Richardified

In the year 1832, the British first came into contact with the Naga tribes while exploring the region to construct road between Manipur and Assam. Since that contact, the Nagas were slowly overwhelmed by the expansion of British colonialism. As a part of colonialism, the colonisers brought in diseases and medicines along with them. Uncontacted Naga tribe barring its periodical interface with the Ahoms, the Kacharis and the Manipur Kingdom got exposed to new diseases. The medicines they brought along with them among other factors and colonialism processes, convinced Naga tribes to accept their unsolicited presence in their lands. The British see to it as a part of the beginning of civilising the savages. Almost two centuries later in the last week of March, 2020 during lockdown in regards to pandemic spread of Coronavirus, Naga youth living in Mysuru, Karnataka were denied access to a More departmental store on the ground that they were suspected as potential carrier of coronavirus simply for bearing Mongoloid features. Today, indigenous people have come a long way by coming out of their villages and they are studying or working in cities, yet the blatant racism in this time conveys that they are still unwelcome and unwanted which continue to reduce their existence as an unequal being. The colonial rule under the garb of civilising project initiated in the past to present is littered with violence, ethnic tension, acculturation, loss of lands, dilution of identity, assimilation etc. These experiences left behind a scar in the memories of indigenous community and for them, racism remains a familiar enemy since the time their villages were compelled to open up to outside world.

Racism and its constructions

A magnitude of racism with the emergence of Covid-19 or commonly known as coronavirus, is a continuity and manifestation of existing racism towards indigenous people from northeastern states, Ladakh, and Northern part of West Bengal in India. The rise of racism aligns with experience of people of Asian origins where they are being subjected to racism in various countries across the world after the outbreak of coronavirus in China. They are being racially discriminated on the ground that they could be potential carrier of coronavirus for bearing Mongoloid features. In India too, people with Mongoloid features are repeatedly taunted and intimidated by calling them, coronavirus. One Manipuri girl was spat on in Delhi, some beaten up in Kolkata, a female from Meghalya was coerced to leave restaurant in Delhi, a student from Nagaland was hounded as Chinese and suspected for coronavirus in Mumbai etc. These are some of the many racism cases coming out in recent time as early as February with a common slur in coronavirus. This new label is one of the many racist slurs directed against people from northeastern states and Ladakh, and Northern part of West Bengal. More than not often only an outrage on social media catches the attention of media and concerned authority leading to condemnation from civil societies and intervention. Incidences of racism have become so rampant that the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) on March 23 released an advisory to all the States to take stringent action against harassment and racial discrimination against people of northeast in the backdrop of linking them as potential carrier of coronavirus.  

Racism in India is beyond ignorance and socio-cultural gap. It is structural in nature which enable people in power positions to racially discriminate the other. The Other here is people from northeastern states. In the words of Robin DiAngelo in his book, “What Does It Mean to Be White?: Developing White Racial Literacy”, published in the year 2016, wrote, “Racism encompasses economic, political, social, and institutional actions and beliefs, which sys-tematize and perpetuate an unequal distribution of privileges, resources, and power between whites and people of color.” He takes it further on the notion that the targeted group in racism can also be discriminatory towards the dominant group. He discussed this aspect by dissecting ‘reverse racism’ by stating that “Racism does not move back and forth, one day benefiting whites and another day (or even era) benefiting people of color. The direction of power between whites and people of color is historic, traditional, and normalized in ideology. The critical element that differentiates racism from individual racial prejudice and racial discrimination is the historical accumulation and ongoing use of institutional power and authority to support the prejudice and to enforce discriminatory behaviors in systemic ways with far-reaching effects. People of color may hold prejudices and discriminate against whites, but do not have the social and institutional power backing their prejudice and discrimination that transforms it into racism; the impact of their prejudice on whites is temporary and contextual. Whites hold the social and institutional positions in society to infuse their racial prejudice into the laws, policies, practices, and norms of society in a way that people of color do not.” This holds true to existing relation between people of northeastern states and the rest of India where existing system like Armed Forces Special Powers Act, the terminology ‘northeast’ devoid of different states and diverse characters of inhabitants, and the history of the formation of states like Manipur, Nagaland, Mizoram, are indicative of looking at them from top down approach. Protective provisions like Inner Line Permit, Sixth Schedule etc are steps taken to ensure autonomy and value diverse identities and differing background of communities from the states of northeast region. It is in institutional mechanism and socio-cultural factors that privileged people from outside northeast region to attain the position of power, and provide a sense of superiority in relation to indigenous communities from northeast region, and treat them as unequal beings through the process of othering. This is structural in nature and the gap here provides a ground for racism and racially discriminate them.

