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@magicmagic09
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Saint Just
Having fun with a different artstyle (I'll add the finished version once I get the motivation to finish it..)
redrew this Tree from like a year ago
thinking about one of my favorite incroyable illustrations this evening which is also perhaps my favorite caricature ever:
Antoine-Charles-Horace (Carle) Vernet. Undated (presumably 1790s-1810s?). Source (Musée du Louvre).

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His guardian angel carries him to bed.
Thank @alchemyfire for the beautiful story!!
This was my first proper attempt to draw Maximilien in my style! I have no idea how to draw his wig:(
Was the repression of the Vendée a genocide?
Before discussing this topic, I want to clarify that I am not an expert in the Vendée: I've only read a few books on the subject. So, if I say anything incorrect, I would be very grateful if you would correct me.
I must add that I also haven't read Secher's famous doctoral thesis, but I did read Alberto Bårcena's La Guerre de la Vendée. This book is heavily based on Secher's work, but with an even more religious and idealistic perspective.
The War in the Vendée remains a controversial topic that sparks much debate among historians. It is documented that there were tens of thousands of deaths, the vast majority of them civilians. For this reason, some historians speak of genocide, but that would lead us into unstable territory, as this term is often overused.
Genocide is something very specific and well-defined by the Rome Statute. Genocide is when there is an attempt to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group. It's a relatively recent term, coined in the 20th century, in 1944. It was created to name the Nazis' Final Solution for the extermination of Jews in occupied territories. Genocide is the persecution of a group with clearly defined ethnic and religious characteristics to the bitter end. Genocide is a political decision made by a government that believes a group must be eradicated.
In the case of the Vendée, this isn't entirely accurate. The Vendéans were eliminated first by the Convention's army and then by the Directory's because they were considered counter-revolutionary rebels. They were killed not for being Vendéans, nor for being Catholic, but because a significant number of them had taken up arms against the revolution. There was no order from the Convention or the Directory to exterminate Vendéans simply for being Vendéans. The Vendéans didn't even recognize themselves as a specific regional or ethnic group. The objective was to crush a rebellion. Furthermore, many Republicans were also massacred.
In the book I mentioned before, the author argues that the VendĂ©e massacre was a genocide because it was planned by the revolutionary government and that the main cause was religious, since the Revolution was anti-Catholic. I disagree. It is true that the Revolution adopted anti-Catholic measures, but I believe we must try to separate politics from religion âalthough they were very intertwined at that time. The measures taken were an attempt to dismantle the political power of the Church, not to eliminate the faith itself; there was de-Christianization, but that doesn't represent the entire Revolution. It is true that the VendĂ©e was predominantly Catholic, but they had more reasons to take up arms than that, and, I repeat, they were not eliminated for being Catholic, but for staging an insurrection against the revolutionary government.
It is not my intention to deny that it was a very brutal repression, because it was. But what the revolutionaries did during those years in the VendĂ©e falls into the category of war crimes, or, to be more specific, it could be called populicide (the total or partial annihilation of a people or population by a governmentâa term coined by Babeuf in 1795 to describe what happened in the VendĂ©e). But it does not fall into the category of genocide. It is incorrect to use that term; if it is used, genocide could also be applied to many other things, and we would be distorting what genocide truly means.
Happy birthday, Robespierre!
Time to go to bed
loose doodles of doctor Marat and citizen Saint Just

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En route vers l'aube sanglante
I didnât draw it!Itâs actually a piece I created for the Qixi Festival. In China, the red thread symbolises being bound together by fate, whilst in other parts of East Asia, it seems to represent soulmates. I think itâs a beautiful image! Itâs very fitting.English isnât my first language, so I might not have expressed myself clearlyâapologies.
If youâre new to this corner of the internet, and what youâve mainly seen is the sensationalist side of French Revolution history, you probably picture Paris as a continuous procession of carts rolling toward the guillotine. And, by the same logic, youâre probably imagining the Revolutionary Tribunal as a kind of legalised abattoir: a place where everyone arrived as a suspect and left with their head in a basket.
Unfortunately, despite what some books, films, and even documentaries would have you think, the Tribunal was, for quite a long time, a fairly dull bureaucratic institution where you had a respectable chance of being told to go home.
And today, because I like numbers, Iâm not going to spend much time getting lyrical about the intricacies of the Tribunal or its most important cases. Iâm just going to show you the statistics of the cases it handled.
The Start in March
The Tribunal was created on 10 March 1793 while the Republic was pretty much a mess. France was fighting most of Europe and losing at its borders, and people at home were getting restless.
The idea was pushed by Georges Danton (1), who famously argued that the state needed to be terrible so the Parisian mobs would not have to be. In other words, he wanted a formal court to deal with traitors before the public decided to deal with them itself, with pitchforks, as it had during the September Massacres (2).
