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TERFS
Bigots
With horny stuff (I personally donât want to see it but like thereâs no inherent issue with it)
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if i look back, i am lost
occasionally subtle


Kiana Khansmith
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â
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@aoifethevampirequeen
DNI
TERFS
Bigots
With horny stuff (I personally donât want to see it but like thereâs no inherent issue with it)

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Show daddy that nice picture again
hear me out. two vampires one coffin.
And they were tombmates..
ohmygod they were tombmates.
guy who's only ever eaten fish discovering red meat for the first time
man this tuna is weird as fuck
Itâs salmon dw abt it
guy who's only ever eaten fish discovering red meat for the first time
man this tuna is weird as fuck

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tw lying
Keep reading
one of the best phrases is to say "but... and its a big but" because it keeps the listener on their toes and they get to think about big butts
penis... and its a big penis,,
You two need help
âummmmm ur bra strap is showing :/ â
i thought this was me at first and i was really confused
omg hi
WEâRE MULTIPLYING
uhhhhhhh
thIS WAS A POST ABOUT BRA STRAPSÂ
OKAY WE ARE ALL TWINS SEPARATED AT BIRTH NO ARGUMENT FROM ANYONE THERE LETS START A TUMBLR ARMY
âyou should be at the clubâ i should be a vampire.
not mutually exclusive
real
âyou should be at the clubâ i should be a vampire.