The Politics of Naming

The coronavirus label being given to people with mongoloid features in India, adds to existing racist slurs directed towards indigenous people from northeastern states, Ladakh, and Northern part of West Bengal. Naming things are inherent in any society as a way to simplify complex order around us. When there is interface and intersection between two communities, the naming is not without politics and its ramifications adds more ground to widen unequal power relation. Here, Jean-Jacques Weber in his book, Language Racism, published in the year 2015 argues on the politics of naming, “…such categories are useful to help us cope with the complexities of our social world. At the same time, however, we need to make a conscious effort to resist and deconstruct stereotypical categorizations and attributions. Categories such as ‘black’ and ‘white’, or ‘foreign’ and ‘native’, as with all binary oppositions, are socially constructed, and the most important question is perhaps the one of power: who has the power to impose his or her categories? who defines where the boundaries between categories lie? This brings us back to the important point…that the process of identity construction always involves a negotiation between how I see myself (achieved identity) and how others see me (imposed identity).” The politics of naming is often loaded with stereotypes which adds injury to targeted people with consequences beyond one’s control. It is in this that racism as an outcome of social construction need to be brought in to indicate that the construction is possible with institutional structures which empowered certain historically dominant communities to define and name the others. While exercising this authority, the unknown, especially indigenous people are usually stereotyped with negative connotations to remind them of their positions in the everyday world. In the same way as dominant communities, the racially oppressed people also have labels and names for people who do not belong to their community. There is a distinction in naming here between the historically dominant people and indigenous people which lies in power and institutional support.

To illustrate the politics of naming, an example of Manipur state is considered where different communities like Meitei, Naga, Kuki, Marwari, Bengali etc inhabit the state. One common label commonly used by Meitei community is mayang which is meant towards Hindi speaking people. The word ‘mayang’ is used to identify people who are not either Naga, Kuki, other tribes or Meitei. Considering the power equation and history of the region overwhelmed by waves of colonialism and post colonialism, this label is not a counter or equivalent to racist slurs given to indigenous people. Just like 'mayang', Rongmei Naga in Manipur have terms like 'taimei' for Meitei; 'panganmei' for Manipuri Muslims; 'khongsaimei' for Kuki; 'tajongmei' for Hindi speaking people etc. The operational word 'mei' (people) attached in them means people and Rongmei Naga tribe address them by attaching 'mei' to identity people on their own terms in the past when literatures of outside world were yet to seep into their villages, hills and nation. Yet they give a dignified name by attaching people in contrast to how people from mainstream societies with access to almost everything in knowing different societies across the world, label them with names of food, virus, stereotypes, and other derogatory names. A distinction existing in this form rarely finds in popular discourse, and they rather superimpose their belief, notion, and ideological stance on indigenous people by disregarding their agencies and aspirations. The refusal to see indigenous tribal people as people can be inferred from the stereotypes and labels they have been given. In literature and academic too, there is an effort to homogenise the lifeworld of tribal communities into universal values and often portray them as ahistorical community including the unacknowledgement of their rich oral histories in the same status which written form of history enjoys. Epistemic violence or say ‘epistemic racism’ is a challenged faced by indigenous tribal people in academia.

Taking it further on the politics of naming in the case of mainstream societies, one can state that a position as such has a tendency to mischaracterise context happenings in tribal communities, and perceived any ill treatment towards people from outside as racism. These terms synonymous in Meitei, Rongmei Naga and other indigenous communities in northeastern states of India, are in no way can be equated with derogatory terms emanating from communities privileging from power positions, like 'naked people', 'savage', 'barbaric', 'uncivilised', 'unthinking', 'jungli', 'jingalala', etc and another set of racist slurs in present time, coronavirus as the latest addition to this, which all continue to define indigenous people from northeastern states of India. Likewise, even the name ‘Naga’ is given to several tribals inhabiting in the present Nagaland and Manipur, parts of Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, and Myanmar. One must note that indigenous people take to only one name in identifying the dominant community unlike how dominant community takes to multiple names and stereotypes to define indigenous people. It is clear that power plays a key role in determining which name gets to define the other with unprecedented consequences unlike the names constructed by indigenous people which is contextual and in contingent with their lifeworld, and without the support of power structure and mainstream culture. Even in the case of mainstream societies in India, they turn to names like ‘firangi’, ‘gora’, ‘angrezi’ etc to label and identify the white people.

This reality points toward the fact that racism is not just about discrimination and ignorance, it is more than that. Power structure and sense of cultural superiority, and historical basis of dominance are central to racism and its perpetuation in various forms. It is on this regards that as much there is nothing as such as 'reverse sexism', 'reverse casteism', or 'reverse homophobia', there is also nothing like ‘reverse racism’. This is not to say that a form of ill treatment towards the other (non-local) doesn't exist in Manipur or adjoining states. It does exist which is contextual and specific to particular circumstances. We must discuss that as well, but not by cancelling out racism experiences of people from northeastern states which has its historical basis and power dynamics. This kind of balancing by inventing concept like reverse racism does equal harm and gives an impetus to racism to thrive and continue to perpetuate without holding people accountable for its existence and practice.

