between the red fabric and the red coat worn by the British soldiers. (for example, the colour, and the textile)

I really like the suggestion of the link between the red pigments and the red fabric. I know that there are some traces of red pigments on the bone plaques, but have never paid much attention to them, and only treat them as a proof of the apron being once in use. Now that when Dr. Brooks says it, I feel like it actually makes sense! I will do some research on the symbolism of colour in the Tibetan tradition. 

Dr. Brooks reminds me that as a researcher one should always pay attention to the finest details, and also all sort of possible connections. And I really like how she said that the fabric can be attached at any point of history. I think that it is exactly this openness towards all possibilities that lead to her hypothesis of the East and West cultural encounter behind the red fabric.

I sent an email to Dr. Brooks, as I learned that she identified the red fabric as the belonging of the British soldiers, and I would like to know how did she come to this conclusion and how exactly would the cultural exchange happen. Here is my email. 

Dear Dr. Brooks,

I am Susane Wong, a student currently studying the EDUC2391 Objects of Desire: Oriental Art and its Histories module offered by the School of Education. We are required to make a podcast on a particular object from the Oriental Museum in Durham, and I chose a Tibetan bone apron, as shown in the attached photo.

I learned that you identified the red fabric attached to the top section of the bone net as belonging of the British soldiers. May I know how did you come to this conclusion? Also, was this "cultural exchange" very likely to happen during the British expedition to Tibet from 1903-1904? 

Besides, would you have any knowledge regarding the motifs carved on the bone plaques? I tried to identify the symbols and motifs depicted, and was able to identify some, like the Eight Auspicious symbols (like wheels, endless knot, golden fish, treasure vase and white conch shell) and some dancing skeletons, but for some of them I wasn't able to identify. Therefore, I would like to ask if you could help in identifying some of the motifs. 

Thank you very much for your time, I would be really grateful if you could answer my questions. Your response would be of great help to me! Thank you! 

Regards,

During the Easter vacation, I visited the Netherlands. I went to lots of museums and immersed myself into Dutch paintings. I noticed that there are always paintings depicting skulls, bones, clocks, withered flowers, rotten fruits and many more. They looked so still and antique, and provoked a sense of horror and emptiness within myself. As I was so occupied with skulls, bones and their significance at that time, I started to wonder was there any specific implication in this sort of paintings.

So I looked this genre of paintings up in the internet, and the finding is amazing!

This genre of painting is called the Vanitas, and was common in the 16th and 17th centuries Flanders and the Netherlands. Common motifs include skulls, which are a reminder of the certainty of death; rotten fruit (decay); bubbles (the brevity of life and suddenness of death); smoke, watches, and hourglasses (the brevity of life); and musical instruments (brevity and the ephemeral nature of life).

Paintings executed in the vanitas style were meant to remind viewers of the transience of life, the futility of pleasure, and the certainty of death. It is related to the moralistic message of the Christian tradition, that the nature of all earthly goods and pursuits is worthless, and Christians should lay their hope in the afterlife and the reunion with the Lord in heaven.

The theme of Vanitas is quite similar to the significance of bone objects in Tibetan Buddhism. By depicting death in a very explicit way, viewers are forced to confront and contemplate death, and are reminded of the transience and impermanence of life. Viewers are expected to restrain their passion and desire, and become non-attached to the earthly goods. Although the purpose may be slightly different - for Tibetan bone objects, practitioners empty their mind and remove themselves from earthly pleasures to reach Enlightenment; for Vanitas, viewers regulate their conduct and expect the ultimate salvation and afterlife brought by the Lord - both aim to reach a spiritual elevation through the contemplation of bare bones.

Loseries-Leick used the last chapter in her book to talk about the commercial trading and manufacturing of Tibetan art objects.

According to her, the commercial marketing of ritual bone objects is the result of the ultimate Chinese invasion of Tibet in 1959 followed by the exodus of a hundred thousand Tibetans in to exile. The expatriates, facing entirely different socio-economic situation and enduring great hardship in refugee camps set up by the Indian government, founded the first Tibetan handicraft centres in 1960. The handicraft centre then produces many Tibetan art objects. When international organisations in the US and Europe opened the market for Tibetan goods, the functional art then transformed to the commercial fine arts. (204)

“The bone ornaments were shifting towards the ‘commercial and tourist arts’ due to increasing standardisation and simplification in the ornamentation.” and were often made to conform to the possible foreign consumer’s popular notions.

Numerous bone objects were offered as commercial art at the souvenir market, and mass production of fake Tibetan antiques was common.

