A New Day For America's Cities

Ashley Swearengin

www.ashleyforca.com

fresno.gov/government/mayorsoffice/biography/default.htm

Twitter: @Ashley4CA

Facebook: www.facebook.com/ashleyswearengin

CityGOP interviewed two-term Fresno Mayor Ashley Swearengin, who ran for Comptroller of California. In discussing her political philosophy, Mayor Swearengin explains that her  views were shaped by fellow Californians Ronald Reagan and Pete Wilson. She grew up while Ronald Reagan was serving as Governor and then went on to intern in Governor Pete Wilson’s office. “In my formidable years, I saw these Republicans work as problem solvers. They were tackling tough issues and providing grounded solutions that produced results.”    

Mayor Swearengin has applied this solutions-based approach to urban policy issues. “We cannot retreat from urban centers. We have to work to improve income levels and fight poverty,” she explains.

She attributes her successful campaign in Fresno to having the necessary experience and building strong coalitions. In her ten years working in economic development, Mayor Swearengin developed the skills and background needed to win her election and become an effective mayor.  Her economic development experience involved “bridging public and private sectors and supporting private sector job growth.” 

In Mayor Swearengin’s first campaign, she challenged a city hall insider. Her campaign “pulled people together from across the spectrum – conservative to liberal.” She was focused on improving the economic conditions of the city, and her bipartisan campaign coalition translated into support as mayor “to work together to grow the local economy.” 

Mayor Swearengin quickly put her management and economic development expertise to work, overcoming an inherited $120 million cumulative deficit. She succeeded in “navigating the financial storm and keeping Fresno out of bankruptcy in order to restore the city’s financial health.” She “streamlined services, reduced overhead, and partnered with community organizations and volunteers.” As evidence to its new austerity, Fresno has paid off its internal debt and has begun accumulating a reserve fund. 

In addition to focusing on reforming Fresno’s finances, Mayor Swearengin worked to expand the job opportunities and investment in Fresno. She advocated for “increased vocational training and adult education” in order for workers to upgrade their skills. She focused on “expanding the industrial center which provides high skill/high wage jobs” and “inducing investment back into neglected parts of the city.” 

Building coalitions and talking to a broad array of people have been critically important for Mayor Swearengin. She explains, “You have to be able to talk to the other side and fashion a coalition that comes together around solutions. That is the only way to be effective.”  She recommends that potential candidates and elected officials “focus on the positive outcomes they are trying to achieve by running for office and backwards map on ways to achieve those outcomes and the coalitions that need to come together.”  Focusing on policy solutions and outcomes will “likely draw people regardless political party.” 

The Republican Party is starting to see terrific results at the local level. “There are a number of mayors and councilmembers who are winning as Republicans in non-Republican districts,” Mayor Swearengin points out. She attributes the success in part to Republicans being able to develop relationships and presenting the case that voters “need a pragmatic and business minded approach.” Mayor Swearengin adds, “The Republican Party has a terrific approach at the local level” that reflect a focus on outcomes such as keeping cities financial solvent.

Kris Hammond

www.krisforDC.com

Facebook.com/KrisForDC

twitter.com/krisfordc

CityGOP caught up with civil rights attorney Kris Hammond on the campaign trail to discuss his race for city council chairman for Washington, D.C.. Kris brings previous political experience, having served his community as an advisory neighborhood commissioner (ANCs are local neighborhood boards that advise various district agencies on issues that directly impact the residents’ communities). While running for that non-partisan office, he learned to focus on issues of concern to the residents and defeated an incumbent.

He explains, “[A] project was being built by the city using taxpayer dollars. A lot of people in the community were opposed to it. It wasn’t necessarily ideological or partisan, but the incumbent commissioner wasn’t listening to them.”

“I had been active in the community and even my Democrat neighbors started asking about me running for the ANC. That is what we need - candidates who are so active and well respected that a Democrat calls up a Republican and says ‘Are you are going to run? We are tired of the incumbent,’” Kris says. He did listen and the voters did too - electing him to a seat on the commission representing a district that was approximately 97% non-Republican and 95% African American.

Kris advises prospective Republican candidates in cities to focus on three key things: “preparation, research and participation.” His advice presents a strong primer for future candidates:

Prepare ahead well in advance of an election (years if possible)

Know what the elective office entails

Research potential opponents and the relevant policies

Understand where policy contrasts can be drawn with those opponents

Based on your research, determine what policies you might want to adopt

Be active in the community well in advance of the campaign -- from rotary club and civic associations to attending local government meetings

Identify potential allies and build coalitions

Kris stresses that if candidates have more roots in the community, then residents will be more willing to listen to their ideas. “We will have a hard time making inroads in urban areas without people listening and that takes relationships, sharing common ideals, and ideally working on a civic activity that may not be political. We all must build goodwill.”

In his campaign for D.C. Council Chairman, Kris Hammond is focusing on improving public safety, curtailing unemployment, supporting education reform, and implementing accountability measures.

Kris cautions that the Washington, D.C. police department needs to hire more police officers to keep up with the growing population. He advises, “We have seen an improvement in the crime rate, but we need to keep [the police force] properly staffed.”

Kris thinks more Republicans need to understand that unemployment and education are connected. “[P]eople have not been educated properly in many areas of the city, [and] it has impacted their ability to get jobs.” Kris thinks the Republicans are doing well on advocating for education reform in cities. “People are tired of broken schools and high taxes in cities,” he summarizes.