 Existing crisis and new label, Coronavirus

Racism issue in regards to Coronavirus is happening since early February in India, and no one bats an eye till today. It is disturbing and extremely worrying to think the extent of racism happening to people from northeastern states living in various parts of India. Existing provisions are meant to undo injustices meted to tribes and to preserve and practice their socio-cultural identity. However, this move is also a way to have their representation in decision making bodies, and the larger goal in power sharing still remains a distant dream. The non-recognition of UN declaration of the Rights of Indigenous People, and non-ratification of ILO Convention no. 169 - Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention, 1989, in India deny indigenous people to fulfilment of their rights and living with dignity. Add to it, there is no legal mechanism or a law to address racism in India. Even in existing SC/ST Atrocities Act, racism is nowhere mentioned in it, discrimination practised against tribes is largely counted under caste discrimination. The lack of mechanism to identify racial background in the SC/ST Atrocities Act and how racism affects people from northeastern states get subdued and diluted by legal language which sees discrimination from the point of caste discrimination. A situation here puts indigenous tribal people in precarious situation where experiences of racism based on their social and historical location and cultural location are replaced by an episteme which is alien to them. This gap does disservice and obliterate them and deprive their rights and the path to fulfilment of rights is filled with obscurity. It is precisely on this non recognition that the existing structure enable people from upper caste, upper class, and minority group and lower caste to practice racism against indigenous people from northeast region. Even if racial discrimination gets included in the SC/ST Atrocities Act, other indigenous communities from northeast which do come under ST category will be without protection from racism. A specific legal remedy is required to address and curb racism in India, possibly in the form of specific law pertaining to racism. A framing of law must happen with active participation and decisive take from indigenous communities of northeastern states, Ladakh and northern part of West Bengal. In the same wavelength, community effort must also be initiated to be sensible and respect differences and imbibe a conducive space in cultural practice. This can be a start to tackle racism with active support from civil societies and the state authority.

The recent earthquakes in Nepal has brought up the focus on existing vulnerability India has, to earthquake. From the Himalayan belt to far corner of northeastern region of India, the risk these region comes under as high seismic zone is insurmountable as scientists have laid a claim about the northward grind of land masses from Indian subcontinent. This poses a question on the developmental projects coming up in Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Uttarakhand and other states of northeastern region.  At this junction, the ongoing protest against Mapithel Dam in Manipur has been largely sidelined in the media. The project is estimated to produce 7.5 megawatt of electricity and is also sought to provide a million gallon of drinking water.

 The protest against Mapithel Dam is considered to be one of the longest protests against Dam in India. Construction for Mapithel Dam began in 1989 despite protests from the local community.The Mapithel Dam Affected Villages Organisation (MDAVO) came into being in 1990 from villages lying in the upstream. By 2008, people from downstream villages formed the Mapithel Dam Affected Ching-Tam (hill-valley) Organisation (MDACTO). These two groups have been pivotal so far in representing the voices of local communities comprising of Nagas, Kukis and Meiteis.  The concerted efforts of MDAVO and MDACTO have pressured the Government of Manipur to constitute an ‘Expert Review Committee for Rehabilitation and Resettlement’ to re-review rehabilitation and resettlement.

 The fear for this dam is the potential of submerging 11 villages including paddy fields, and forest lands. Compensation is said to be undergoing, and there are claims of compensation given on installment basis, and a demand for inclusion of people from downstream.  One of the main concerns is on the area falling under Seismic Zone 5. The project has been accused to have not conducted Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) and Social Impact Assessment (SIA) which could assess the vulnerability of the area to earthquake, rehabilitation, and resettlement. Consent were also said to be not taken from the villagers.

 The construction for its completion began again this January 10, 2015 with the blocking of Thoubal river with the aim of operationalising the dam by early 2016. There have been series of protests conducted in this year alone, on 4 May 2015 Mapithel Dam Affected Village Organisation (MDAVO) and Joint Action Committee (JAC) of Mapithel Dam downstream affected people jointly placed a demand during a consultation programme at Khuman Lampak Youth Hostel, Imphal under the theme 'Mapithel dam construction and its impact on the people in upstream and downstream'. The demand made is to halt the work of Mapithel Dam until the rehabilitation and resettlement process are addressed amicably with the affected communities, to resume the Expert Review Committee set up in 2008 by the State Government, and also de-militarisation of the area.