Therefore, Loseries-Leick said that “we have to distinguish between manufactured products and old or antique objects which had been bought or exchanged.” (198), as in the market there exists some very new commercial products sold to tourists or foreign customers, as well as the precious high-quality antique bone objects for religious purpose.

The commercialisation of Tibetan art reminds of the “chinoiserie” trend in Europe. In the 18th centuries the Europeans were really obsessed with Chinese objects, they traded a lot and manufactured loads of Chinese-style objects, at the same time, many Chinese artists produced lots of paintings, porcelains and other objects just for the foreigners, solely for commercial purpose. Sometimes these objects, although produced by Chinese artists, were not really authentic, or say, “Chinese” enough, because the artists often tried to fulfil the Western imagination of the East and adjusted some of the aesthetic consideration!

After exploring the significance of human bones, and also the origin, function, symbols and motifs, and religious significance of the bone ornaments, I will now come to the last part of my research: Western and Eastern cultural exchange. (Provided that the fabric on the apron was from British Army uniform and some people sold Tibetan products for interested foreigners.)

Ms Barclay said Dr Mary Brooks in the Archaeology Department made the identification of the British Army fabric, and suggested me to look at the British presence in Tibet in the early 20th century. As she believed the exchange took place via one of the expeditions.

I found some useful essays, like Trinkets, Temples and Treasures: Tibetan Material Culture and the 1904 British Mission to Tibet by Tiim Mayatt, and Officers, Gentlemen and Thieves: The Looting of Monasteries during the 1903/4 Younghusband Mission to Tibet by Michael Carrington (Modern Asian Studies Vol. 37, No. 1)

The expedition can be understood as a temporary invasion by British Indian forces under the auspices of the Tibet Frontier Commission, whose purported mission was to establish diplomatic relations and resolve the dispute over the border between Tibet and Sikkim. (To avoid the whole thing being really lengthy full of historical details, I think I will just include a brief introduction of the expedition in the podcast, so to contextualise the cultural exchange taken place.)

According to Loseries-Leick, “the trade with Tibetan antiques started in London because of the Young-Husband expedition in 1904.” (196) And it is possible that when the British troops stayed in Tibet, they left their belt and the craftsmen just used that for the bone apron.

There are lots of Buddhist symbols carved on the bone plaques, and I will try my best to decipher them, with the help of the book The Encyclopaedia of Tibetan Symbols and Motifs.

It is already known, from Loseries-Leick’s book and the conservation record, that the eight auspicious symbols, seven possessions of the Chakravartin, wheels, lotus or flower carvings, dancing skeletons and other guardians figures can be found.

The Eight Auspicious symbols: eight symbols of good fortune, represent the offerings made by the gods to Shakyamuni Buddha immediately after he attained enlightenment. A Tibetan tradition identifies the eight auspicious symbols as forming the body of the Buddha. And they are used to adorn all manner of sacred and secular Buddhist objects.

Lotus: symbol of absolute purity (it grows from the dark watery mire but is untainted or unstained by it), perfection, compassion, renunciation and divinity

The Wheel: ancient Indian symbol of creation, sovereignty, protection, and the sun. In Buddhism, it is a symbol of the Buddha’s teachings and as an emblem of the wheel turner, identifying the wheel as the wheel of the law. It means “the wheel of transformation” or spiritual change. The wheel’s swift motion symbolises the rapid spiritual transformation revealed in the Buddha’s teachings, and as a weapon of change it represents the overcoming of all obstacles and illusions.

I identified some flowery shapes carvings.

The Golden Fishes: a pair of fishes. They were originally ancient pre-Cuddhist symbol of the two main sacred rivers of India. They symbolise happiness, as they have complete freedom in the water. They represent fertility and abundance as they multiply very rapidly. And are drawn in the form of carp, commonly regarded as sacred in the Orient, and are often depicted touching nose-to-nose.

Two fishes touching nose-to-nose can be identified.

The Endless Knot: The eternal knot overlaps without a beginning or an end, symbolising the Buddha’s endless wisdom and compassion (and the union of it). As a secular symbol it denotes continuity or dependent origination as the underlying reality of existence.

The Treasure Vase: possesses the quality of spontaneous manifestation: however much is removed from it the vase remains perpetually full. Representing wealth and prosperity.

The White Conch Shell: a battle horn. An emblem of power, authority and sovereignty, whose blast is believed to banish evil spirits, avert natural disasters, and scare away poisonous creatures. A symbol of religious sovereignty and an emblem which fearlessly proclaimed the truth of the dharma.

The White Conch Shell on the top, endless know and treasure vase at the bottom.

The Parasol: symbol of both protection and royalty. Its shade symbolises protection from the heat of suffering, desire, obstacles, illnesses and harmful forces.

