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I'm being honest right now, reading this nearly made me shed tears. Despite everything that's happened to her, a large chunk of her testament is dedicated to praying for Napoleon, who isn't even her husband anymore. Girl actually deserved soooooooo much better.
So this is the passage in the latest edition of Bertrand's "Cahiers" (Cahiers de Sainte-Hélène - Les 500 derniers jours (1820-1821), ed. Houdecek/Lentz, Perrin 2021) that related to Bernadotte becoming crown prince of Sweden und also mentioning Eugène:
It's the entry of 25 February 1821.
English translation with the help of DeepL:
Regarding Swedish affairs, the first overture made to the Emperor, as far as he could remember, took place in Donauwerth in 1809, when he was marching on Vienna. The Swedes wanted his approval so that they would have nothing to fear from Russia. The Emperor said to them: „I have many matters to attend to: Spain and a new war with Austria. We must see how this will end.“ – „Oh! It will soon be over; it will be a walk in the park,“ replied the Swedish envoys. The Emperor urged them to join forces with Denmark in order to make common cause against Russia. The following year, probably during the Emperor's wedding, Count Fersen came to congratulate him and, as far as he can remember, spoke of Bernadotte for the first time. „Since Prince Eugene cannot become a Protestant, would it suit you if we took Bernadotte?“ It seems that the Emperor had already advised them, or advised them then, to make the Duke of Sudermania regent for the king and, after him, to choose the son of Gustav, who had done nothing to lose his crown. „In this way, you will finish all your business quickly and without embarrassment, whereas changing dynasties is always a big deal.“
It seems that Bernadotte was strongly supported by Désaugiers, the Swedish consul general in Paris, who was a regular at the Manège, where he had met Bernadotte. Désaugiers made several trips to Sweden, spoke warmly of Bernadotte and assured everyone that they would be very pleased with him. By choosing Bernadotte, the Swedes wanted to secure the protection of Emperor Napoleon and hoped that his protection would facilitate the recovery of Finland. On the one hand, they were somewhat hesitant to propose Bernadotte and asked the Emperor if he was in agreement, if he did not fear that it would upset Russia by causing friction with it and thwarting its policy. They were very surprised when they saw Bernadotte adopt and follow their nation's system with Russia and England. He decided that he could never regain Finland, so he turned his attention to Norway; this was a fortunate idea for Sweden.
So according to Bertrand, Napoleon suggested that the Swedes had already asked for Eugène before they picked Bernadotte. Which seems rather unlikely, as to my knowledge there had been no contact between Eugène and Sweden before 1809. The common narrative has Napoleon trying to "offer" Eugène instead of Bernadotte and the Swedes going "Meh. Who's that guy anyway?", while another version has Eugène politely refusing when asked by Duroc. (Eugène going to Sweden might indeed have been problematic since he was related to the former kings of the Wasa family through his Wittelsbach relations.) Maybe Napoleon embellished the story a little here, or Bertrand simply misunderstood or misinterpreted something.
As to the text quoted in the original post, I do not know the context, but it is possible that it is a misunderstanding as well as I believe only a part of Bertrand's journals had been decoded at first. From what I have seen of Bertrand's journals, Eugène is actually treated somewhat better in them than in Las Cases' or Gourgaud's memoirs (who may both have had a bone to pick with him). As to Napoleon "disliking" Eugène - well, there are mentions of Eugène taking with him Napoleon's silverware to Munich (which he didn't, I believe), and Napoleon did play quite a trick on him in his will, promising large sums of money to lots of people and expecting Eugène to pay them. There may well have been a certain amount of bitterness.
Thank you so much!!!
(Also to give Napoleon the benefit of the doubt, he probably thought Eugene was still absolutely loaded with money).
If it isn't too much trouble, could I have some screenshots or such of Napoleon's thoughts on Eugene in these journals?
Can someone please help me find a free version of general Bertrand's journal about saint helena from january - may 1821 i feel like i'm losing my marbles right now
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i dont ship historical figures but i always wonder why people actually thought napoleon and aleksandr had things going on between them, when it seemed more plausible there wouldve been things between aleksandr and napoleon's wife... i barely see people talk about josephine and aleksandr's relationship🤔🤔🤔
actually we just need to just talk about josephine more i adore her and it seems people dont mnow much about her
Well, people saw some ship material between Napoleon and Aleksandr I by reading some Napoleon's letter (to his wife Josephine of all people), where he wrote "if the tsar was a woman, I would take her as my lover". And also because iconography of their meeting at Tilsit often involves them kissing on the mouth.
Actually all of these cues shouldn't be seen as proofs of anything.