This is an unedited copy written by me. An edited version has appeared on Scroll: http://scroll.in/article/703556/RSS-appropriates-a-Naga-freedom-fighter%E2%80%99s-story-and-her-religion

Abstract

Freedom fighter Rani Gaidinliu's role in resisting against the British rule finds mention to a selective section of people within Manipur, Nagaland and the rest of India. Today, there is a resurgence of her recognition as a freedom struggle drawn from her disagreement with Christian missionaries. Embracing her narrative into the folds of Hinduism will only mean the replacement of the colonial rule in the past by another hegemonic group to current days.

 Rani Gaidinliu was born into a small village named Luangkao of Rongmei Naga in Manipur. Rongmei belongs to one of the three tribes under the Zeliangrong tribes. Her legacy is known by her fight against the external force, and she took over Jadonang's unfulfilled movement by the time she was 16 years old. She is also known for serving the longest time in jail for 14 years among Freedom Fighters from India. She was given the title 'Rani' by Jawaharlal Nehru in the year 1937[i]. She breathed her last on 17th February 1993 leaving behind her demand for creation of Zeliangrong Administrative Unit out of Manipur, Nagaland and Assam[ii]. Her single-handed strategy in raising the movement against the British, and later her criticism against Christian missionaries, speaks volume of her dedication to uphold the existence of Zeliangrong in maintaining its religion, customs and way of life. It is through Jadonang and her efforts that they managed to create a space to assert a space for freedom movement of Zeliangrong people. The movement she takes up for her people can be considered as representative of the everyday battle of indigenous people across the world against the unmitigated onslaught on their resources and way of life.

                       The freedom movement against the British led by Rani Gaidinliu has been acknowledged by the Indian Government in one of its highest award- Padma Bhushan[iii]. Her life story has been documented to an extent but much has not been analysed in the mainstream discourse on what her fight holds to the present situation of her people and beyond. The greatness of her story lies in the fact that she resisted against the imposition of colonial rule, and later on the impact of Christianity on indigenous people. Her freedom movement finds a commonality with other freedom fighters of India in fighting against the British. This common factor later got assimilated into India's narrative of its freedom movement with the integration of Manipur into India.

                       The precedence of recognition of Rani Gaidinliu's movement as a freedom movement of India led to appropriation by the right wing groups from the likes of VHP (Vishwa Hindu Parishad) to RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh). A clear line needs to be drawn between recognition and appropriation. The right wing parties accord her life history into their realm of right wing propaganda where they find common enemy in the form of the British and Christian missionaries. They also stepped ahead and appropriated the religion which Rani Gaidinliu followed as similar to Hinduism. VHP started to make interface with Rani Gaidinliu as early as 1960s[iv]. They made an effort in manufacturing relationship between Hinduism and Zeliangrong's religion. At that time, Rani Gaidinliu was emboldened to protect her people's custom and tradition at the helm of the work of Christian missionaries, and she turned to VHP as a mark of protest against Christianity[v].

                       The tension between her movement and followers of Christianity came up time to time as she cautioned of the erosion of culture and traditions with the coming of Christianity. The main disagreement of Rani Gaidinliu with Christianity happened when Naga National Council sloganeered “Nagaland shall be a kingdom for Christ” in 1958. This slogan's exclusion of Zeliangrong people on the basis of religion is meted with an ire from Rani Gaidinliu[vi]. One also needs to trace the history of Manipur to understand the influence of Hinduism around the same time when Christianity surfaced in the regions. When Jadonang was spearheading 'Naga Raj- a freedom for Naga', the Manipur King did propose to spread Hindu missionaries work in the hill districts to expand their stronghold with the British[vii]. Tingkao Ragwang- a supreme creator was emphasised in the reformed religion launched by Jadonang. It is with Vaishnavism that the significance of temple finds its place in Zeliangrong tribes. Bisnu worshipped by Zeliangrong is taken as a variation of Vishnu of Hindu Gods and has its distinct identity in the beliefs of Zeliangrong people[viii]. It is also crucial to take note of how people adopting Hinduism and Christianity viewed their animistic religion and culture to be inferior[ix].