The Victory Banner: originally a military standard carried in ancient Indian warfare, an emblem of the Buddha’s victorious enlightenment and his vanquishing of the armies of Mara’s demonic warriors.

I can’t really identify the figures depicted on these plaques. I think the bottom three look like the parasol or the victory banner, but I am not sure. I think I can ask the author of the conservation record for clarification.

After investigating the Tibetan dances, I have a clearer idea about the function of bone ornaments. However, when I re-read Loseries-Leick’s book, I discovered some other functions that I overlooked before.

Bone ornaments were also worn during rites of land consecration, especially in order to introduce, reserve and refresh the experience of Integrated Void or the Natural State of Mind. They should be worn continuously in order to stabilise Samadhi. (*According to Wikipedia, Samadhi refers to a state of meditative consciousness. It is a meditative absorption or trance, attained by the practice of dhyāna (meditation). In samādhi the mind becomes still. It is a state of being totally aware of the present moment; a one-pointedness of mind.) In this function, the trance runners of Shalu used them: And the Indian Mahasiddha Naropa was said to have worn bone ornaments for 17 years.  (47)

So, besides the common exorcist function as well as used in rituals to personify deities, bone ornaments are also used to stabilise a meditative state, the experience of Integrated Void/Natural State of Mind.

I read a little bit more about the trance runners, which I found quite interesting.

It is a ritual once every 12 years, three yogis need to complete a journey which normal people need several weeks to cover within a fortnight, with the purpose of testing the forces of the chief Tibetan yogis, and to purify all places which they have to pass by means of the powers over which the yogis are supposed to have command (Oracles and Demons, p. 534)

The yogis spend 11 years with rigorous training, and when they depart, the master yogi is dressed in the garments of a Heruka with a tiger skin for a loincloth and a leopard skin covering the upper part of his body. He wears a set of bone ornaments, and carries thighbone trumpet.

During the journey, the master yogi is in constant meditation, visualising himself as his meditation divinity. He is running along the vibrations of the secret Mantra, and it is the Mantra power that ensures the yogi’s speed and strength of contemplative Samafhi.

This trance runner ritual is very intriguing to me, I am always impressed by the devotion of the practitioners. Imagine the amount of training, preparation and meditation they need before they embark on this once-in-12-years ritual! Also, they visualise themselves constantly as their meditation divinity. (One thing suddenly strikes me as I remember when I went to V&A Museum during the Christmas vacation, I had absolutely no idea what does “visualisation” as a Tantrik practice means. However, now I am so very familiar with this idea and am more and more attracted by it. I am just amazed how one learns as time goes by without even noticing it.)

Loseries-Leick described the bone ornaments worn by the trance runners she saw in detail in p.123-126 of her book, she was not allowed to take photos, so she provided a drawing in the book, which is very fascinating indeed.

As promised... I am looking at Tibetan dances now. I found a really useful book by the very great René de Nebesky-Wojkowitz (the author of Oracles and Demons.)

De Nebesky-Wojkowitz, René. Tibetan Religious Dances: Tibetan text and annotated translation of the ‘chams yig. (The Hague: Mouton, 1976)

The first thing that I noted is, ‘cham is not a particular dance, but a word for all Tibetan religious dances. So there are lots of ‘chams happening at different times of the Tibetan year. The ‘chams usually last one or two days, and are normally held during the day. Regarding the location, “the ‘chams is notmally held in the courtyard of a lamasery or on a piece of flat ground in front of a temple.” (66)

There are many details of different types of dances, the book even includes a translation for the ‘chams yig, the Tibetan texts regarding ‘chams. (I can’t help but appreciate the efforts the author made in unveiling Tibetan culture)

I read some descriptions of the ceremonies, but I feel like they are far too complicated to be included in the podcast. However, there are a few relevant and interesting points that I noted.

“The ‘chams are a mixture of original Tibetan religious customs with the spiritual concepts and practices of Indian Tantrism.” (65)

Unlike my previous understanding that some priests simply dance in the ‘chams, there are in fact, various types of dancers with distinct functions. For example, the Black Hats which represent priests of the old Tibetan Bon faith; the sword dancers (warriors) that destroy and drive away evil forces lingering in the place and cleanse ritually the ground for the chief deities who afterwards enter the scene, the skeleton-dancers (which is related to the Skeleton dance that I read about before), the jokers that entertain the spectators by means like mimicking the dancers that personify the highest-ranking deities, and most important of all, dancers representing a deity of higher rank. These dancers that are involved in personification of a deity sometimes wear bone ornaments, and their costumes are similar to Tibetan oracle priests, which personify a deity as well.