About the quote from his letter, Napoleon was pretty mysoginist during an age where weakness/delicacy and femininity were expected to be synonims, just like strength and masculinity were.
So I PERSONALLY suspect that it could be interpreted as him expressing a wish to dominate a fellow powerful monarch, one whom he had been at war just a few years earlier, in a emasculating way. No matter the happy atmosphere and all the talks about peace at the time, the rivalry was still there, and we know how it ended.
The context of this quote is a private letter to his own wife. He could be more honest here, as Josephine was one of the few whom he was more vulnerable and sincere with. And it's his wife, of course he's joking.
I wouldn't exclude that he also meant to tease her about lovers by stating something absurd. Josephine was quite (justifiably) jealous, so whenever he didn't lie about it, he teased her at best and scolded her at worst.
As for Napoleon and Aleksandr always depicted as kissing, it was not meant as a romantic kiss. Russians had (still have?) the custom of kissing people on their mouth as a way to pay respect to them. If there are some Russian people out there please confirm this.
But I do remember reading about a doctor kissing prince Andrej Bolkonskij in War and Peace to show respect. Another famous trace of this custom is that photography of Breznev and Honecker in 1979, as they were celebrating the solidarity between URSS and DDR.
I completely agree with adoring and talking more about Joséphine, so now let's do it now.
I believe that anything that made people think about a relationship between Alexander and her is mostly tied to the treatment she received by many Memoirs' authors and the historians who believed any biased bullshit about her in those. Josephine has always been depicted as promiscuous and unfaithful with a demeaning intent, but there's actually no first-hand source backing up this image. There's nothing certain even about Hippolyte Charles, and yet many professional historians still think that their affair is 100% true. More on it on this post.
Believing that she turned to Napoleon's enemy after his defeat is very useful to those who wanted to throw salt in the wound up to the very last grain. It depicts her as a golddigger, and Napoleon as a loser as a consequence.
Kubrick wanted to include that in his missed Napoleon blockbuster. Scott did it in his vomit-inducing biopic from three years ago, whose the only real purpose was throwing very inaccurate shade at Napoleon.
The thing is, once the Coalition had conquered Paris and exiled Napoleon in 1814, Josephine was desperate for support for her children and herself.
She was the divorced wife of a fallen enemy and her income was primarily based on the pension he gave her. Her only intent was to grant her family safety and economic stability. So she openly welcomed the friendlyness Alexander showed to her.
But there's no real proof of anything other than respect between them. Alexander enjoyed visiting all the Beauharnais which often received him together. If there's someone we could suspect as flirting with Alexander, that's Joséphine's daughter, Hortense. They were much closer in age and Hortense was separated, longing for connection. There are sources mentioning long visits and much fondness between the tsar and the former Queen of Holland.
My main source for this opinion is Pierre Branda's biography of Josephine, Josephine - Le paradoxe du cygne.
This 100%
It's absolutely crazy how whenever Napoleon cheats on Josephine, a bunch of (mainly male) historians say "oh, well she cheated on him before" or "well, he's the emperor it's completely normal." But when Josephine tries to seek out basic support from another male, especially in a time when her children's fates were at risk, suddenly she's an ungrateful flirt. Same goes for Eugene and Hortense too, when it was the former who tried to write to Napoleon on elba and the latter went to support him during his return. Even Josephine wrote to Eugene how pained she was by the newspapers speaking ill of Napoleon.
EXACTLY CAZZO!!! And I believe Napoleon himself have never said anything mean about her being supported by the tsar, because he was a pragmatic bitch who understood the situation she was in, and still believed in her devotion.
Well he was mad at Hortense, but that quickly ended when he saw her starting to cry. Not to mention during the Hundred Days he mourned Josephine and felt grief at Malmaison. I don't think he held anything against Eugene for not joining him either.
i dont ship historical figures but i always wonder why people actually thought napoleon and aleksandr had things going on between them, when it seemed more plausible there wouldve been things between aleksandr and napoleon's wife... i barely see people talk about josephine and aleksandr's relationship🤔🤔🤔
actually we just need to just talk about josephine more i adore her and it seems people dont mnow much about her
Well, people saw some ship material between Napoleon and Aleksandr I by reading some Napoleon's letter (to his wife Josephine of all people), where he wrote "if the tsar was a woman, I would take her as my lover". And also because iconography of their meeting at Tilsit often involves them kissing on the mouth.
Actually all of these cues shouldn't be seen as proofs of anything.
About the quote from his letter, Napoleon was pretty mysoginist during an age where weakness/delicacy and femininity were expected to be synonims, just like strength and masculinity were.