                       The context of the freedom struggle for Zeliangrong's people has been neutralised that it has now been portrayed as a religious movement far from how it started as 'Naga Raj[x]' against the external forces. Going deeper into this context is needed to understand how the fight against the British came into being. As we look into present situation, the manner in which how RSS and VHP with BJP in power has appropriated and recognised the story of Rani Gaidinliu to suit their propaganda is to do themselves a disservice to Rani Gaidinliu and her people. The appropriation is reflected on their addressing of 'Ma' to Rani Gaidinliu; the conflation of Zeliangrong's religion with Hinduism and extracting solidarity out of the criticism of Rani Gaidinliu at Christian missionaries. Recognition of her struggle is an affirmative action and needs to be applauded but when the identity and the context of people whom Rani Gaidinliu represents got decimated into Hinduism, where does that put Zeliangrong people into the caste ladder of Hindu society! Today when RSS, the National Committee for Birth Centenary Celebration of Rani Ma Gaidinliu[xi] (NCBCCRMG) and the people of Zeliangrong, and the rest including people from Manipur, Nagaland and Assam celebrated her 100th birth Anniversary on 26th January 2015, it is time to bring up her unfulfilled goals and lay out plans to reconcile with Zeliangrong people by reaching out to various ethnic communities with shared histories.

[i]     See Rani Gaidinliu Life at  Glance, available at https://rgif.wordpress.com/rani-gaidinliu-life-at-glance/, accessed on 16th January 2015

[ii]    Rani Gaidinliu consistently pursued to Prime Ministers of India to carve  Zeliangrong Administrative Unit out of Manipur, available at http://www.e-pao.net/epSubPageExtractor.asp?src=manipur.History_of_Manipur.Rani_Gaidinliu_Freedom_Fighter_at_a_glance, accessed on 15th January 2015

[iii]   Her transcendence to the status of 'freedom struggle' is meted with Padma Bhushan for her struggle, available at http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/a-lonely-fighter-lost-among-patriarchs/article5665028.ece, accessed pn 16th January 2015

[iv]   Hindutva group identified Rani Gaidinliu's resistance against Christianity and extend solidarity, available at http://www.outlookindia.com/article/The-Rani-Of-The-Nagas/228368, accessed on 15th January 2015

[v]    See John Thomas' Sending out the Spears: Zeliangrong Movement, Naga Club and a Nation in the Making, available at http://ier.sagepub.com/content/49/3/399.full.pdf, accessed on 16th January 2015, p. 401

[vi]   ibid., pp. 434-435

[vii]  ibid., p. 410

[viii] ibid., pp. 413-414

[ix]   ibid., p. 420

[x]    ibid., p. 401

Keywords: Naga, Nationalism, Interlocutor, Nagaland, Manipur, Muivah, Ravi

Background

The discourse of Naga strugglei in its quest for fulfiing its long cherished dream from India is faced with other stakeholders who equally claim of their Naga representation. Naga as a whole is an umbrella of various tribal communities in which its history bear the interconnectedness on the line of land, custom and traditions. The commonality is asserted several decades ago in forging oneness amongst different tribal communities under Naga. The stronghold of Naga is felt on other ethnic groups external to them who are residing in the states of northeastern region of India and to Myanmar. Their stronghold creates a political dynamics by facing resistance from neighbouring states of Nagaland- Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh especially in the line of the integration of Naga inhabited areas (Bhaumik, 2007: 2). Today, the Naga freedom struggle has entered into its 67th year- known as the longest arm struggle in South Asia.

The Surge of Naga Struggle

The ethnic identity of Nagas were never homogeneous. Each tribe has their distinct feature in terms of their tradition, custom and way of life. The advent of British have led to the abolishment of clan warfare and most importantly 'head hunting'. The British administered the Naga villages but the governance is left to them. The introduction of 'middle class' with the help of education and Christianity is a catalytic force for the emergence of Naga politics. The empowerment of middle class led to the challenging of traditional system around power relations and its customary laws. The imbalance paved way for the rise of Naga Nationalism (ibid: 8).

Sometime in the year 1918 the formation of Naga Club comprising of government officials and the Naga chiefs paved way for the rise of Naga nationalism. The club was formed to consolidate political medium for the interests of Naga. Later in 1929 the visit of Simon Commission to Naga Hills is meted with the assertion of Naga representations of different tribes that their areas be excluded from the reform scheme and of the British rule. The consequences of which is taken into account in the Government of India Act, 1935 where the exclusion of Naga Hills came into effect. This results into administration of Nagaland by the Government of Assam under the ambit of the British (ibid: 8-9).