CityGOP Leader: Nashville, TN, State Representative Candidate John Wang - Building the American Dream

John Wang

www.votejohnwang.com

www.facebook.com/JohnWang4TN 

Twitter: @JohnWang4TN

State House Representative - District 53 - Nashville, TN)

John Wang arrived in the U.S. from his native China with just $40 and unable to speak much English. Over the next twenty years, he worked hard, established a business (Music City Insurance & Finance as well as Tennessee Chinese News), and raised his family. As a leader in his community, John decided to run for Tennessee State Representative in District 53 to lower the tax burden, bring more jobs to the district, and improve the educational system.

“I came to the country looking for the American dream.” John explains. “And this country gave me the opportunity.” “After arriving in this country with so little, I worked hard, built my own business, and reached my American dream.”

Having lived and worked in District 53 for twenty years, John knows the district well, understands the residents’ concerns, and can relate to the many immigrants and families in the diverse district. “And I will do what is right for my community,” John summarizes.

As both a small businessman and president of the Tennessee-American Chinese Chamber of Commerce, John has created jobs and worked to help other companies do so too. He is sharing this experience on the campaign trail as he discusses his platform to lower the tax burden for residents and attract more jobs to the district.

His third campaign issue, education, is equally important for John. As a parent of children who attended local public schools, John believes, “a lot of money is spent on education, but the schools don’t have good results. We need education reform.”John supports school choice, “because parents should have the right to choose the best school for their child – public or private school.”

John is taking his platform into the community through extensive engagement, and he recommends the GOP does the same in order to make inroads in cities. “The GOP needs to continuing doing more engagement at the local level and talking to more city voters. At meetings, we should let everyone know that the GOP is part of our community.”

Website: susanforcongress.com

Twitter: @susannarvaiz

Facebook: Susan Narvaiz for Congress

Instagram: @susannarvaiz

For former San Marcos, Texas mayor and current Congressional candidate Susan Narvaiz, being a Republican is about faith, family, freedom, and free enterprise. She was elected mayor three times in non-partisan elections, but felt the Republican Party best upheld those beliefs. A small businesswoman, Narvaiz first felt called to public service in 1998, when she started applying her small business instincts, practices, and values to solving civic problems. Narvaiz was then elected to the San Marcos City Council in 2002 before being elected mayor in 2004, and again in 2006 and 2008.

Mayor Narvaiz partially credits her electoral success to her business and service experience, but not entirely. She met with people around the city to listen and understand their problems, and more importantly to come up with solutions and overcome obstacles. San Marcos is a mid-sized city with many economically disadvantaged residents – nearly 70% of students in SMCISD are on a free or reduced lunch program – so being able to listen to voters and provide workable solutions is especially important.

Mayor Narvaiz’s biggest piece of advice to fellow Republicans candidates and activists in urban areas is simply to reach out to the whole community in their city. While she recognizes the value in socializing with others who share your worldview and lifestyle, Mayor Narvaiz stresses that it is the best way to engage in voters who might not normally identify with the Republican Party. Going door-to-door in San Antonio, Narvaiz met families who were surprised that someone running for Congress would take the time to knock on their door. Winning in cities also requires not abandoning even the longest of long-shot candidates. “Isn’t every candidate worthy of support in some capacity?” she asks. The support system is important to Mayor Narvaiz, although the non-partisan nature of some municipal elections makes running as a ticket more challenging. As a businesswoman, Mayor Narvaiz is used to taking risks, and the many smaller steps she is taking in her run for Congress are bringing her closer to victory.

Coming from a military family, Mayor Narvaiz’s number one policy priority as a mayor and a congressional candidate is supporting the armed forces. As the mayor of a city near several military installations, this was no small matter. Under her leadership as mayor, she led the effort to revive the annual Veterans Day parade. San Marcos devoted city resources to honoring service members and easing their return to civilian life, including assembling a commission to review and institute veterans-centric policies. Additionally, Mayor Narvaiz is committed to achieving energy independence, fighting for the Keystone Pipeline to bring cheaper energy to Texas and the rest of the country.

As to policies that should be included in a Republican plan for cities, Mayor Narvaiz recommends that other places “do what Texas does,” saying that the agenda of lower taxes, fewer regulations, and more limited public spending work as well in urban areas as they do in the suburbs or in rural communities. When she entered office, Mayor Narvaiz was running a city divided by annexation and without a strong or good perception. Midway between Austin and San Antonio, San Marcos was fighting to keep from becoming a bedroom community for the two larger cities, and Mayor Narvaiz made it her business to expand the city’s presence and image. “We brought in key areas of job creators,” she says, when discussing how her administration utilized sales tax and other revenues to change the city’s reputation. Eventually, businesses and homeowners both started investing more in San Marcos, and the city is well on its way to becoming a stronger regional powerhouse.

  3) What The GOP Is Doing Right, And Where To Go From Here

While the GOP is working towards being more involved in cities, Senator Paul does think we’re headed in the right direction and suggests room for even more improvement.

He praised the Republican National Committee and Chairman Reince Priebus’s work to engage cities, from opening an office in Detroit to Chairman Priebus speaking at the National Urban League. He believes in doing more of this - being more engaged in cities, opening more offices in cities, and making our case to people in cities.