So I PERSONALLY suspect that it could be interpreted as him expressing a wish to dominate a fellow powerful monarch, one whom he had been at war just a few years earlier, in a emasculating way. No matter the happy atmosphere and all the talks about peace at the time, the rivalry was still there, and we know how it ended.
The context of this quote is a private letter to his own wife. He could be more honest here, as Josephine was one of the few whom he was more vulnerable and sincere with. And it's his wife, of course he's joking.
I wouldn't exclude that he also meant to tease her about lovers by stating something absurd. Josephine was quite (justifiably) jealous, so whenever he didn't lie about it, he teased her at best and scolded her at worst.
As for Napoleon and Aleksandr always depicted as kissing, it was not meant as a romantic kiss. Russians had (still have?) the custom of kissing people on their mouth as a way to pay respect to them. If there are some Russian people out there please confirm this.
But I do remember reading about a doctor kissing prince Andrej Bolkonskij in War and Peace to show respect. Another famous trace of this custom is that photography of Breznev and Honecker in 1979, as they were celebrating the solidarity between URSS and DDR.
I completely agree with adoring and talking more about Joséphine, so now let's do it now.
I believe that anything that made people think about a relationship between Alexander and her is mostly tied to the treatment she received by many Memoirs' authors and the historians who believed any biased bullshit about her in those. Josephine has always been depicted as promiscuous and unfaithful with a demeaning intent, but there's actually no first-hand source backing up this image. There's nothing certain even about Hippolyte Charles, and yet many professional historians still think that their affair is 100% true. More on it on this post.
Believing that she turned to Napoleon's enemy after his defeat is very useful to those who wanted to throw salt in the wound up to the very last grain. It depicts her as a golddigger, and Napoleon as a loser as a consequence.
Kubrick wanted to include that in his missed Napoleon blockbuster. Scott did it in his vomit-inducing biopic from three years ago, whose the only real purpose was throwing very inaccurate shade at Napoleon.
The thing is, once the Coalition had conquered Paris and exiled Napoleon in 1814, Josephine was desperate for support for her children and herself.
She was the divorced wife of a fallen enemy and her income was primarily based on the pension he gave her. Her only intent was to grant her family safety and economic stability. So she openly welcomed the friendlyness Alexander showed to her.
But there's no real proof of anything other than respect between them. Alexander enjoyed visiting all the Beauharnais which often received him together. If there's someone we could suspect as flirting with Alexander, that's Joséphine's daughter, Hortense. They were much closer in age and Hortense was separated, longing for connection. There are sources mentioning long visits and much fondness between the tsar and the former Queen of Holland.
My main source for this opinion is Pierre Branda's biography of Josephine, Josephine - Le paradoxe du cygne.
This 100%
It's absolutely crazy how whenever Napoleon cheats on Josephine, a bunch of (mainly male) historians say "oh, well she cheated on him before" or "well, he's the emperor it's completely normal." But when Josephine tries to seek out basic support from another male, especially in a time when her children's fates were at risk, suddenly she's an ungrateful flirt. Same goes for Eugene and Hortense too, when it was the former who tried to write to Napoleon on elba and the latter went to support him during his return. Even Josephine wrote to Eugene how pained she was by the newspapers speaking ill of Napoleon.
Napoleon’s decree in 1810: First regulation limiting pollution in French history
Source: Décret impérial du 15/10/1810
This comes after the creation of the Public Hygiene and Health Council of the City of Paris on 6 July 1802, and each department getting its own Health Council.
In addition, the ordinance of the Prefect of Police on 12 February 1806 concerning preliminary investigations then authorization necessary for factories, workshops and laboratories producing polluting or dangerous products.
According to Éloi Laurent (Towards Social-Ecological Well-Being):
“The first laws regulating French industrial establishments and in particular the imperial decree of October 15, 1810 was the first legislation in the world regulating pollution (it was extended by the law of December 19, 1917).”
Below is an English translation of the 1810 decree.
————-
Imperial decree of 10/15/1810 relating to factories and workshops that emit an unhealthy or inconvenient odor.
NAPOLEON, Emperor of the French, King of Italy, Protector of the Confederation of the Rhine, Mediator of the Swiss Confederation;
On the report of our Minister of the Interior;
Considering the complaints brought by various individuals against factories and workshops whose operation gives rise to unhealthy or inconvenient exhalations;
The report made on these establishments by the chemistry section of the physical and mathematical sciences class of the Institute;
Our Council of State heard;
We HAVE DECREED and DECREE the following:
Article 1 of the decree of 15 October 1810
As of the publication of this decree, factories and workshops which emit an unhealthy or inconvenient odor may not be formed without permission from the administrative authority: these establishments will be divided into three classes.
