Do you think alexander considered hephaistion his alter-ego?
"He, too, is Alexander"
Did Alexander think of Hephaistion as his alter-ego? Quite possiblyâbut not by that term. For one thing, âalter-egoâ is Latin, and we find it first used in writing by Cicero, although it may have been (quite possibly was) in common parlance prior.
The concept did appear to exist in Greek, but the tendency to apply it to Alexander and Hephaistion owes chiefly to two attestations. The first is the recorded meeting between Alexander, Hephaistion, and Sisygambus, wherein he supposedly said, of Hephaistion, "He, too, is Alexander." The other concerns a quip attributed to Aristotle, mentioned in Diogenes Laertus that friendship is one soul in two bodiesâbut this is not found Aristotle's surviving works, despite a longish passage on friendship in his Nikomachian Ethics.
Without being unduly cynical, we must always take exact phrasing with a grain of salt. I think there's very little we can be certain Alexander said. Same problem with Aristotle, unless you're reading his actual writings, and even some of those are dubious, such as the infamous Ath Pol, or Constitution of the Athenians. We typically distinguish these as âpseudo-Aristotle.â (So if you see âpseudo-âsome-name, that means the work is attributed to that person but almost certainly not actually written by him/her.)
So, as part of my usual âLet me âsplain you why you canât trust that story/sayingâŚ,â letâs play some dating games here.
First, Cicero is our initial attested use of âalter ego,â in a letter to his friend Atticus, that dates the phrase to somewhere between 68-44, or middle of the first century BCE. Maybe we can push it back a little earlier to the early first century, but Iâd be uncomfortable pushing it further without solid evidence. Popular terms change. Anybody call a fashionable (male) person, âThat cool catâŚâ these daysâexcept as a bit of a joke? I didnât think so. đ But âcoolâ itself is otherwise still in common use. So we have to be careful about when terms are popular.
Now, the story of Alexander before Sysigamgus is best known from Curtius (3.12.16-17), but Diodoros also relates it (17.37.5-6), and so does Arrian (2.12.3-8)âalthough with a caveat. He says it doesnât appear in his trusted sources (Aristoboulos or Ptolemy) but he tells it anyway, apparently because he approves of the actions in it.
We donât know where it comes from. Maybe Kleitarchos? Possibly Kallisthenes? It does not appear in either Plutarchâs bio of Alexander or his Moralia, although normally he loved these sorts of anecdotes. Thereâs a good reason, however, that Plutarch doesnât tell it (see below). Justin is just too short. (It also appears in abbreviated form in a couple of later Roman sources, Valerius Maximus and Dio Chrysostom. So it was clearly popular in the rhetorician crowd.)
So, what are the words attributed to Alexander? Diodorosâ Greek is kai gar kai outos Alexandros estin: âand for also this [man] Alexander isâ (6). Arrian renders it kai gar ekeinon einai Alexandron: âand for that man is Alexanderâ (7). Curtius puts it, albeit in Latin, nam et hic Alexander est: âfor he also Alexander isâ (17). Yes, I rendered those into English pretty exactly, even if it sounds a bit funny. First, it helps show how every translation is an interpretation, but also allows us to watch the parsing itself.
None of them is exactly the same, even if the meaning is the same. Thatâs a good reminder we donât have his exact phrasing!
Assuming the event even happened.
Why should we doubt it? Aside from Arrianâs skepticism?
This story feels a LOT like a classic lesson in proper clemency. Iâve talked about the importance of clemency before. The bulk of this tale is meant to show a chivalrous Alexander early in his career, before he fell victim to divine aspirations and the lure of that nasty Oriental Luxury <tm>. See what a good guy he was?! Plutarch, in his take, insists not only did Alexander not rape the royal women, he wouldnât even look at the women. Thatâs probably why he doesnât tell this story, because going to their tent absolutely IS looking at them, donchaknow. Itâs even funnier because itâs Plutarch who tells us Statiera died in childbirth well, well after that baby could have been Dariusâs. (Consistency? What consistency? Pfff.)
My point here is that the story may very well have been fabricated to make a MORAL point of how to be an honorable victorâwhether in the era of the Successors (which grew increasingly bloody and vicious), or in the later Roman period. It would also provide a perfect example for Curtius to contrast with Alexanderâs later Asian debauchery.
You may be wondering, But why would they make up an entire story like that? Wouldnât people know?
Um, to prove my point I give youâŚTwitter, QAnon, and whatever quote is being attributed (wrongly) to Samuel L. Jackson this week. The more often people hear something, even a lie, the more likely they are to believe itâs true. Arrianâs other stories of after-Issos events has Leonnatos going to talk to the women, not Alexander (and Hephaistion). Of course, itâs entirely possible Leonnatos went the first evening, while Alexander and Hephaistion went the next morning. It even makes a certain amount of sense that heâd visit the royal women. So, the bare-bones of the encounter may be true, but mistaken identities and all those speeches were likely put in peopleâs mouths later.
Incidentally, thereâs a pun in the line, as alex-andros translates to âprotector of men.â So Hephaistion is also a protector of men. Romans and Greeks ate up that sort of word-play.
As for the Aristotle titbitâŚDiogenes Laertus reports a list of âsayingsâ (aphorisms) attributed to various philosophers. For Aristotle, one is: âTo the query, âWhat is a friend?â his reply was, âA single soul dwelling in two bodiesââ (5.20). Iâve seen people claim he was referencing Alexander and Hephaistion. Thereâs absolutely no reason to assume that except romanticism and an Alexander-centric view. In our surviving writings by Aristotle, he barely mentions Alexander.* Shock, I know. đ But Alexander wasnât at the forefront of his mind.
Additionally, as I said above, we have a longish bit on friendship in the Nikomachian Ethics, where that definition doesnât appear, although nothing he says about true friendship in it contradicts the quote, either. But âSayings ofâŚâ were a popular form of literature in antiquity, and sometimes a clever quip got attributed to more than one person! Maybe Aristotle did say that, but itâs not in actual writings about friendship by Aristotle. Aristotleâs writings on friendship are rather more complex; he lists three types of friendship in Book VIII.
Anyway, this little in-depth study is meant to help folks see how complicated it can be, to get back to what ALEXANDER himself said, thought, or even did.
Yet one thing ALL the sources agree upon: Hephaistion was Alexanderâs favorite, not just (or even primarily) as a commander, but as a person. Iâve never read any claim to the contrary, and I have (quite literally) read everything in the ancient sources that concerns Hephaistion (and most everything that concerns Alexander too).
So, while itâs impossible to say that Alexander considered Hephaistion an âalter-ego,â or ever called him âAlexander too,â you can rest assured that every ancient source agrees that Hephaistion was dearer to Alexander than anybody else, maybe even including his own mother.
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* 391a2: his âOn the Universeâ treatise opens with a reference to âAlexander,â who I think itâs safe to assume is the king. And 1420a5, is âRhetoric to Alexanderâ--except that treatise is widely understood (even in the medieval world) to be bogus: e.g., a "pseudo-Aristotle" text. Plus Alexander is mentioned in a couple fragments.