Higher-ranking lamas are responsible for personifying the chief divinities of the dance, while some other roles like warriors and jokers can be played by laymen.

For the costumes of dancers personifying a deity, they wear a huge mask carved of wood with a diadem bearing a fixed number of miniature human skulls, gown with long, broad sleeves, as usual with the costumes of Chinese actors, and a poncho-like tippet. They will hold weapons and objects that are related to the respective deities in their hands. They wear high boots siimlar to those worn normally by lamas which are to be tied under the knee by a broad ribbon. Sometimes they wear a breast ornament, and the six bone ornaments. 

Here is what I learn from the exhaustive reading - when you don’t understand something... don’t hesitate and read! The book actually solves many of my question and confusion before. For example, I was confused when Eliade said the Tibetan dance was called acham. Now after I read this, I think Eliade and Nebesky-Wojkowitz and other writers are all referring to the same Tibetan name of dance, just that they write it in different ways (cham, ‘cham, acham). Also, the skeleton dance that Eliade mentioned in Shamanism is one of the Tibetan religious dances. And obviously, the skeleton costume described by her is only the costume of one type of dancers. While other dancers may have other costumes.

For the deities that appear in the dances, yidams (the meditational deity) rarely appears in the ‘chams due to the high rank they occupy. While the majority of gods and goddesses appearing in the ‘chams belong to the group of the dharmapālas (wrathful deities) with gods and goddesses of higher rank who stand outside the worldly sphere including Mahākāla, Vaiśravana, Yama and the war God lCam sring.

And here comes the most intriguing part, which is related to the significance of the dance. (As most of the contents in the book is descriptive in nature, describing the rituals, costumes etc. So I get really excited when I see something different)

Before the dance, the lamas need to have meditation so as not to lose the deep spiritual meaning of the ‘chams dance and to attain the proper state of mind for the religious dances. After concluding the dance they need to enter into meditation once more. The most essential part of the meditation is the identification of the dancer with the deity he has to represent in the ‘chams. This action is an essential part of all Tantric ceremonies. The dancer while meditating has to attain the understanding of the principles “clearness”, “emptiness” and “nonattachment”. He further has to assume the mood which the deity he represents is supposed to possess. For example, when personifying the warthful Heruka, the dancers have to assume a ferocious disposition, and they should express in their demeanor “divine pride”. (100-101)

This section is actually similar to what I have been reading, that the Tibetan Buddhist practice aims to make lamas meditate and identify oneself completely with the deity (bone ornaments is used for achieving the personification). Through this process, one needs to empty and clear their mind completely, attaining non-attachment, hence reaching enlightenment. I think this is the main purpose of the religious dances. And the idea of identifying oneself with the deity, of imagining and mimicking the mood and thoughts of the deity is really intriguing to me.

As mentioned above, all the details related to ‘chams are simply too complicated and lengthy to be put into the podcast. By reviewing the research that I did on ‘chams, I think I may introduce very briefly what is ‘chams and types of dancers involved. Then I will focus on the “personification of deity” part, how is it achieved with the use of bone ornaments and other elements, what deities are being portrayed, and its religious significance.

I received the conservation record done by Department of Archaeology in 2014 from Rachel.

The motifs identified on the carved plaques match with the detailed description of the composition of bone apron that I read before, and is something that I can work on in the future.

After so many blogs on human bones significance, I decide to wrap the whole discussion and research up by the very essay that I identified in the research proposal: “Use of human skulls and bones in Tibet” by Berthold Laufer.

In this essay, Laufer explored the use of human skulls and bones in Tibet.

When he introduces the bone apron, he described it as “used by magicians in the Lama temples during the performances of mystic, sacred ceremonies accompanied by shamanistic dances, chiefly for the purpose of propitiating evil spirits and exorcising devils. The plaques are decorated with figures of Civaitic and Tantric deities, some of which are represented in dancing postures” (10)

He mentioned the burial customs too: in which the corpses are cut to pieces by the priests and devoured by eagles and vultures, preserving the skull and drink from it.

The use of bones is observed in various objects, like trumpets. By using objects made from human skulls and bones, people “cannot fail to be mindful of death” and be “imbued with this melancholy and sad remembrance”. The idea of death is to “restrain our passion and to regulate our conduct”, with special regard to the drinking practice from human skulls, it is to “prevent the people from becoming too much addicted to worldly pleasures, which are uncertain and fugitive, so that the drink develops into a spiritual antidote for passions and vices”. It reinforces the bones’ significance in reminding people of death and impermanence of life, thus try to reach enlightenment through non-attachment with life.