The first will include those who must be located away from private homes.
The second will include factories and workshops whose distance from homes is not strictly necessary, but which should only be set up once it is certain that the operations carried out there will not inconvenience or cause damage to neighboring homeowners.
In the third class will be establishments which can remain near homes without inconvenience, but must remain subject to surveillance by the police.
Article 2 of the decree of 15 October 1810
The necessary permission for the formation of factories and workshops included in the first class will be granted, with the following formalities, by a decree issued by our Council of State.
Permission for the operation of establishments in the second class will be granted by the prefects, on the advice of the sub-prefects.
Permissions for the operation of establishments in the last class will be issued by sub-prefects, who will first obtain the opinion of the mayors.
Article 3 of the decree of 15 October 1810
Permission for first class plants and factories will only be granted subject to the following formalities:
The request for authorization will be presented to the prefect, and posted, by his order, in all communes within a five kilometer radius.
Within this period, any individual will be allowed to present grounds of opposition.
The mayors of the communes will have the same right.
Article 4 of the decree of 15 October 1810
If there is opposition, the Prefecture Council will weigh in, with the exception of a decision by the Council of State.
Article 5 of the decree of 15 October 1810
If there is no opposition, permission will be granted, if necessary, on the advice of the prefect and the report of our Minister of the Interior.
Article 6 of the decree of 15 October 1810
If it concerns a soude[*] factory, or if the factory is to be established within the customs area, our Director of Customs will be consulted.
Article 7 of the decree of 15 October 1810
Authorization to form factories and workshops in the second class will only be granted after the following formalities have been completed.
The entrepreneur will first send his request to the sub-prefect of his arrondissement, who will forward it to the mayor of the commune in which the establishment is to be formed; by instructing him to carry out a de commodo et incommodo[**] enquiry. Once this is completed, the sub-prefect will issue a decree which he will forward to the prefect. The prefect will make the decision, unless any interested parties appeal to our Council of State.
If there is opposition, it will be decided by the Prefecture Council, except for an appeal to the Council of State.
Article 8 of the decree of 15 October 1810
Factories or establishments in the third class can only be formed with the permission of the Prefect of Police, in Paris, and the mayor in other towns.
If complaints arise against the decision taken by the Prefect of Police or the mayors, on a request to form a factory or workshop included in the third class, they will be judged by the Prefecture Council.
Article 9 of the decree of 15 October 1810
The local authority will indicate the place where the factories or workshops included in the first class may be established, and will specify its distance from private dwellings. Any individual who carries out construction in the vicinity of these factories and workshops after their establishment has been authorized will no longer be allowed to request their removal.
Article 10 of the decree of 15 October 1810
Establishments that emit an unhealthy or inconvenient odor will be divided into three classes in accordance with the table appended to this imperial decree. It will serve as a rule whenever it comes to deciding on requests for the formation of these establishments.
Article 11 of the decree of 15 October 1810
The provisions of this decree will not have retroactive effect: consequently, all establishments currently in operation will continue to operate freely, with the exception of any damages to which contractors may be liable in the event of damage to the property of their neighbors; such damages will be settled by the courts.
Article 12 of the decree of 15 October 1810
However, in the event of serious inconvenience for public health, culture, or the general interest, first-class factories and workshops causing such inconvenience may be suppressed by virtue of a decree issued by our Council of State, after having heard the local police, taken the opinion of the prefects and received the defense of the manufacturers.
Article 13 of the decree of 15 October 1810
Establishments maintained under article 11 will cease to enjoy this benefit as soon as they are transferred to another location, or if there is a six-month interruption in their work. In either case, they will fall into the category of establishments to be formed, and they will not be able to resume activity until they have obtained a new permit, if necessary.
Article 14 of the decree of 15 October 1810
Our Ministers of the Interior and the General Police are each responsible for the execution of the present decree, which will be published in the Bulletin of Laws.
NAPOLEON
By the Emperor:
Minister Secretary of State,
H. B. DUKE OF BASSANO
——————
My notes:
Attached to this decree is an appendix with
“nomenclature of factories, establishments and workshops emitting an unhealthy or inconvenient odor, which may not be set up without permission from the Administrative Authority.”
Some of the substances listed can be translated and some cannot. I recommend going to the link at the top of this post to check it out if interested.