In its first year, the Tribunal was very... judicial.
In fact, in 1793, most people brought before the Tribunal were acquitted. The Tribunal handled its highest volume of cases in July 1793, with a total of 66. That same month also saw the highest number of acquittals: 47. Death sentences reached their high point in September 1793 at 17. Seventeen for the whole month. Not exactly an abattoir, is it?
The Great Centralisation
By the spring of 1794, the revolutionary government decided to shut down most of the special provincial courts. Revolutionary justice would now be dispensed, strictly, in Paris. Decrees passed in April and May ordered that suspects from across the Republic be sent directly to the capital.
This created a serious bottleneck.
But to secure convictions in high-profile political show trials, the government had already started stripping away legal protections in a fairly methodical way. During the trial of the Girondins (3) in October 1793, the Convention decreed that juries could simply stop deliberating after three days if their consciences had been sufficiently enlightened. When Danton used his oratorical skill to dominate his own trial (4), the Convention passed another decree allowing the court to silence and remove defendants who resisted or insulted the justice of the nation.
In other words, the protections given to suspects were already being worn away before what is so often presented as âthe law of the Great Terror,â and as the final proof that Robespierre wanted to become a dictator and purge his enemies: the Law of 22 Prairial.
The Law of Prairial
First, let me state my bias plainly: I am not especially fond of the Law of Prairial. I think parts of it should have been thought through a good deal better (for example, the whole acquit-or-die arrangement... the military-court atmosphere... I understand why those things are there, but on moral grounds, I am not a fan). That said, I also do not really see it as some uniquely bloodthirsty innovation. If anything, it looks more like a continuation of what had already been happening for several months.
The law redefined several basic parts of the judicial process. It officially removed the old category of âsuspects,â replacing it with a new one: âenemies of the people.â However, this new definition remained extremely broad, covering anyone accused of trying to destroy public liberty, deceive the people, protect traitors, spread defeatism, or obstruct food supplies.
To speed trials up, the law removed the right to defence counsel and allowed juries to convict on the basis of moral, verbal, or written proof, using their own common sense, sometimes without even hearing witnesses. Judges and juries were also limited to just two possible outcomes: full acquittal or death, with no possibility of appeal.
Now, if you are looking at your screen or phone and thinking, well, whoever wrote this must have been insane, bloodthirsty, or angling for dictatorship, allow me a moment.
I will not go into too much detail here, because I think the law deserves an article of its own, but in brief, Couthon (5) (because it was Couthon who wrote it) and Robespierre did not simply wake up one morning and say: âmuahhahahahah, we shall now dismantle a fair justice system so we can kill whoever we wantâ.
The law was not written in a vacuum. It was not some legal novelty appearing from nowhere. In fact, for the deputies of the Convention, the actual substance of the Law of Prairial was not necessarily a shocking innovation, because it directly repeated provisions from the decree of 23 VentĂŽse. The VentĂŽse decrees (6) had already begun the process of centralising revolutionary justice by suppressing existing tribunals and setting up six central commissions to judge the enemies of the Revolution under the tight supervision of the government committees.
The Law of Prairial effectively completed that process, bringing an end to the administrative confusion of earlier laws and to the incoherence of having several overlapping courts.
In fact, the only âinnovationâ that scandalised members of the Convention was the provision allowing deputies to be sent before the Revolutionary Tribunal without prior parliamentary approval. That was the real panic. (7)
Given that Paris was now responsible for all the cases coming before the Revolutionary Tribunal, both the workload and the number of death sentences went up. In six weeks, the court handed down 1,376 death sentences. Prosecutors used prison informers to draft indictments grouping together multiple suspects who were often entirely unrelated. During the month of Messidor, 796 death sentences were pronounced.
That is a sharp increase. That is a great many deaths. That is something that needs to be put in context.
France had, at the time, 28 million people and was at war.
The Numbers in Context
After Robespierreâs death and the Thermidorian Reaction, the Revolutionary Tribunal survived for less than a year, until May 1795. In that span, between 1793 and 1795, the Paris Revolutionary Tribunal pronounced exactly 2,639 death sentences, while acquitting almost as many people: 2,357 individuals.
Again, more than 2,500 people is not a trivial number. But in a country of 28 million, in a national state of emergency, it is not exactly abattoir-level either.
In fact, when you look at the broader picture of the Terror across France as a whole, the total number of official death sentences handed down by all revolutionary courts and commissions was 16,594. Which means the Paris Tribunal accounted for only 16% of the official executions, while the vast majority, 84%, or 13,955 death sentences, took place in the provinces, especially in regions in the midst of civil war, like the Vendée (8).
If you widen the statistics to include incidental victims, such as those who died of disease in overcrowded prisons (usually estimated at between 10,000 and 12,000), and those summarily executed without any formal trial at all (another 10,000 to 12,000), the overall death toll of the Terror rises to somewhere between 35,000 and 40,000 people.