In fact, this essay focuses more on the use of human skulls. Since I have read quite a few on human skulls, and there is human skull cup in the Oriental Museum, I am thinking maybe I can include a very small part on it in the podcast, so as to illustrate the importance and significance of human bones in Tibetan culture.

In Tibet, human skulls can be treated as an offering to the God Amitābha with an invocation of divine blessing for the donor, or as receptacles for the liquid offered to the temple statues of the gods (14).

Similar practices existed in different parts of the world, like Tibetan, Turkish, Scythian (Iranian), Slavic, Celtic and Germanic tribes. Human skulls are often used as drinking or eating bowls and cups, for ancestral worship. Sometimes enemies’ skulls are used as well. And the skulls of saints or Buddha relics are worshipped directly, due to the perceived magical power of bones.

Although Eliade dismissed the certainty of the direct relationship between Shamanic and Tibetan Buddhist costume, it is worth exploring the shared beliefs of both cultures, as it may give us some insights on the significance of bones.

According to Shamanism,

“Shaman’s costumes bears certain iron objects imitating bones and also tending to give it, at least partially, the appearance of a skeleton” (158), making the wearer of it appearing to be someone who has been dead and has returned to life.

In fact, among hunting people, both human and animal bones “represent the final source of life, the source from which the species is reconstituted at will... The soul is presumed to reside in the bones and the resurrection of the individual from its bones can be expected.” (159) and the shaman’s costume represents the drama of death and resurrection. 

To the hunting people, the hunted or domesticated animal can be reform from its bones, and this belief is present in South-American, German tribes and many more. The burial tradition of Tibet as well as Iran (similar to that of Tibet) is mentioned with “the utmost importance that the body should be transformed into a skeleton as quickly as possible”, for rebirth of human beings. Human bones and skulls are of course also used in Lamaism and Tantrism, there is skeleton dance in Tibet and Mongolia... all these rites show the vital principle in the bones in very diverse systems.

In my previous blog “General Use of Skulls and Bones in Tantrik Rituals”, I have noted down how Tibetan Buddhist practices are similar to that of Shamanism in many ways, including the importance and significance of bones, the use of skulls and the similarity in costumes. 

According to Sacred Tibet, “The equipment original shamans used to contact and control spirits was often made of human bone for the sake of its supernatural power, and Tibetan Buddhist magicians wore aprons and ornaments made up of carved fragments of bone... When Buddhism in Tibet took over the old Bön-po cult of spiritual powers and magical energy, it reinterpreted the shamanic conceptions in Buddhist terms”

This actually matches with my previous reading how the original use of bones in Tantrik buddhism changed when it reached Tibet, as it mixed with local Shamanist practices in Tibet.

There are many similarities like the Shamanist trance and prophetic seances of the Tibetan mediums, and the bloody physical sacrifice in Shamanism turning into more subtle mental sacrifice (chöd) in Tibetan Buddhism. According to Oracles and Demons of Tibet by Réne De Nebesky-Wojkowitz, there are lots of similarities in Tibetan oracle-priest and the Shamans, in terms of rituals, costumes and many other aspects.

But the most relevant part is what Eliade mentioned in Shamanism on p.435 that in the Tibetan skeleton dance in which spectators familiarize themselves with the terrible images of the tutelary divinities, “it is striking to what a degree these Tibetan costumes and masks representing the skeleton recall the costumes of Central and North Asian shamans”, but we should also note that it may not suggest the direct influence of Tibetan Buddhism over Siberian shamanic costume, instead, it “only reinforced very ancient autochthonous conceptions regarding the sacredness of animal bones and hence of human bones”

That’s when I get a little bit confused. Eliade describes the name of the skeleton dance as acham, instead of cham or ‘cham, and as I am not familiar with the Tibetan dances at the moment, I am not sure whether she is referring to an entirely different types of dances? (I have encountered this problem several times, due to the difference in spelling of terms in different books)

“Until more data become available, we incline to believe that this type of meditation belongs to an archaic, pre-Buddhistic stratum of spirituality, which was based, in one way or another, on the ideology of the hunting peoples (the sacredness of bones) and whose object was to “withdraw” the soul from the practitioner’s own body for a mystical journey - that is, to achieve ecstasy”

So, it is true that some Shamanist practices and that of Tibetan Buddhism are similar, but instead of suggesting the influence of Shamanic costumes over Tibetan costumes, it may only reflect the similarity in some archaic beliefs among the hunting people regarding the importance of bones, which indeed is a very interesting thing, as it suggests that human beings exposed to similar environment may have similar beliefs, even though they are living in different areas of the world.