Senator Paul also emphasized, “I think everything is attitude and policy,” in that we need to be compassionate and we need to show our solutions. In reference to immigration reform, he explained, “we have to have a more welcoming attitude towards people who are immigrants,” also arguing that he thinks the GOP will pass immigration reform if they win the Senate.

While some think the GOP needs to embrace more liberal policies in order to succeed, Senator Paul contends that’s not what we need to do in order to make inroads in cities. Rather, Republicans need to talk to different groups about what matters to them. In other words, it’s not that young people or people in cities don’t want a conservative approach to the economy - they want to hear what we have to offer on issues that directly pertain to them.

He explained, “People mistakenly think you need to be liberal on certain economic issues like taxes and balanced budget [in order to win the city vote]. I don't think so at all. I do think that if you go to the Urban League and only talk about issues that aren’t important to their members, you're not getting anywhere. But if you go and talk about criminal justice reform, poverty, how lowering taxes in Detroit would help poverty, and education, those make a big difference.”

He also praised the work of groups like Young Americans for Liberty, Students for Liberty, and College Republicans who work hard to engage young people. He further argues that the way to engage young people is through a tailored message about policy that affects them. A message about regulation reform might not always resonate, as young people may not own businesses. However, “they all have a cell phone and they're not too excited about the government looking into their communications. So they do care about privacy.” And, if the GOP understands that, we have an important issue with which to connect.

Senator Paul also noted that the GOP is already making some big gains in cities. He cited Bruce Rauner, who is running for governor of Illinois, has been performing well in Chicago. Other examples include Kevin Faulconer, the recently elected Mayor of San Diego and Mike Pantelides, the recently elected Mayor of Annapolis (and recently featured CityGOP leader of the week.)

  Conclusion

2) How The GOP Should Approach Blue Cities

There is a direct correlation between population density and voting patterns. The higher the population density, the higher the percentage of voters who elect Democrats; The lower the density, the greater the percentage of voters who elect Republicans. CityGOP asked Senator Paul for his recommendations on how we can work to fix this. He advised Republicans to become more engaged in cities - by showing up more, showing how the GOP would address the public policy problems that face cities’ residents, and showing that Republicans care.

He explained, “There has to be a concerted strategy, and I think the party’s doing better. Republican National Committee Chairman Reince Priebus has been a proponent of this. A lot of the places I’ve gone in urban communities, I’ve seen Reince. I was at the Urban League meeting, and Reince was there too [representing the Republican Party].”

Senator Paul explained that it’s important for Republicans to be more involved in cities and understand the policy issues residents face. “It shows that we haven't been trying hard enough, and just trying will be helpful but not enough,” explained Senator Paul. “You have to try, show up, then you have to have something to say.”

He says the GOP has improved when it comes to showing up, noting that the Party now has a Republican office in Detroit. “But I’d like to see it in every major city.” He suggests a permanent Republican office in each large city with staff from the community. “That person would visit all the churches in the community, go to the picnics, the social occasions, the local economic development council.” Unfortunately, the GOP has been out of office for quite some time in these cities and, therefore, has work to do to build the relationships necessary.

Senator Paul described how he applied this engagement in his home state, “My Senate office [there] does that as part of what we’re supposed to do. We have people who go to the Economic Development Committee for all the cities and go to not so much churches’ official functions but also go into areas that are economically depressed. We do mobile offices there, to name a few.”

Senator Paul notes that “cities are harder to campaign in, because there are so many people that you have to meet, and you have to have enough money to engage them through media like television.” That can be hard for under-funded candidates whose donors are wary about the likelihood of a Republican winning in a city. However, he doesn’t undercut the value of meeting lots of voters. He has spoken with candidates who have talked to thousands of voters. “That’s what it takes to beat somebody who’s an incumbent - you have to out-hustle them and out-raise them.”

He explained that many in cities vote Democrat because they think Democrats are the ones that care about them. He says we need to change that - we need to show them that we care, then show them that we have policy solutions and something to say.

That’s why when he speaks to urban audiences he talks about solutions that impact them, like “criminal justice reform, school choice, education reform, economic opportunity, and economic freedom zones.” “I think those make a big difference.” He emphasized criminal justice reform, noting it is direly needed and has a big impact on residents in cities.

He added, “Lowering taxes in Detroit would help poverty,” and that “while education is the great equalizer, public schools aren’t always giving you a good education in most of the big cities, and the GOP has policy solutions to these address and improve these issues.”

A Conversation With Senator Rand Paul On Cities And The GOP

Senator Rand Paul (R-KY) has been at the forefront of the GOP’s effort to be more inclusive and embrace cities. Senator Paul was kind enough to take the time to sit down with CityGOP and talk about the importance of the Republican Party in cities, and how they benefit each other. As we learned, his perspective is well-founded on a broad and deep base of knowledge about numerous factors that impact cities and Republicans in cities. Because he had so much to share, we decided to break up what we learned from him into three parts. The first part is on criminal justice reform.

  1) Why Criminal Justice Reform Matters In Cities

Senator Rand Paul argues that criminal justice reform is an important issue for Republicans to address in urban communities. Criminal justice reform is necessary, particularly in cities, as outcomes of the criminal justice system may be variable depending on a person’s legal resources.