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Black people have always lead the way for proletarian revolt in America, they will likely do so again, it is the job of communists to support and support the generalisation of this struggle towards the complete abolition of that society based on commodity production; capitalism.
I'm not a Bordigist, but... This text by Bordiga on the Watts Rebellion of 1965 seems somehow relevant to recent protests against racism. I
But even so, some people might object, anarchists by their very nature are vaccinated against the statist virus. Isnât anarchism the arch-enemy of the state? Yes, but⊠Some Marxists can recite whole pages of The Civil War in France on the destruction of the state machine, and quote the passage from State and Revolution where Lenin says that one day cooks will administer society instead of politicians. But these same Marxists can practice the most servile state idolatry, once they come to see the state as the agent of progress or historical necessity. Because they imagine the future as a capitalist socialisation without capitalists, as a world still based on wage labour but egalitarian, democratised and planned, everything prepares them to accept a state (transitional, to be sure) and to go off to war for a capitalist state they see as bad, against another they see as worse. Anarchism overestimates state power by regarding authority as the main enemy, and at the same time underestimates the stateâs force of inertia. The state is the guarantor, but not the creator, of social relationships. It represents and unifies capital, it is neither capitalâs motor nor its centrepiece. From the undeniable fact that the Spanish masses were armed after July 1936, anarchism deduced that the state was losing its substance. But the substance of the state resides not in institutional forms, but in its unifying function. The state ensures the tie which human beings cannot and dare not create among themselves, and creates a web of services which are both parasitic and real. In the summer of 1936, the state apparatus may have seemed derelict in Republican Spain, because it only subsisted as a potential framework capable of picking up the pieces of capitalist society and re-arranging them one day. In the meantime, it continued to live, in social hibernation. Then it gained new strength when the relations opened up by subversion were loosened or torn apart. It revived its organs, and, the occasion permitting, assumed control over those bodies which subversion had caused to emerge. What had been seen as an empty shell showed itself capable not only of revival, but of actually emptying out the parallel forms of power in which the revolution thought it had best embodied itself.
-When Insurrections Die, Gilles DuavĂ©Â
There was the beginning of a revolution in Spain, but it turned into its opposite as the proletarians, convinced that they had effective power, placed their trust in the state to fight against Franco. On that basis, the multiplicity of subversive initiatives and measures taken in production and in daily life were doomed by the simple and terrible fact that they took place in the shadow of an intact state structure, which had initially been put on hold, and then reinvigorated by the necessities of the war against Franco, a paradox which remained opaque to most revolutionary groups at the time. In order to be consolidated and extended, the transformations without which revolution becomes an empty word had to pose themselves as antagonistic to a state clearly designed as the adversary. The trouble was, after July 1936, dual power existed in appearance only. Not only did the instruments of proletarian power which emerged from the insurrection, and those which subsequently oversaw the socialisations, tolerate the state, but they accorded the state a primacy in the anti-Franco struggle, as if it were tactically necessary to pass through the state in order to defeat Franco. In terms of ârealismâ, the recourse to traditional military methods accepted by the far left (including the POUM and the CNT) in the name of effectiveness almost invariably proved ineffective. Sixty years later, people still deplore the fact. But the democratic state is as little suited for armed struggle against fascism as it is for stopping its peaceful accession to power. States are normally loath to deal with social war, and normally fear rather than encourage fraternisation. When, in Guadalajara, the anti-fascists addressed themselves as workers to the Italian soldiers sent by Mussolini, a group of Italians defected. Such an episode remained the exception. From the battle for Madrid (March â37) to the final fall of Catalonia (February â39), the cadaver of the aborted revolution decomposed on the battlefield. One can speak of war in Spain, not of revolution. This war wound up having as its first function the resolution of a capitalist problem: the constitution in Spain of a legitimate state which succeeded in developing its national capital while keeping the popular masses in check.
-When Insurrections Die, Gilles DuavĂ©Â
The two camps undeniably had quite different sociological compositions. If the bourgeoisie was present on both sides, the immense majority of workers and poor peasants supported the Republic, whereas the archaic and reactionary strata (landed property, small holders, clergy) lined up behind Franco. This class polarisation gave a progressive aura to the Republican state, but it did not disclose the historical meaning of the conflict, any more than the large working-class membership of socialist or Stalinist parties told us all about their nature. Such facts were real, but secondary to the social function of these parties: in fact, because they were grass-roots bodies, they were able to control or oppose any proletarian upsurge. Likewise the Republican army had a large number of workers, but for what, with whom and under whose orders were they fighting? To ask the question is to answer it, unless one it considers possible to fight the bourgeoisie in an alliance with the bourgeoisie. âCivil war is the supreme expression of the class struggleâ, Trotsky wrote in Their Morals and Ours (1938). Quite⊠as long as one adds that, from the âWars of Religionâ to the Irish or Lebanese convulsions of our own time, civil war is also, and indeed most often, the form of an impossible or failed social struggle: when class contradictions cannot assert themselves as such, they erupt as ideological or ethnic blocs, still further delaying any human emancipation.
-When Insurrections Die, Gilles DuavĂ©Â
There was the beginning of a revolution in Spain, but it turned into its opposite as the proletarians, convinced that they had effective power, placed their trust in the state to fight against Franco. On that basis, the multiplicity of subversive initiatives and measures taken in production and in daily life were doomed by the simple and terrible fact that they took place in the shadow of an intact state structure, which had initially been put on hold, and then reinvigorated by the necessities of the war against Franco, a paradox which remained opaque to most revolutionary groups at the time. In order to be consolidated and extended, the transformations without which revolution becomes an empty word had to pose themselves as antagonistic to a state clearly designed as the adversary. The trouble was, after July 1936, dual power existed in appearance only. Not only did the instruments of proletarian power which emerged from the insurrection, and those which subsequently oversaw the socialisations, tolerate the state, but they accorded the state a primacy in the anti-Franco struggle, as if it were tactically necessary to pass through the state in order to defeat Franco. In terms of ârealismâ, the recourse to traditional military methods accepted by the far left (including the POUM and the CNT) in the name of effectiveness almost invariably proved ineffective. Sixty years later, people still deplore the fact. But the democratic state is as little suited for armed struggle against fascism as it is for stopping its peaceful accession to power. States are normally loath to deal with social war, and normally fear rather than encourage fraternisation. When, in Guadalajara, the anti-fascists addressed themselves as workers to the Italian soldiers sent by Mussolini, a group of Italians defected. Such an episode remained the exception. From the battle for Madrid (March â37) to the final fall of Catalonia (February â39), the cadaver of the aborted revolution decomposed on the battlefield. One can speak of war in Spain, not of revolution. This war wound up having as its first function the resolution of a capitalist problem: the constitution in Spain of a legitimate state which succeeded in developing its national capital while keeping the popular masses in check.
-When Insurrections Die, Gilles DuavĂ©Â
âWe wonât invite ridicule by accusing the left and far left of having discarded a communist perspective which they knew in reality only when opposing it. It is all too obvious that anti-fascism renounces revolution. But anti-fascism fails exactly where its realism claims to be effective: in preventing a possible dictatorial mutation of society.
Bourgeois democracy is a phase in capitalâs seizure of power, and its extension in the 20th century completes capitalâs domination by intensifying the isolation of individuals. Proposed as a remedy for the separation between man and community, between human activity and society, and between classes, democracy will never be able to solve the problem of the most separated society in history. As a form forever incapable of modifying its content, democracy is only a part of the problem to which it claims to be the solution. Each time it claims to strengthen the âsocial bondâ, democracy contributes to its dissolution. Each time it papers over the contradictions of the commodity, it does so by tightening the hold of the net which the state has placed over social relations.
Even in their own desperately resigned terms, the anti-fascists, to be credible, have to explain to us how local democracy is compatible with the colonisation of the commodity which empties out public space, and fills up the shopping malls. They have to explain how an omnipresent state to which people turn for protection and help, this veritable machine for producing social âgoodâ, will not commit âevilâ when explosive contradictions require it to restore order. Fascism is the adulation of the statist monster, while anti-fascism is its more subtle apology. The fight for a democratic state is inevitably a fight to consolidate the state, and far from crippling totalitarianism, such a fight increases totalitarianismâs stranglehold on society.â
Gilles Duavé - When Insurrections Die

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kate bush featured on top pop, 1978
welcome back carmilla
I wonder if leftists know the SPD sent fascist militias to kill communists and just regular working people. Like it wasnât Hitler, it was the the social democrats, Hitler came afterward and because they did that.
To leftists the idea of a true proletarian revolt is *worse than Nazis*. So like yeah their lesser evilism is eye-roll worthy because they will take that logic *until their are concentration camps* but not even that because they will still use their branding as a shield and deny their role in it, deny their inherent participation.
I mean god these people hailed Mamdani as some sort of light and just looked over the fact the minute he won the election he was publicly endorsed by a person they believe to be equivocal to Adolf Hitler. Like principles just go out of the window for these people and do you know why?
Leftists are Fascists.