At the close of the 1787 Constitutional Convention, as delegates left Philadelphia's Independence Hall, A woman, often identified as Elizabeth Willing Powel, asked #BenjaminFranklin, "Well, Doctor, what have we gotâa Republic or a Monarchy?". #Franklin replied, "A Republic, if you can keep it".
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Daron Acemoglu has an article in Foreign Affairs, Americaâs Democratic Unraveling. Itâs crap, and itâs a contributing factor to some of the problems it itself bemoans.
It opens:
> Even by the tumultuous standards of Donald Trumpâs presidency, the rapid unraveling of U.S. institutions in the first half of 2020 has been remarkable. First came impeachment, laying bare how Trump and his allies withheld $400 million in military aid to Ukraine in order to convince that countryâs leaders to investigate the family of Trumpâs political rival, former Vice President Joe Biden.Â
But there is no remarkable unraveling here. Joe Bidenâs family was corrupt and deserved investigation, and setting anti-corruption conditions on aid grants is a common practice that long predates Trump. Trump was certainly maneuvering for political advantage in the form he did this, but itâs nothing to get so breathless over.
Even more shocking to those who still had faith in the U.S. Constitution to restrain Trump was the unwillingness of the Republican-dominated Senate to so much as hear all of the evidence against the president.
Republican-dominated Senate unwillingness to hear all of the supposed evidence was partly a reaction to Democrat-dominated House unwillingness to show how this evidence was being obtained (Hand-picked investigators in closed-door interviews) to public scrutiny, and improper filing. Moreover, thereâs Constitutional grounds for both of these things - the Constitution is quite short, and it lets the House and the Senate both pick how they want to run their affairs.
Acemoglu should stop using âConstitutionâ as a synecdoche for procedures he likes.
Impeachment and its aftermath were just the beginning. Arguably more consequential for millions of Americans was the Trump administrationâs refusal to heed expert warnings about the spread of the novel coronavirus. Instead of replenishing stockpiles of protective equipment or rolling out a national testing strategy, the president downplayed the severity of the pandemic and falsely claimed that the United States was prepared to contain it. Misinformation spread by Trump (and repeated by his allies on Fox News) in the early days of the outbreak appears to have accelerated the spread of the virus, which has now claimed more than 100,000 American lives.
A fair criticism in its own right, but a rather selective one. The experts were fuckups too. ('Masks donât work. Quarantines donât work. Closing the borders would be racist. Chinaâs numbers are valid.') The CDC and the FDA fucked up real hard in forbidding people to make their own test kits. When Acemoglu complains about institutions losing public trust, he should mention some of those institutional mistakes. Still, this is probably the best paragraph of the article.
While the pandemic was still raging, yet another tragedy struck: white police officers in Minneapolis, Minnesota, brutally killed George Floyd, an African American man, touching off mass protests that still continue. A leader who once referred to white supremacists as âvery fine peopleâÂ
This is a lie.
A reporter brought up to Trump the claim that there were neo-Nazis present at Charlottesville, and Trump responded with: âyou had some very bad people in that group, but you also had people that were very fine people, on both sides ... You had people in that group that were there to protest the taking down of, to them, a very, very important statue and the renaming of a park from Robert E. Lee to another name.â
To anyone with minimal intellectual integrity, it should be obvious that Trump is referring to the neo-Nazis and white-supremacists as the very bad people, and others as the very fine people.
(Iâve seen some people use a motte-and-bailey strategy of reinterpreting the entire set of protesters at Charlottesville as being so-called âwhite supremacistsâ, which makes it technically true that Trump referred to some of those as very fine people, but now youâre instead lying about who was present and what the term âwhite supremacistâ means.)
This lie makes it extra ironic when Acemoglu later in the article writes:
democratic institutions rest on normsâcompromise, cooperation, respect for the truthâand are bolstered by an active, self-confident citizenry and a free press.
As I am not a caricaturist, I instead ask the reader to please mentally envision Daren Acemoglu wearing a police uniform and wielding a baton as he shouts âStop Resistingâ at the feminine depiction of Truth that heâs assaulting.
What Putin and Erdogan could get away with at the beginning of their terms in office is nothing compared with what they can get away with now. The United States is currently working through the later chapters of this same authoritarian playbook, which Trump adopted early in his presidency
Bull-fucking-shit.