The labour corps where Naga also took part in it during the World War II, is perceived to have exposed them to modern guerilla warfare. Post World War II is marked by the formation of the Naga Hills Tribal Council in 1945 and later became Naga National Council (NNC) with an objective of unifying all Nagas. The NNC took a recourse with the arrival of Angami Zapu Phizo in 1947 where they took up a stance to not be a part of India akin to India's resistance against the British. The resistance became more prominent and the intensity of NNC’s movement has led to the formation of the Federal Government of Nagaland (FGN), the Naga Home Guard (NHG) and 'Tatar Hoho' synonymous for parliament. The movement became more tense leading to declaration of their activities illegal under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act, 1967 on August 31, 1972. From here, with immense pressure from the government on NNC, the Shillong Accord in 1975 ripped NNC apart where a section of it entered into agreements with the Government of India, and senior leaders like Isak Chishi Swu and Thuingaleng Muivah along with its members formed the “National Socialist Council of Nagaland” (NSCN) on January 31, 1980. NSCN went on to become the first major insurgent group in South Asia. NSCN then institutionalised its armed struggle against the Indian state. The main objective of their struggle is to secede from India and establish a sovereignty for all the Nagas. In due time, it emerged as a powerful insurgent in the region; adding to its powerful status the backing they receive from neighbouring countries have caused a concern for India’s security and democracy. The network of NSCN has expanded within Nagaland and to adjoining states including Manipur. In the year 1988, a turmoil erupted within NSCN and led to formation of two factions namely NSCN led by Isak and Muivah and NSCN led by S.S.Khaplang. NSCN (I-M) is learnt to be assisting other insurgents in northeast region in giving them training in the thick of the forests (Kotwal, 2000).

As Christianity is being embraced by large sections of people in Nagaland, its infusion into Naga’s identity is seen to be essential in the discourse of their struggle . The role of religion is prioritised as it conjures a common ground among different Naga tribes. “Nagaland for Christ” is coined by Isak Chisi Swu which became a symbol of Naga’s struggle for freedom. The inculcation of Christian identity which is distinct from that of Hindu and Muslim is taken to be an act of resistance against the cultural dominance from the mainland India. What becomes of non-christian people is not taken into consideration in the discourse of Naga struggle (Chowdhury & Ranganathan, 2008).

To contain the growing movement of Naga separatist movement, the Armed Forces Special Powers Actii (AFSPA) was passed on 18 August, 1958. Since then AFSPA have been in place which later got extended to other states in the northeastern region except Mizoram in 1972. The implementation of this act is to counter the separatist movement in the Naga Hills led by Naga National Council (NNC) (Heinrich Boell Foundation, 2009) . The Centre and the State used AFSPA as a powerful tool in a 'disturbed areaiii' to check any incidents or person that challenge the political and territorial integrity of India. The power and the immunity the armies enjoy under AFSPA give them the sole authority to operate against any suspected activities and persons.

The proposal to forge formation of united Naga has been doing round the corner for a long time. There are alternatives too in the integration of Naga inhabited areas that touches upon the area falling under Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh. The modalities of this proposal has been pondered upon much to the chagrin of the opposition coming from adjoining states especially Manipur. Manipur has been vocal about the move to integrate districts where Naga reside with Nagaland. Manipur has made it clear from the beginning that its territory should remain untouched and be independent of the dialogue between the centre and NSCN(IM). The imminent conflict between Naga and Meitei pose a threat to the region political landscape (Kotwal, 2000).

The liberalisation of India in 1991 also marked the beginning of the formulation of ‘look east policy’ whose objective is to bring development in northeast India. Under this policy northeast region is sought to benefit from developmental projects by mainstreaming their economic activities and in alleviating poverty, job creation, infrastructure development etc. Moroever it is also aimed to address insurgency in the region. On the other hand, there is also a fear of introducing market oriented policy in a traditional society where it could pose an irreversible impact on their sustainable resources, customary laws and livelihood (Heinrich Boell Foundation, 2009).

  Contemporary Imbroglio

The peace dialogue between the centre and NSCN (IM) has completed 17 years. The dialogue does not include other factions of NSCN. So far, the dialogue failed to make headway having stuck on territory issue in integrating Naga inhabited areas with Nagaland. The NSCM (IM) is determined to integrate all the Naga inhabited ares; to which it faces opposition from the state governments of Manipur, Assam and Arunachal Pradesh. Manipur had witnessed violence against the extension of Naga ceasefire into the state (Bhaumik, 2013). Today there has been a rise in the number of economic blockades in Manipur that cripple lives of people living in Imphal.

The demand for sovereignty is being dropped while the integration of Naga inhabited areas with Nagaland is still the top agenda of the peace dialogue. There is an expectation of arriving at a solution with the Modi government. The Narendra Modi government has conveyed that arriving at the solution for Naga issue is a time bound matter, and should resolve gradually. The recent appointment of former Special Director, Intelligence Bureau- R N Ravi as interlocutor is meted with objections from the NSCN (IM) and other Naga bodies over the remarks he made on his articles at the relevance of Naga struggle (Kashyap, 2014).

