Defining all violence as decolonisation and thus valid as resistance, sidesteps that sexual violence is never an act of resistance. Sexual violence doesnât aim to reclaim homes, doesnât aim to reclaim land, the nation. It doesnât aim to gain political representation or punish genocidal leaders. A man who rapes a woman of an oppressor group gains nothing but the satisifcation of enacting violence.
What the ethnic conflicts of the 1990s (Yugoslav and Rwanda wars) showed was that sexual violence of women was a way of acting revenge against the male opposition. Women werenât seen as actual combatants or enforcers of the opposing regimes but as the women belonging to the Bosnian or Tutsi men. It was about defiling the wives, daughters, mothers and sisters of the men they hated.
Moreover, women are targeted with rape in ethnic conflicts specifically as a way of âbreeding outâ the other ethnic population. With rape comes forced impregnation, increased female infertility, and overall psychological trauma. In the eyes of men this will led to the opposing ethnicity being âbred outâ, because it is the manâs âseedâ that prevails over the femaleâs âincubationâ.
Cindy Snyder in âOn the Battleground of Womenâa Bodies: Mass Rape: in Bosnia-Herzegovinaâ, explains that enacting sexual violence against women has long been considered as symbolic of the ârape of a nationâ in conflicts. In Bosnia, because women were predominantly valued for their reproductive capabilities, they were particularly vulnerable to sexual violence as âthe potential repositories of future soldier-sons, symbols of the nation, yet the property of the nation.â
The half-Serbian children born to raped Bosnian women, were wholly Serbian in the eyes of both groups. The women who were raped faced added social ostracization from their own communities, because they had been âdefiledâ by the opposing ethnic group.
In the wider context of the Israeli-Palestine conflict this takes on a specific meaning with the need to âout-populateâ the opposing ethnic group. And you may be thinking that because Israelis are the oppressor group, itâs illogical to compare it to the Serbian rape of Bosnian women. But we also saw the inverse when the historically oppressed majority Hutu enacted mass sexual violence against the historically oppressor Tutsi minority in Rwanda. Thus, in both the Bosnian and Rwandan wars, women were targeted with sexual violence as a way of enacting patriachy-influenced genocide. Its why we have to consider sexual violence as completely divorced from other acts of violence (often born from desperation), because itâs purpose is completely removed from that of actual resistance. This isnât to say Israel have not and will not utilise rape as a tool of ethnic cleansing against Palestinians, they have and will, and it will be equally abhorrent.
The overall point is that the way men wage war on whatever side they are, leads to sexual violence because women are considered only in relation to men. They arenât considered actual people, just vessels to enact male hatred and violence.
1. Campbell, K. (2003) âRape as a âcrime against humanityâ: trauma, law and justice in the ICTYâ, Journal of Human Rights.
2. Clark, J.N. (2017) âUntangling a rape Causation and the Importance of the Micro Level: Elucidating the Use of Mass Rape during the Bosnian Warâ, Ethnopolitics.
3. Farewell, N. (2004) âWar Rape: New Conceptualisations and Resolutionsâ, AFFLIA.
4. Reid-Cunningham, A.R. (2006) âRape as a weapon of genocideâ, Genocide Studies.
5. Schmitt, R.M. (2011) âWar rape, Natalieâs and genocideâ, Journal of Genocide Research.
6. Snyder, C.S. (2006) âOn the Battleground of Womenâs Bodies of Mass Rape in Bosnia-Hezergovinaâ, Journal of Women and Social Work.