To put the Tribunalâs numbers in perspective, the 2,639 death sentences handed down in Paris over the course of the Terror is actually fewer than the 2,700 individuals condemned by French military courts during the First World War. Likewise, the total 16,594 official executions across all of France during the entire Reign of Terror is roughly equivalent to the 15,000 to 17,000 Communards executed in Paris in a single week in May 1871 (9)
Notes
(1) Georges Danton (1759â1794) was a major French revolutionary politician and orator, especially prominent in 1792â93. He was later tried by the Revolutionary Tribunal and executed in April 1794.
(2) The September Massacres were the killings of prisoners in Paris between 2 and 6 September 1792. They were carried out by crowds who feared invasion, counter-revolution, and plots inside the prisons.
(3) The Girondins were a loose group of republican deputies associated with provincial interests, economic liberalism, and distrust of Parisian radicalism. Their trial in October 1793 ended with the execution of leading members after a strongly political prosecution.
(4) Dantonâs trial took place in late March and early April 1794 and ended with his execution on 5 April. It happened in the context of the Indulgents, who were the more moderate revolutionary faction associated with a wish to ease the measures of the revolutionary government.
(5) Georges Couthon (1755â1794) was a deputy, member of the Committee of Public Safety, and close ally of Robespierre.
(6) The VentĂŽse decrees were laws passed in February and March 1794, mainly associated with Saint-Just, providing for the confiscation of property from those classed as enemies of the Revolution and its redistribution to needy patriots.
(7) Tellingly, the very first piece of the law to be repealed immediately after Robespierreâs execution was the article allowing deputies to be arrested without a prior Assembly hearing. Self-preservation, it turns out, is a powerful legislative motivator.
(8) The Vendée War was a civil war in western France from 1793, fought between the revolutionary government and a largely Catholic and royalist insurgency. It was the bloodiest conflict of the Revolution. I talk a lot about it on this blog, so check out the "vendee war" tag if interested.
(9) In May 1871, Paris was in the final phase of the Paris Commune, an insurrection against the government based at Versailles. The month ended with the Bloody Week, when government troops retook the city and killed large numbers of Communards.
Sources Greer, Donald. The Incidence of the Terror during the French Revolution: A Statistical Interpretation. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1935
Walter, Gérard, editor. Actes du tribunal révolutionnaire. Mercure de France.
idk if you take requests in an form, but if youâre looking for something to draw iâd love to see saint-just, le bas, elisabeth and henriette in the carriage and in strasbourg together!!
I've been meaning to draw them in the carriage for a while so this was my sign to lock in and sketch them :)
Heâs so Lanaâs boyâŠ(every Lanaâs song is about SJ/Saintspierre when youâre delusional enough;)
posting some sj stuff I made for practice. Will private later

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yet another illustration of our friend... miss him more than ever
Carnot felt no sympathy for Danton, a violent and flamboyant man. However, when the arrest of the great tribune was proposed at the Committee of Public Safety, he fought side by side with Robert Lindet against this imprudent measure. The former minister Pache, whom one had called to consult on the matter, also spoke in Dantonâs favor. These details were (I think) given to me by Prieur. As for the words of Carnot that weâre next going to cite, they were conserved by Carnot himself: âYouâre accusing Danton of treason, and yet you have not one piece of evidence against him. No one is immune to slanderous suspicions, and I intend to allege only suspicions here. Donât cause blood soaked quarrels between men who have works together to found the Republic. These proscriptions are more dangerous to it than the very conspiracies they claim to punish. Think about it: a head like Danton's will bring down many others. No doubt you are powerful enough to send to their death whomever you choose. But if you pave the way to the scaffold for the people's representatives, we will all, one after another, follow that same path.â Neither the picture of the dangers to the public good, nor that of their personal peril, had any influence on these men. Some bent to their own passions, like Billaud-Varennes, who took the initiative in the attack, convinced, he said, that Danton would become the rallying point for the counter-revolutionaries. Others submitted, albeit with resentment, to the ascendancy of Robespierre, who is nevertheless supposed to in his turn have submitted himself, on this occasion, to that of Saint-Just, more determined to defeat a formidable adversary. As for Carnot, the decision to accuse Danton having been made by the two joint committees, faithful to his doctrine of solidarity in collective government, he did not refuse to add his signature to the majority he had just opposed. The condemned passed beneath his windows, which he had ordered closed. He heard the disapproving murmurs of the people, deeply moved by the death of the great revolutionary, and that same evening, at the meeting of the Committee, he provoked, from his colleagues, the resolution to no longer consent to the political trial of any member of the National Convention.
Mémoires sur Carnot par son fils (1861), volume 2, page 368-369.