Senator Paul recommends examining the penalties for nonviolent crimes. For example, he explained that prior to the passage of the Fair Sentencing Act of 2010, the disparity in penalties for those charged with possession of crack cocaine versus powder cocaine was 100:1. That changed in 2010, when the ratio became 18:1. The L.A. Times notes that the original reason for the disparity was “just panic as the crack epidemic swept the nation's cities.”

However, Senator Paul noted that, due in part to the “racial divide in which the illegal drug was being used,” a person sentenced for crack cocaine would more likely be black than one on trial for powder cocaine. He would also be less likely be able to afford a good attorney, as the “legal resources [of people in his position] are [likely] much more tenuous.” This all means he would receive a much longer sentencing for crack cocaine than if he was sentenced for powder cocaine.

Senator Paul is working to end the disparity and make the ratio 1:1 with his Reclassification to Ensure Smarter and Equal Treatment (RESET) Act.

Other disparities exist too.

For example, in some situations, the sentencing is based on weight - which has had unintended consequences. “The other day, I noticed a kid on television. He was faced with life in prison for selling pot brownies. 99% of the brownie is food, and 1% or less is the drug - but they put the whole weight in as the drug. And the way the law’s written, he’s facing life in prison,” explained Senator Paul.

He noted that ingesting any drug is far from a good idea, but the punishments should be evenly applied, more sensible, and focused on rehabilitation. “I would not suggest putting him in jail. Instead, I would make him do some community service, and if he has a drug problem maybe he has to do some drug testing… I also think drug courts or local courts are a much better way to approach this.”

He also explained the impact criminal justice reform has on employment, noting “you can't be a barber in Baltimore if you have a felony. The felony could be you smoked pot when you were 20 years old. And now you're thirty, you’ve reformed, you want to get a job being a barber or an esthetician or any of these things that require licenses - you can’t get them,” explained Senator Paul. “I’m in favor of reforming licensure laws. These are regulatory reforms that are more oriented with criminal justice, so people can get back to work.”

Senator Paul noted that Timothy Sandefur of the Pacific Legal Foundation has done some great work to reform occupational licensing. (In addition, the Institute for Justice has also worked towards occupational licensing reform).

New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio and his home borough of Brooklyn are nothing if not shorthand for the policies espoused by the burgeoning populist wing of the Democratic Party. (Generally in a less than positive way.) Separately, the same borough has become synonymous with hipster culture and its affinity for fixed-gear bicycles, obscure music, and putting birds on things. (The de Blasio – hipster connection has not gone unnoticed.) Intuitively, the link makes some sense; hipster enclaves like Chicago’s Wicker Park, Philadelphia’s Northern Liberties, and the entire city of Portland, Ore. represent some of the bluest and most culturally liberal parts of the country. 

But what if instead of treating hipsters with derision, Republicans embraced the trend? Although conservatives often chafe at the trappings of hipsterdom, including esoteric coffees, vintage and faux-vintage clothing, and $15 artisanal cocktails, the fact remains that every quirky brunch spot, every reclaimed furniture shop, and every combination coffee shop/craft beer bar is a business, many of them small, and all of them employing people. Moreover, these are all instances of individual entrepreneurs who saw a need in the market and in their community, and seized the opportunity to fill that need while employing others, growing the local economy, and, yes, turning a profit. These are values Republicans have espoused for years, and we should champion them wherever they provide benefit to communities. Regardless of the beards. 

Beyond individual businesses and their employees, the hipster ethic has the potential to transform entire neighborhoods and cities, and Brooklyn is perhaps the best example of this. Twenty years ago, the borough was a pariah, abandoned on the crime-ridden outskirts of New York City culture. Now, it represents the most sought-after brand in the city, and is the fastest-growing borough in terms of both population and economic strength. Though Brooklyn represents a somewhat extreme example of this shift, it exists on a much smaller scale: further upstate in New York, Ballston Spa has transformed from a case study in post-industrial economic stagnation to a thriving community of small, unique businesses and entrepreneurs who have poured their time, energy, and passions into rejuvenating their economy. (To be clear, this is no defense of the faux-entrepreneurs who spot an easy opportunity to co-opt hipness solely for their own gain).

Moreover, there is reason to believe that Republican fiscal and regulatory policies can and will appeal to entrepreneurial 20- and 30-somethings.  For starters, more small business owners means more people with an incentive for lower taxes, and while this is not a uniformly Republican demographic, they are by and large more pragmatic in their politics and less likely to be straight-ticket voters. On a more micro level, GOP initiatives like the Uber petition serve to bring free-market solutions to immediately relatable problems that urban voters encounter on a daily basis. In the longer term, school choice has the potential to be strong selling point to a generation of individualist entrepreneurs getting ready to send their children off to school. 

A hipster-inspired model of small-scale economic investments has the potential to be a template for economic growth in struggling cities across the country, and the Republican Party would be wise to encourage it.

In November 2013, Mike Pantelides was elected Mayor of Annapolis, Maryland, beating the incumbent by a narrow margin of 3,934 to 3,875 to become that city’s first Republican mayor since 1997. The odds were stacked against Mayor Pantelides: Republicans are outnumbered by a 2:1 margin, and his opponent had the support of a Democratic machine that included the governor and Speaker of the House of Delegates. During the campaign, he remained committed to the voters, by walking door-to-door, answering their questions and setting his priorities to reflect their concerns. Mayor Pantelides overcame the odds; never losing the optimism that he believes is integral to being a Republican. He credits his campaign’s success to the volunteer work done by the city’s diverse community on which Annapolis prides itself.