[*] Soude definition
[**] De commodo et incommodo definition
Public Hygiene and Health Council of the City of Paris is a translation of Conseil d'hygiène publique et de salubrité de la Ville de Paris
An additional source on this legislation: Fondation Napoléon
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David painted an impressive painting of "The Distribution of the Eagles in 1804". That 5th December was cold, windy, and rainy. Joséphine and her ladies wore their gold-embroidered satin gowns and must have been freezing! But wait, where is Joséphine...? 👆🤫
In this sketch of a draft of the painting, Joséphine can be seen sitting gracefully in her white gown behind the Emperor...
...but instead of Empress Joséphine in the painting we see her children, Eugène and Hortense. Wtf...!!!! 😬
When the painting was finished in 1809 and Napoléon saw it for the first time, he ordered David to remove Empress Joséphine from the painting. The artist obeyed...
Why such a vicious, hateful act? David's painting is now worthless. And Napoléon reveals himself as a brutal autocrat. I'm surprised he didn't also burn all the love letters he wrote to Joséphine! 🔥🔥💌🔥
I'm going down to Roederer memoir rabbit hole, and in 1813, Napoleon compared Eugene to Joseph (the latter he was judging as having a bad reign over Spain)
Me. — Sire, perhaps the King doesn't specifically desire the crown of Spain* but a crown.
The Emperor. — Well! Even if I were to separate the crown of Italy from the crown of France (I have never had the firm intention of uniting or separating them), could I set aside the Viceroy, a young man who is loved and respected by everyone, who has always served me faithfully and honorably? He has honor, the King does not.
I find this really interesting. Was there a slight possibility he was still considering a crown for Eugene? He did insist on the crown of Sweden originally.
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For context, Napoleon was criticizing Joseph's character and rule over Spain. This is taken from Roederer's Memoir.
....The King depends on women, his houses, his furniture. He was seriously telling me at the Prado that I had to prevent my grenadiers from disturbing his palace. As for me, I care neither for Saint-Cloud nor the Tuileries. They could burn them down and I wouldn't care. I value my houses for nothing, my women for nothing, my son for a little. I leave one place, I go to another, I leave Saint-Cloud, I go to Moscow, not for my own taste or for my friends, but for a very simple calculation.
In trying to depict Bonaparte, it would be necessary, following the analytical forms of which he was so fond, to separate into three very distinct parts his soul, his heart, and his mind; for no one of these ever blended completely with the others. Although very remarkable for certain intellectual qualities, no man, it must be allowed, was ever less lofty of soul. There was no generosity, no true greatness in him. I have never known him to admire, I have never known him to comprehend, a fine action. He always regarded every indication of a good feeling with suspicion; he did not value sincerity; and he did not hesitate to say that he recognized the superiority of a man by the greater or less degree of cleverness with which he used the art of lying. On the occasion of his saying this, he added, with great complacency, that when he was a child one of his uncles had predicted that he should govern the world, because he was an habitual liar. “M. de Metternich,” he added, “approaches to being a statesman—he lies very well.”
On his heart:
... I ought now to speak of Bonaparte’s heart; but, if it were possible to believe that a being, in every other way similar to ourselves, could exist without that portion of our organization which makes us desire to love and to be loved, I should say that in his creation the heart was left out. Perhaps, however, the truth was that he succeeded in suppressing it completely. He was always too much engrossed by himself to be influenced by any sentiment of affection, no matter of what kind. He almost ignored the ties of blood and the rights of nature; I do not know that even paternity weighed with him. It seemed, at least, that he did not regard it as his primary relation with his son. One day, at breakfast, when, as was often the case, Talma had been admitted to see him, the young Napoleon was brought to him. The Emperor took the child on his knee, and, far from caressing, amused himself by slapping him, though not so as to hurt him; then, turning to Talma, he said, “Talma, tell me what I am doing?” Talma, as may be supposed, did not know what to say. “You do not see it,” continued the Emperor; “I am slapping a King.”
And finally, on his mind:
The intellect of Bonaparte was most remarkable. It would be difficult, I think, to find among men a more powerful or comprehensive mind. It owed nothing to education; for, in reality, he was ignorant, reading but little, and that hurriedly. But he quickly seized upon the little he learned, and his imagination developed it so extensively that he might easily have passed for a well-educated man.
From what I know, at least according to Cronin, Remusat wrote these memoirs and shared them with prominent people after Napoleon's fall, which can be seen by how Chateaubriand commented on them (saying how they were interesting, presenting many details on court). What's interesting is that she wrote her memoirs when Napoleon was on Elba, but burnt them during the Hundred Days.
Sources:
https://www.gutenberg.org/cache/epub/49175/pg49175-images.html
https://www.poetryintranslation.com/PITBR/Chateaubriand/ChateaubriandMemoirsBookXVI.php
https://archive.org/details/napoleon0000cron_y3x1/page/440/mode/2up?q=remusat
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