alton peques.

We draw together polar opposites that shatter conventional customs. At face value our interests seem rather common, but in reality social barriers exist. Barriers that label and categorize our identity based solely on individual interests. No, our grooming habits do not indicate or determine our sexual orientation. Our masculinity isn’t in question because of our musical preference. We find enjoyment in mixing worlds while serenity in separating them. Flipping through a Nordstrom catalogue while blogging. Listening to Opera while exercising is often seen as unorthodox but accepted in our eyes. We see no labels that restrict hobbies or interests as “WOMEN ONLY”. A feminine activity or “girly” approach is nonexistent from our viewpoint. What we pursue is genuine; we are consumed by what we love at an expense. We are men.

“Taste has been thrown in the shallow box. Like you’re shallow if you're into putting yourself together better, or if you wanna take time to actually look at a black and white movie as oppose to looking at a bunch of explosions... and you can't masculinely do that.”

We come from a group of individuals shunned by one peer group and praised by others. We live within a society that places structural systems on how one should act based on their gender. We embark on a daily balance between peer acceptance and inherent personality. Some of us are un-wavered by public opinion, but some fall victim. We are men.

“It’s almost borderline *not masculine* to open a door for a lady.”

We represent a larger dilemma that plagues communities and destroys character. We recognize the judgment or mistreatment suffered stretches far beyond simple disagreements on hobbies or fashion preferences. We are a group that represents a world of conflicting individuality. The man that happens to be fashion conscious is also the woman who’s a sports fanatic, or the girl that loves sporting the look of sweatpants and sneakers. The kid pleading to his parents that soccer isn’t his forte, but really wants to pursue ballet. The man with taste faces struggles that are relative to each individual shuffling for a place to fit in life. We are men.

We are not a subset of a gender but rather of the people. We are people.

This is an analysis of the film techniques used by Tennessee Williams in scene 7 of A Streetcar Named Desire.

This an analysis of film techniques used by Tennessee Williams in scene 7 of A Streetcar Named Desire. *This video is not affiliated with The New York Times*

Written and filmed during the early 1950’s, A Streetcar Named Desire contains elements of that era’s society and culture. The text of A Streetcar Named Desire however fails to highlight the role the current time period has on the dynamic of each character. The 1950’s is characterized as a time where the orthodox ideals of American life were reaffirmed. “Men expected to be the breadwinners; women, even when they worked, assumed their proper place was at home” (The Culture of the 1950s Par.1). Through visual cues the film adaptation successfully displays the details of this time period that have direct effects on the character makeup and relationship dynamic. The film shows woman submissiveness through Stella’s stay at home role while Stanley, the “breadwinner” works as a factory parts salesman. This common home environment is shown in the film for the viewer to understand the roots of the inequality and hostility in the Kowalski relationship. The societal norms of male dominance during this time are the causes of Stanley’s disrespect and domineering rule over his wife and household. Rather than simply stating the dynamics of the Kowalski relationship, the adaptation provides cultural context to answer why this interaction exists.

The domineering male role in relationships common during this time is livid throughout this adaptation. The vulnerable presence of the woman during this era is also highlighted throughout various interactions between Stanley and Stella Kowalski. This social condition is effectively presented through dialogue and body language. During the text, in reaction to Stella and her sister Blanche’s condescending remarks Stanley breaks several pieces of tableware proclaiming “”Every man is a King!" — And I am the king around here, so don't you forget it” (Williams 107). The film differs by providing a seamless display of this hostile relationship through Stanley’s physical presence and destructive actions. Minute instances of Stanley’s aggression are shown in conversations with his wife Stella as he points in her face and slams his jacket during heated discussions. These visual aggressions are indicative of Stella and Blanche’s inferiority to Stanley and the power he holds to dictate their emotions. However, the dialogue and body language are not the only means Tennessee Williams uses to convey theme and characterization.

In An Empirical Analysis of ‘Acting White’ Fryer and Torelli define ‘acting white’ as a “peer externality” of “academic achievement” (Fryer, Torelli 2005). This behavior description is predominantly used in the black community as an “insult of choice” from underachieving blacks against those who excel (Gregory 1992). The idea of mobility and academic success has been framed as a middle-class/white cultural attribute. Students do not pair achievement within the school setting with the black or hispanic community. Therefore, when witnessing an individual from their family stray from the herd a sense of disconnect is born, which later leads to ridicule, envy, or even hatred (Schroeder-Davis 1992). In contrast to the generalized ‘nerd’ or ‘geek’ classification, to ‘act white’ completely dismembers one from their racial identity. The effects of this castigation is far more complex in that it involves race and ethnic identity rather just social stability.

 ‘Acting white’ is a term that has maintained a solid space in society dating back to the civil rights era (Gregory 1992). As the amount of black high school graduates pursuing post-secondary education increased alongside Scholastic Aptitude Test scores, this movement was identified along the way as ‘white behavior' (Gregory 1992). The participants of this mobility movement were hence identified as blacks who were ‘acting white’. Today the identification of ‘acting white’ and the anti-intellectualism it stems from persists. Roland Fryer and Paul Torelli address the state of ‘acting white’ with empirical research that will shock any citizen that is an active participant in human education. Prepare to be dazzled.

In their paper An Empirical Analysis of ‘Acting White’, Roland G. Fryer, Jr., PhD of Harvard University and Paul Torelli, PhD of Seattle University answer the novice questions we all have. How are these students affected by ‘acting white’? Can we prove it?