Mayor Pantelides says the best way to win is to get involved and start campaigning as soon as possible. He had 50 volunteers knocking on doors in a race that was decided by 59 votes. In local, off-year elections like those in Annapolis, Mayor Pantelides notes that partisan divides play a smaller role, and convincing Democrats to vote is crucial. He accomplished this by talking to voters about local issues that they can relate to, including the last administration's 50% increase in their water bill.

Mayor Pantelides ran on a “Sweep Annapolis Clean” platform, creating a crusade to change policy and process in the city. During his first 100 days in office, he began right-sizing government, reorganized departments and created initiatives that support business and economic development in the city, always mindful of the fragile environment. He also passed the city’s 2015 budget by an eight to one vote. The budget process was substantial and benefits the citizens by providing the important services, programs, and projects they demand and deserve without raising real estate taxes.

Meanwhile, the mayor chose to set a new standard for the transition process. Mayor Pantelides wanted to make sure his transition team was responsive to Annapolis’s needs, so rather than appointing the elected officials and lobbyists who normally comprise such teams, he opened up the application process to the public. More than 200 Annapolitans applied, and he appointed Democrats, Republicans, and Greens, drawing on their diverse experiences and expertise.

Mayor Pantelides considers an inclusive, Big Tent approach to the Republican Party as the right way to go. “We can do a better job defining ourselves,” he says. “The more inclusive we can be, the better we are,” he added. In short, Mayor Pantelides’s reasons for being a Republican – his belief in personal responsibility, fiscal discipline, and confidence in America – can and often do resonate with a broad swath of Americans.

Therefore, it is important to note that partnerships are paramount to his administration. A recent private-public partnership will provide an Annapolis Renewable Energy Park (AREP) and could create millions of dollars of revenue to the city. Other partnerships are making it possible to communicate with populations that, in the past, were difficult to reach. The Language Bank is made up of 61 residents that speak 23 different languages, ranging from Spanish to French, and Arabic to Italian. They offer their talents to the city, helping individuals to communicate through their translation services.

David Lenoir. Shelby County Trustee.

@DCLenoir

CityGOP connects with another Memphis Republican and an elected official, Shelby County Trustee David Lenoir. Trustee Lenoir is a lifelong Memphian who had a successful 20-year career in the financial services industry before being elected in 2010. During his four years in office, Mr. Lenoir has improved operational efficiency, focused on the collection of delinquent taxes, and overseen aggressive efforts to stabilize the County tax base.

When asked why he is a Republican, Trustee Lenoir explains that the Republican Party most closely aligns with his values in terms of personal and financial responsibility and stewardship, especially as it relates to his role as Trustee.

Trustee Lenoir decided to run for office as a way to give back to the community where he grew up. He observed communities in Memphis with poverty rates around 25-30% and knew one of the ways out of poverty is financial education. While children are taught for 12 years to learn the skills that ultimately could lead to a job, rarely are they taught how to handle that first paycheck.

He works both in his capacity as Shelby County Trustee and on a board of a non-profit to stress the importance of saving and support programs on financial literacy.

Trustee Lenoir attributes winning his campaign to “handshakes and shoe leather.” “Go out and try to engage many people regardless of race, religion, etc.” Trustee Lenoir subscribes to the adage that people don’t care what you know, until they know you care. “I genuinely care about the community,” he says. “The residents can tell, and it matters.” He advises would-be candidates to learn the needs and concerns of their community.

His experience has been that residents are less concerned about party and more concerned about their elected officials understanding the issues and laying out solutions that improves the residents’ conditions. For example, he recommends fellow Republicans to focus on “people-centric policies.” Trustee Lenoir suggests funding both education programs and skilled labor programs and developing programs to fight poverty and create jobs.

Trustee Lenoir is encouraged by the slate of elected officials in Memphis and Shelby County. He thinks they do a good job of getting out into the community, building relationships, and leading with integrity. He is encouraged about the future of the GOP in Memphis.

Trustee Lenoir’s policy priorities include financial education, financial access, and reducing blight. In terms of education, he rolled out a number of initiatives that relate to helping delinquent property tax payers “get caught up.” The root cause of not making tax payments is not understanding how to manage money. Accordingly, they offer financial education classes that teach personal finance and provide a basic spending plan.

While Trustee Lenoir’s office oversees programs that teach residents how to manage money, unfortunately, many of them don’t have access to banks and credit unions. So, he leveraged his role as the County’s banker to expand access of these financial institutions to more residents in need. “In three years, we have had 6,500 low and moderate income residents open a checking and/or savings account,” he explains. That is the beginning to saving, investing, and creating financial stability for people in need.

Shelby County Commissioner candidate: Geoffrey Diaz. Commission District 10. 

Website: geoffdiazcommissioner.com Twitter: @electgeoffdiaz

Memphis is not just a city with great BBQ and fine music. It’s also a city with an active Republican Party and exciting Republican candidates. In the next two profiles, CityGOP features two city candidates in Memphis. The first candidate is Geoffrey Diaz, running for Shelby County Commissioner.