The Naga struggle treading on religious line may not augur well with a section of Naga tribe who do not follow Christianity (Thomas, 2014). This is where the argument put forth by Ravi finds place where he argued that the differences among the Nagas far exceeds the commonality binding them. In the article in which Ravi has written extensively on the issue of Naga, he mentioned in particular about the crisis within including the fight for political rights that has left several people dead. He brought this claim in questioning who actually represents Naga when there are many stakeholders to Naga’s peace dialogue with differing voices. He then went on to highlight the irony when peace is maintained between the security forces and Naga insurgents, the violence has inflicted within killing one another leading to loss of many Naga lives. His condemnation at the ceasefire and the Naga peace dialogue, according to him, is disregarding other stakeholders from the likes of traditional Naga bodies and other insurgents (Ravi, 2014).

Delhi’s treatment of Naga issue is explained under this statement by Ravi in his article titled “Chasing a chimeric peace”on the Hindu: “The polemics of the fractious Naga politics have been rendered more complex by Delhi’s reckless interventions. Instead of appreciating the intricacies of the Naga polity — comprising over 25 tribes, each a proud owner and inheritor of a distinct culture, language, tradition and geography, espousing a distinct world view, falling within the broad rubric of the Naga family — Delhi deals with it as if it were a homogenous collective with common aspirations. Thus it believes that making a deal with one set would satisfy the rest. How else to explain its abiding faith in the peace process with the NSCN (IM), quintessentially an entity of Tangkhul tribes of Manipur, having little resonance with other Nagas notwithstanding its pan-Naga rhetoric?”

Manipur’s exclusion in the ongoing peace dialogue is also being criticised. He stated that this abjection of important stakeholder will bring in distrust among people leading to miseries. The dialogue involving the taking away of Manipur’s land in fulfing the demand of NSCN (IM) cannot be done without putting Manipur on board in its dialogue. He warned that such strategy will instil enmity between people which may turn into a travesty. Concurrently at the ground level, the presence of other groups like the NSCN (Khaplang), NSCN (Khole-Kitovi) and National Naga Council who remain excluded cannot be dismissed. The inclusion of every stakeholders in the peace dialogue is important to avoid any shortcoming to fragility of the binding force common to Naga as a whole (Ravi, 2013).

The present NDA government has so far offered 6th Schedule three times as a solution to Naga freedom struggle during the peace dialogue between the centre and NSCN-IM. The offer was rejected by NSCN-IM (The Sangai Express, 2014). In this context, the words of Jawaharlal Nehru cannot be dismissed in understanding the magnitude of the relevance of Naga’s struggle. He said, “Our policy has always been to give the fullest autonomy and opportunity to self-development to the Naga people, without interfering in any way in their internal affairs or way of life.” The role of the new interlocutor can bring in more stakeholders in finding solution to address the struggle of Nagas. The due course of peace dialogue will tell where it is heading towards in reaching out to various stakeholders beyond Nagaland.

Notes:

i. The Struggle of Naga is echoed in the term 'Nagalim' which means unified Naga homeland transcending all the boundaries

ii. Armed forces include any commissioned officer, warrant officer, non-commissioned officer or any other person of equivalent rank can carry out their duties defined under AFSPA in a disturbed area

iii. Disturbed area is applied to an area for the time being to suppress any disroders, and also involves restoration and maintenance of public order.

References

Bhaumik, S. (2007, July). Insurgencies in India's Northeast: Conflict, Co-option & Change. Retrieved October 22, 2014, from Wilton Park: https://www.wiltonpark.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/india-insurgency-north-east.pdf

_________. (2013, October 8). Knotty Problems That Remain Unresolved. Retrieved October 22, 2014, from the Telegraph India: http://www.telegraphindia.com/1131008/jsp/opinion/story_17433591.jsp#.VEzZ7fmUdOR

Conflict in Northeast India: Issues, Causes and Concern (2009, February 28). Retrieved October 22, 2014, from Heinrich Boell Foundation: http://in.boell.org/2009/02/28/conflict-northeast-india-issues-causes-and-concern

Chowdhury, S.R., & Ranganathan, M. (2008, July 19). The Naga Nation on the Net. Economic and Political Weekly, 43(29), 61-68

Dialogue with NSCN (IM) : 6th Schedule offer turned down in the course of negotiation (2014, October 9). Retrieved October 22, 2014, from the Sangai Express: http://www.thesangaiexpress.com/page/items/43935/dialogue-with-nscn-im-6th-schedule-offer-turned-down-in-the-course-of-negotiation

Kashyap, S.G. (2014, September 22). Muivah, Swu in Delhi to resume Naga peace talks. Retrieved October 22, 2014, from the Indian Express: http://indianexpress.com/article/india/politics/muivah-swu-in-delhi-to-resume-naga-peace-talks/

Kotwal, D. (2000, July). The Naga Insurgency: The Past and the Future. Retrieved 22 October, 2014, from Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses: http://www.idsa-india.org/an-jul-700.html

