"The patientsâ responses to Abrahamsâs groups varied. Some toed the line:
Dr. Abrahams who works with us here in the Hall is someone to whom we are all very grateful for helping us solve our problems and finding out what brought us here. . . . Let us all pull together, and take our place in society together.
Others were less sure of the value of group therapy:
They [groups] are interesting, from the stand-point of applied therapeutics, but do they accomplish anything? . . . The main difficulty, as seen by Your Reporter, thus far, is that the Group seems to wanderâthey digressâand nothing seems to be done to correct this situation. Why?
And some were more directly critical:
Yet I was hostile to group therapy at first. It seemed to me a cut-rate modification of individual psychotherapy, an ersatz, prostituted, watered down system evolved out of necessity, embellished with a new name, and a few flourishes of theory to make it appear respectable.
Ward staff was another matter; nurses and attendants were more uniformly reticent to accept the changes. Once quiet wards were now more lively; one began to hear the âmore normal soundsâ of conversation on the wards. Some of the attendants, moreover, feared that leniency would lead to difficulties in maintaining control and might even provoke rioting. The facts that rioting did not happen, and that ward staff were either moved out of the hall or retrained in group psychotherapy, helped overcome, or at least contain, that friction.
Once assembled as a group, the Black patients would use the session to discuss problems on the wardâprivileges, visiting hours, food preparationâin addition to their psychiatric maladies. One of the first patient requests was to the Red Cross for reading material and for opportunities for recreation. When these requests were granted, patients in the white wards took note and asked for group therapy in their section of Howard Hall.
Where in early 1946 there were virtually no therapeutic activities, now, by early 1947, the hall became host to recreational therapy, occupational therapy, and psychodrama, along with a variety of others. Patients noticed the change. One, for example, commented that
many old time patients of Howard Hall are saying that the Hall is a much better place to live in than it was a few years ago. Many improvements have been noticed in the last year [1947] or so.
...
The role of the psychiatrist in group sessions was to prevent epistemic closure. The consensus reality of the group included the psychiatrist, who stood in for an outside vision of reality. The physicianâs presence in the group stood in for a reality that was authoritative but not definitive; his perspective was included in the deliberative process but didnât determine the outcome. In this vision of community, the ambition of guardianship was to ensure the translatability of group decisions to both the hospital (administrators, psychiatrists, other patients) and, in principle, the wider (sane) public. The ambition was to make both madness and wider hospital needs and interests mutually recognizableâto turn private claims into appreciably public ones.
This kind of consensus building is a twist on the traditional image of able-minded dialogue partners that underpins most visions of collective deliberation. In Howard Hall, we have a vision of reason, of deliberation, without a traditional reasoner. Rationality (at least in theory) was an emergent property of patients working in concert, and deliberation was put in service of a shared, world-building project."
- Christopher D. Berk, Democracy in Captivity: Prisoners, Patients, and the Limits of Self-Government. Oakland: University of California Press, 2023. p. 31-32, 34.