Geoffrey Diaz has been a Republican his whole life. He supports the Party’s view that the government should be responsive to the citizens. And, he considers Republican issues like fiscal responsibility and strong national defense as critically important to support a thriving democracy. In order to make inroads in cities, Geoffrey recommends that Republican candidates listen and talk to everyone, and not just Republicans. He explains, “If the message is right and you can deliver it appropriately, you can win people’s vote. If you can connect with them and can relate to them, you will win that vote.”

But first, Geoffrey recommends that Republicans and potential candidates become civically involved. “That is the way to have influence in cities and neighborhoods.” By way of example, Geoffrey became involved with a founding of a non-partisan voter education club. He lined up speakers to talk about issues so that voters were informed.

Geoffrey’s civic involvement expanded to the founding of the Hispanic Republican Alliance. With the Alliance, he created a place where Hispanics can have a conversation with Republicans and learn more about the Party. Members of the Alliance attend meetings in the community, including picnics, festivals, and church services, and spread the message of the Republican Party. Geoffrey cites a goal of the Alliance as making sure Hispanic residents are registered to vote.

Why I am a Republican: A Story From the Grassroots in Mempis

By Kristoffer Adams

I am a determined person. This is a characteristic that I have held since childhood. That determination was not always so plain to others. In my lifetime, I have been labeled a lost cause, an underachiever, a failure. I dropped out of high school to work. I went through a major layoff. I worked at hand to mouth jobs for years. I was continuously unemployed during the Great Recession. I have had my fair share of difficulties, but through perseverance, determination, and community support I was able to raise myself to new levels. My determination was fostered by many of the people in my life. The most notable individual would be my grandfather, King Solomon Adams, who lived a life that demonstrated exactly what community should be.

He was a man who gave everything that he could to his neighbors. He gave time and money to the local church to reach out to the people that he did not have a chance to meet. Solomon taught me the value of community. He allowed me to see the value in all people despite circumstance.

After several family tragedies, I began to rebel. The education system did little to help. For most of my teenage years, I bounced from house to house and school to school. When I settled in Memphis, TN at what would become my last high school, I thought that I had become a disregarded student.

There was little help available to me. There was no incentive for me to attend a class. The year I should have graduated is the year that I dropped out because despite having completed coursework at other institutions the administrative staff classified me as a sophomore. I lost more than two years of work and no one wanted took initiative to correct the problem, even after it was brought to their attention.

I felt that I only had two options: stay in a system that did not care about me or begin to work and support myself.

That's why I chose to work. Working was excellent for an extended period of time. I made good money doing what I loved. Then tragedy struck. Mismanagement in the corporate office caused the corporation to collapse and massive layoffs ensued. I and everyone around me lost what we considered long term employment. Year after year I rotated through multiple low paying jobs. In 2004, I was forced to consider my education status.

It was that same year that I received my GED, guided by a program based out of the local community college. When I completed the program, I still did not feel as though I was utilizing my talents to their fullest.

In Spring 2009, my future wife encouraged me to begin studying at the University of Memphis. I was skeptical at first. The university was not something that I had thought about, but the recession had taken a toll on me. I was also unemployed, having been either over or under qualified for every position to which I applied. With these things in mind, I applied for admission to the University of Memphis. I was accepted and admitted to begin that fall semester.

I entered the Criminal Justice program with hope that I would be able to apply my degree to help the community in which I was raised. The Department offered me the opportunity to work with the School House Adjustment Program Enterprise (SHAPE). SHAPE offers troubled teenagers across Shelby County the opportunity to stay out of the juvenile justice system and encourages them to stay in high school. The only requirement is that they must complete the program successfully. I feel very passionate about this program. During my tenure, the program has seen its greatest results since its inaugural year.

The same department has allowed me the privilege of working with the Offender Re-Entry program. This program hopes to help citizens leaving prison to reintegrate into their communities. The goal is to reduce recidivism while educating these men and women so that they can have better lives. Through these programs I have seen first hand the effect that government and politics has on our citizens. It was seeing that connection that inspired me to get involved in the political process.

That next semester I began to work voluntarily with the university’s branch of the College Republicans. In spring 2013 I was voted in as the president of that branch. Under my leadership we hosted more events, and reached out to more students than that branch had in prior years. My hard work paid off, but I knew that I wanted to participate in my community as well as my school. This desire led me to reach out to prominent members of the Republican Party.

Although I was a little leery at the time, I wanted to make a difference. The principles demonstrated by local Republican positions corresponded almost precisely with my own. My thoughts on economic policy and the need for smaller government were issues being pursued and addressed aggressively by Republicans.

I, along with local leaders and university mentors, began pursuing a more efficient education system that would work for children and not against them. Legislation was drawn up in support of Opportunity Scholarships, vouchers that would effectively pay tuition so that children from impoverished areas would receive the same quality education as their more affluent peers. A colleague and I, because of our mutual passion, wrote two op-ed pieces for Memphis’ Commercial Appeal. We each wrote about the scholarships and what they could mean for the city of Memphis. With this piece I had hoped to reach a wide range of citizens. I wanted them to feel invested in this cause. I wanted them to feel the sense of urgency.