The research styles of Fryer and Torelli combine to make this article unrivaled in face of other papers. As Chief Economist at Quantitative Social Science, Paul Torelli compliments Roland Fryer’s qualitative prowess to tackle a complex and evolving topic. Leading this paper’s research, Roland Fryer also brings significant experience pertaining to the subject group studied. Professor Fryer has a strong resume of research dealing with issues that plague underrepresented communities. Papers such as “The Causes and Consequences of Distinctively Black Names” and “The Plight of Mixed Race Kids” are examples of his style of research; using economic models to explain conditions in minority communities. In An Empirical Analysis of ‘Acting White’ Fryer and Torelli do just that. With economic models and studies providing empirical evidence, Fryer and Torelli present the true colors of ‘acting white’ from an objective standpoint.

To measure the presence and effect of ‘acting white’ empirically Fryer and Torelli utilize data that represents the popularity prospects of high achieving minorities. With data explaining trends in friend group associations the researchers can find statistical evidence to support their claim. The more academic success a minority student encounters the more likely they will not associate with peers of the same race. This form of popularity index helps to explain the social exclusion from ‘acting white’ empirically.

With access to the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health commonly referred to as the Addhealth database, Fryer and Torelli were able to asses a stratified random sample of 20,745 students from a nationally representative sample of 90,118 students. A series of interviews were given to both the students and their parents in 1995, 1996, and 2002. Each student were asked to list as many as 5 friends from each sex they were closest to. These student interviews paired with statistics provided from the Addhealth database such as student (race, gender, grade point average, etc.) allotted for a conclusive set of results on the relationship between student race, academic status and peer popularity (Fryer, Torelli 2005).

In this study Fryer and Torelli are using student popularity as the sole objective measure for the effects of ‘acting white’. First, to avoid bias common in self reporting studies they utilize the friendship networks as an “objective measure of social status” (Fryer, Torelli 2005). With each student listing a total of 10 friends, popularity was determined by how connected a student was to his or her peers. Fryer and Torelli however advanced the accuracy of this study by using a “Spectral Popularity Index” (Fryer, Torelli 2005). With this index Student A’s popularity will rise if the friends they listed are more popular than Student B’s (Fryer, Torelli 2005). Evaluating the results the two researchers were able to determine what effects ‘acting white’ has on a student’s popularity prospects and likelihood for same-race association.

Fryer and Torelli found that at around a GPA of 2.5 racial differences in friendship networks begin to take place (Fryer, Torelli 2005). At a GPA of 2.5 Hispanic students face drastic drops in popularity among their race. Black students face this cutoff at around a 3.5 GPA. In contrast Whites witness an increase in popularity as their grade point averages increase (Fryer, Torelli 2005). “A black student with a 4.0 has, on average, 1.5 fewer same-race friends than a white student with a 4.0” while “A Hispanic student with a 4.0 grade point average is the least popular of all Hispanic students, and has 3 fewer friends than a typical white student with a 4.0” (Fryer, Torelli 2005). After a GPA of 3.5 significant effects on popularity and same race relationships take effect for students of color (Fryer, Torelli 2005).

With innovative approaches to assessing student popularity, Roland Fryer and Paul Torelli were able to successfully pinpoint a prevailing concept with statistical evidence. It has been speculated and assumed that severe effects of peer isolation and racial exclusion result from individuals ‘acting white’. Now we have empirically verifiable facts on what it means being a student of color with a high GPA. It means you have a significantly lower chance of associating with others of the same-race. It means that an academic investment is coupled with social sacrifice.

‘Acting white’ has been a debated phenomenon for decades. Now with An Empirical Analysis of ‘Acting White’ we can specify the effects this behavior has based on achievement level. While initially verifying that this is an actual problem within schools this data stretches farther. Students facing disengagement and isolation from their ethnic community may endure other psychological and emotional distress. This can subsequently alter their educational experience and limit individual potential. This data only provides the means to prompt discourse and activism. With a loaded weapon such as this academic paper, our society is now equipped with information that will induce concern and genuine inquiry about the well being of minority groups within schools. Students bound to defy the odds and advance their own life should be cultivated and supported. Today these students are facing the opposite. Success should praised and heralded not condemned.

“Go into any inner city neighborhood, and folks will tell you that government alone can’t teach kids to learn. They know that parents have to parent, that children can’t achieve unless we raise their expectations and turn off the television sets and eradicate the slander that says a black youth with a book is acting white.”

President Barack Obama, 2004 Democratic National Convention Keynote Address (Fryer, Torelli 2005).

Will be Kendrick be opening for Kanye? These are questions that are sure to only be answered as the tour begins. West is well known to raise the bar and push the performance envelope for not only rappers but artists in general. Following the success of the Watch The Throne Tour expect Kanye to take great measures to develop a complete experience for his solo tour.The unique marketing and promotion strategy used for Yeezus took the world by surprise. Anticipate nothing less from "Yeezus" than one of the best tours of the year 2013.

"Yeezus" the album debuted at No. 1 on the Billboard 200 in June, selling 327,000 copies in its first week, according to Nielsen SoundScan. It marked West's sixth No. 1 album and sixth straight chart-topper (this includes his album with Jay Z). Only his debut album, "The College Dropout," missed the top slot.

- Billboard