The communist coronavirus covid-19 handed Trump a golden opportunity to firmly close the borders as a national emergency under quarantine procedures, and he didnât take it. The man canât even be authoritarian about his own biggest campaign promise. Acemoglu doesnât appear to understand the word âauthoritarianâ as anything but a generic outgroup slur.
Let me give an example of what I might have done if I were an actual authoritarian in Trumpâs position:
Upon assuming office, immediately recognize a state of war as existing on the southern US border. Send the Army Corps of Engineers to build the wall and other military units to close the border.
This bypasses the Congressional power to declare war by saying MS-13 and other irregular forces have already invaded America first, and bypasses the Congressional power of the purse by using military spending to pay for the wall. It can be done entirely on presidential authority.
If you think Trump is still too constrained by institutions to do this in his fourth year, you should shut the fuck up about [spongemock face.jpg] late-stage authoritarian đ ±laybook.
Acemoglu continues:
By dismissing concerns about Russian interference in the U.S. election, refusing to disclose his tax returns, openly pursuing policies that serve his familyâs financial interests, vilifying Hispanic and Muslim Americans, propagating conspiracy theories, and relentlessly lying to the press, the president has left practically no norm of democratic governance unviolated. These actions not only weakened the institutions that are supposed to restrain the presidentÂ
Acemoglue-sniffer continues to not only assault Truth but sodomize her with his metaphorical police baton.
Overall, Acemoglu has just accused Trump of authoritarian playbook, now violating norms of democratic governance, and weakening institutions. Do any of the specifics support this? No.
âRussian interferenceâ was a meme that began life as a hysterical attempt to deny Trump the presidency by claiming Russia rigged the election results, and once this proved entirely unsupported, it backed down to much lamer claims such as Russian intelligence spying on elements of the US government and hiring people to post fake news on Twitter - trivially true, and Trump is correct to dismiss concerns about it.
Vilifying outgroup: every day the mainstream media blood-libels European Americans with talk of âinstitutional white supremacyâ and âsystematic racismâ.
Pursuing financial interest: Allow me to introduce you to âporkâ as it is used in politics.
Lying to the press: Staple activity of politicians.
âConspiracy theoryâ was half a slur to begin with, and in the mouth of progs is converging on meaning little more than âTheories I donât believeâ.
I conclude Acemoglu has laid a bait and switch in the phrase ânorms of democratic governanceâ.
By descriptive (observed) norms of democratic governance, Trump hasnât violated squat. Heâs acting like a clown because he lives in a circus. Trump showed up to a place with bad norms and engaged in bad behavior.
By prescriptive (wishful) norms of democratic governance, Trump might be in violation, but so are all the institutions that Acemoglu fears Trump is weakening. So is Acemoglu, for that matter.
In closing, âGlu writes:
U.S. institutions were vulnerable to Trumpâs attack because public trust had been quietly ebbing away from them for some time. [...] To regain that trust, the next administration must confront endemic racism as well as economic inequality.Â
This will not work.
DARON ACEMOGLU is Institute Professor in the Department of Economics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
Reading about the gig economy, I canât help but think of regulatory and structural change. (Chart data are AMECO rebased to 2000, own calculation).
Economic theory predicts that, given an elasticity of substitution of labour for capital below unit (hence that capital and labour are complementary), a negative shock to investment (such as a financial collapse) implies more unemployment or lowerâŠ
Robotics, AI, & The Future of Work - MIT Prof. Daron Acemoglu
Robotics, AI, & The Future of Work â MIT Prof. Daron Acemoglu
Daron Acemoglu is an economist who has taught at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) since 1993. He is currently Elizabeth and James Killian âŠ
source
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Economic institutions shape economic incentives: the incentives to become educated, to save and invest, to innovate and adopt new technologies, and so on. It is the political process that determines what economic institutions people live under, and it is the political institutions that determine how this process works. Politics is the process by which a society chooses the rules that will govern it. Different patterns of institutions today are deeply rooted in the past because once society gets organized in a particular way, this tends to persist. Inclusive economic institutions also pave the way for two other engines of prosperity: technology and education. Countries differ in their economic success because of their different institutions, the rules influencing how the economy works, and the incentives that motivate people. We call such institutions, which have opposite properties to those we call inclusive, extractive economic institutionsâ extractive because such institutions are designed to extract incomes and wealth from one subset of society to benefit a different subset. Inclusive economic institutions require secure property rights and economic opportunities not just for the elite but for a broad cross-section of society. Fear of creative destruction is often at the root of the opposition to inclusive economic and political institutions.