Not long afterwards, the Opportunity Scholarship initiative failed by a small voting margin. It was the first time in my life that I distinctly saw the importance of a vote. As involved as I had become, I still had not participated in the voting process. I did not feel that my vote meant much. Many, if not all, of the people that I spoke with outside of work and political circles felt the same way. They did not think that their vote mattered. The failing of Opportunity Scholarships changed that for me. It showed me that every vote matters; that every person elected to office, whether local, state or federal, affected what happened in the day to day lives of everyone.

This year will mark the first election cycle that I have ever voted. I am excited, but I recognize that excitement is not common. This experience has invigorated me. I want every individual to understand that part of their responsibility in their community is to vote. I want to educate people on the importance of voting. I want individuals to gain a sense of responsibility so that they can take their neighborhoods back and take control of the future for themselves and their children.

Education has always been a passion, but I have just now realized the scope of that passion. I want to participate in educating my community, my city, in every way possible. I want to impact citizen’s quality of life in such a way that everyone benefits. With the Republican Party, I know that this is possible.

Tale of Two Cities: Why Party Matters for Keeping the Trains Running on Time

Urbanization requires solutions to increasing need for mass transit. In this case study, Republicans show core principles of competency & effective management in action.

  In 2013, Americans took a record 10.7 billion transit trips across the country, with much of this increase occurring in relatively conservative metro areas like Miami, Salt Lake City, Anchorage, Houston, and San Diego. Moreover, public transit ridership is outpacing population growth and vehicle miles traveled (VMT) in the United States: from 1995 to 2013, population increased by 20.3%, VMT by 22.7%, and transit ridership by 37.2%. One thing is clear: Urbanization, as evidenced by the attendant increase in mass transit ridership, is here to stay.

The challenge is to offer rational, effective solutions to the problem of increasing mass transit service, access, and efficiency. However, as urbanization accelerates, fewer Republicans than ever are serving as mayors and on city councils across the country. Accordingly, we have been excluded from decision-making and planning on these deeply important and often expensive endeavors.

Where Republicans have had the opportunity to lead in transit projects, the outcomes speak for themselves. The same is true of when Democrats are in charge of such projects.

While Mesa, AZ is getting an on-time, fiscally efficient light rail system through its downtown, Washington, DC is still waiting for a late, over-budget streetcar system that will have to be rerouted with a few years of its still-unscheduled opening. Similarly, while Indianapolis has achieved success with targeted infrastructure upgrades planned at the neighborhood level, Boston and Massachusetts will be paying for the Big Dig for more than 20 years.

  Mesa and D.C.

Mesa, AZ

In the cases of Mesa, AZ and Washington, DC, we can see the stark contrast between how Republican- and Democrat-controlled governments manage mass transit projects. Planning began in 2010 for a 3.1 mile expansion of the Maricopa County (Arizona) Valley Metro light rail expansion to serve downtown Mesa. With 400,000 residents, Mesa was the largest American city without Sunday transit service until July, 2008, when Republican mayor Scott Smith added it. Valley Metro is a relatively new system, having opened its initial 20 miles in 2008 after a timely construction process. The Mesa expansion is budgeted at just under $200 million, for a cost of about $64 million per mile, roughly 16% lower than Metro’s initial per-mile cost in constant 2014 dollars. Additionally, the central Mesa expansion is presently at or ahead of schedule, with an estimated opening in early 2016, and adds to a line that has consistently exceeded ridership expectancies since opening.

  Washington, D.C.

Compared to the case of the DC Streetcar in Washington, where a mere 2.4 miles separate Union Station and the Benning Road-Oklahoma Avenue intersection by the Anacostia River, the road in DC has been vastly more arduous than in Mesa. Between 2003 and 2006, the District of Columbia government selected H Street Northeast, historically separated from the rest of the city by a bridge over the Union Station rail yards, as a target for redevelopment, including a streetcar, with the stated goal to make the neighborhood resemble Georgetown. At that time, the city planned to both lay track and upgrade the streetscape so as to avoid performing double the work, with a planned completion date of approximately 2008. While that did not go as planned, track was laid along H Street beginning in mid-2009 with an anticipated 2011 completion date. When this in turn did not happen, a goal of mid-2013 was set in August, 2011. Yet another delay occurred in early 2012, when allegations of impropriety arose regarding the bidding process for car construction. As infighting, poor planning, and general mismanagement ruled the process within Washington’s city council, H Street was developing of its own accord. Rather than the miniature Georgetown planners envisioned, the area developed into a hipster enclave, more reminiscent of Brooklyn, and built on the efforts of dozens of small business-owners and other entrepreneurs.

Finally, testing has begun on the system, and it is anticipated to open in summer of 2014, though tellingly, the District of Columbia Department of Transportation is hesitant to place a date on completion. Also telling is how difficult it is to find statistics on how much the DC Streetcar has cost. According to WAMU, as of December, 2013 some $79.2 million had been spent for 2.4 miles of revenue service, for a per mile cost of $33 million. Washington and Mesa are, of course, installing different systems, and streetcars are less expensive than light rail, but the fact remains that actual costs are substantially higher than initial projections, which placed costs at $43 million, or a little under $18 million per mile.

There’s more: according to DDOT studies, the H Street Bridget, the very structure that started Washington down this path, will have to be replaced in the next five years, at which point the Streetcar will have to be rerouted. The H Street line is just the first segment of the DC Streetcar set to open, and DDOT is working to obtain funding through the US Department of Transportation, making its third effort at obtaining $20 million of the approximately $64 million it will need for part of the Anacostia line. With that money, the Streetcar will be able to extend from the intersection of Howard Road and Firth Sterling Avenue to the 11th Street Bridge — a whopping nine-tenths of a mile. That cost does not include an estimated $16 million to acquire a CSX right of way or $15 million for a car barn. Finally, it is worth noting that the Streetcar will not be operated by any local governing body, but rather the Parisian transit authority.

  Indianapolis and Boston

Democrats’ shortcomings on infrastructure are not limited to the nation’s capital, nor are they limited to transportation projects. The cities of Indianapolis and Boston offer a similar comparison between the efficiency of conservative solutions and the “more is more” attitude of liberal solutions.

  Indianapolis

Greg Ballard, the Republican mayor of Indianapolis, announced in September, 2010 the first stages of an infrastructure initiative known as RebuildIndy. The core goal of the plan is to rehabilitate Indianapolis’s streets, bridges, and other public-use infrastructure facilities in an efficient, targeted fashion. Between 2010 and 2013, more than 30 road and bridge improvements, in addition to several storm water, drainage, park, and bike lane projects, were completed at a cost of approximately $500 million. The initiative has been sufficiently successful as to warrant a second round of funding, totaling $350 million over the next three years. Indianapolis has paid for its improvements without tax increases, using a combination of state and federal grants, preexisting city funds, and funds raised from the privatization of certain utilities, namely water and sewage.

  Boston

Compare with Boston, with its infamous Big Dig, an urban revitalization project that centered on burying Interstate 93 and reconnecting downtown neighborhoods. Begun in 1991 with an initial completion date of 1998, the Dig was expected to cost $2.6 billion, but wound up being completed in 2007 at a cost of $14.8 billion. Moreover, the Big Dig is costing the state and its taxpayers an additional $7 billion in interest, which will not be paid off until 2038, in addition to increased salaries, benefits, and pensions for workers on the project and lost revenue from the extra decade of construction and closures. To pay for the massive overruns, Massachusetts hiked both the gas tax and bridge tolls. Sadly, towards the end of the Big Dig, part of the tunnel collapsed, killing one person.

The outcomes in D.C. and Boston are not for lack of ability, intelligence, or good intentions on the part of governing Democrats. Rather, it is the inclination to respond to any problem or challenge with more government action that is the problem. Whereas a conservative solution is predicated on an efficient use of public funds and time, liberal solutions rely upon mollifying groups that include public sector employees, labor interests, and the elected officials who depend upon such groups. As such, more government spending and involvement inevitably ensue, and taxpayers are left facing suboptimal outcomes both in terms of cost and service. This is not just an abstract theory: in the diverse examples of Mesa, Washington, Indianapolis, and Boston, we see how cities reap the benefits of conservative governance being applied toward traditionally liberal ends.

We recently spoke with Mayor Cornett.

Oklahoma City Mayor Mick Cornett was recently elected to his fourth term. It's no wonder why - he effectively leads the city with a conservative approach and serves as a great model for every mayor.  We recently spoke with him and learned about his approach to serving Oklahoma City.  Mayor Cornett has been Republican from a young age. It fit with his "belief in limited government" as well as his "personality and life experiences." He now takes a conservative approach to leading Oklahoma City, and serves as an ideal example of an effective city Republican leader. He puts the needs of Oklahoma City first. He explains how important it is to improve infrastructure and improve quality of life. "Economic development" results from high "quality of life of the citizens." In OKC, Mayor Cornett has "invested heavily in infrastructure," and created a city of which Sooners are proud.  Mayor Cornett explained how he has solves OKC's problems. "When you're mayor, you're confronted with a long list of social issues" that "plague" people. "What we have chosen to do is encourage our citizens to create a community" that fosters jobs.  "The best thing I can do for a family that's struggling" is to create a better job or another job for someone in that family. "We have concentrated on economic development" as a way to address social needs. His approach to job creation focuses heavily on investing in tech programs, attracting young people to the city, and creating a city full of opportunity that is "friendly to business." 

He also notes the importance of an individualized approach to fixing cities' problems. Poverty, mental illness, homelessness, and the like, are "best addresses on a one-on-one basis." "Government is good when it can have one policy everyone" can understand and follow. But social issues don't have a one-size-fits-all-solution. Instead, OKC has built a community that empowers business leaders to address social issues. 

  It works. OKC's cost of living is low, its salaries are above the national average, and its residents are able to save money. His advice to other city Republicans includes focusing on jobs, education, and health. He also says investment in infrastructure pays off, and Oklahomans like that.  But most importantly, "you cannot give up on the inner city, you have to address the issues." Mayor Cornett is the perfect model of an effective city Republican. He addresses the needs of his constituents, fixes problems, and empowers the private sector. 

Jill Homan: The path to Republican urban renewal

Thirteen years ago on July 1, Mayor Richard Riordan ended his term as Los Angeles mayor, leaving Republicans out of office in another major city.

Since that time, some of the city’s residents have moved out and new residents moved in, resulting in over 300,000 net new voters registered – none of whom have lived in Los Angeles as a Republican city.

If the GOP wishes to remain competitive in national elections in 2014 and beyond, it must reverse a two-decade decline in voter support in the country’s major cities.