Ravi, R.N. (2013, February 26). Chasing a Chimeric Peace. Retrieved October 23, 2014, from the Hindu: http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/chasing-a-chimeric-peace/article4095592.ece

__________. (2014, January 23). Nagaland: Descent into Chaos.Retrieved October 23, 2014, from the Hindu: http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/lead/nagaland-descent-into-chaos/article5606432.ece

Thomas, S.P. (2014, October 6). Rebels in a Maze. Retrieved October 22, 2014, from Fountain Ink: http://fountainink.in/?p=5979&all=1

This article was originally posted in CounterCurrents, Dated April 25, 2014: http://www.countercurrents.org/kamei250414.htm

The Underpinnings of David Hume

The main premise of this study aims to posit David Hume's philosophy into the contemporary political context of India thereby delineating into the discourse of neoliberalism, nationalism and religion, and politics of Narendra Modi. The objective of this study is to understand the relevance of David Hume in picturing what the political discourse of Narendra Modi can offer to India and the challenges it pose. David Hume was once considered a controversial figure especially for his views on religion. Today he has been heralded as a thinker who applied empiricism in understanding the surroundings based on perceptions, metaphysics, etc. Experience is studied in detail by David Hume in correlating with the aspect of “cause and effect”. In the history of mankind, Hume noted that the quest for knowledge always ends up with an “easy and obvious philosophy”. He casts a doubt over the reliability of this generality that stands far from reasoning .

David Hume (1711-1776) is considered as one of the pioneering philosophers to have ever penned in English. Apart from being known as a philosopher, he is also counted as an historian and essayist (Morris, 2013; Harris, 1966: 88). He did lots of his readings and writings while working as a librarian (Harris, 1966: 88).Hume's contribution to philosophy are A Treatise of Human Nature (1739-1740), the Enquiries concerning Human Understanding (1748) and concerning the Principles of Morals (1751), and last but not the least Dialogues concerning Natural Religion (1779) which is posthumously published later. Hume's works on atheism and scepticism have received a mixed response, yet his influence cannot be ignored. His work is reflected in his close friend, Adam Smith's works of moral philosophy and economics. He is also well acknowledged by the likes of Immanuel Kant, Jeremy Bentham, Charles Darwin, Thomas Henry Huxley etc. Hume's work on empiricism is well received by diverse sections of writers and thinkers, and on similar path, he is considered to be a milestone for cognitive science, and also on naturalism (Morris, 2013).

Perceptions about surroundings and its understanding are centred on human sensory organs. As Hume described about impressions, he embodies ideas, thoughts and content of mind to it, a characteristic of consciousness. Experience is where formation of knowledge begins which is empirical in its truest sense. The role sensations play in experience cannot be negated. Overall Hume's argument is indicative of positivist and reductionist approach, and got resonated in his “cause and effect” reasoning (Faruki, 1993: 156).

The consciousness of human through mind, judgement, belief, and self-awareness will resort to metaphysical elements which in turn may descend to sensory input. U nderstanding how human arrive at knowledge remains a complexity which according to Hume is explained by positivism and empiricism over custom or habit. This postulate is taken as a massive edifice of the human understanding. With this, Hume's approach is being considered to be identifiable with empiricist and rationalist perspective (ibid: 157-158). While in his work “Enquiry”, he explained that metaphysics should be dealt with properly to cultivate a will in destroying falsified notions attached with metaphysics. He argued further that there is nothing as such called “true metaphysics”. By this admission, he strived to reform the discourse of philosophy with clarity on reality, empiricism, scientific approach etc.

At the same time, Hume cautioned over the possible hostility that may confront metaphysics. Hostility is unjustified according to Hume. He stated that metaphysics should be countered with facts and reasoning. The principle of metaphysics does not thrive in speculation which is beyond the perception of sense and reasoning. Making an inquiring to grasp an understanding of human being will contribute a lot to knowledge than adulterated metaphysics (Morris, 2013).

Hume deconstructed the thaws surrounding morality. People based their approach to life heavily on morality. Hume made an effort in making people doubt about how reliable are the laws of nature, and the understanding inferred from beyond the mind. He relied on the experiences of an individual, and how it shapes the principles of life. Rationality can refine the principles derived from experiences (Harris, 2011: 42). He rejected the principles of morality in his work. He overtly called for allowing hypotheses based on reasoning, observation and experience to precede over moral philosophy which is devoid of rationality (Morris, 2013).

Substantiating the need in reforming philosophy, Hume narrowed it down to two aspects- one is to do away with the elements of metaphysics and giving way for empirical standpoint of human nature. He narrated that while we cannot go further in the search for the meaning beyond what is being offered by senses and experiences; the search should continue to instill a holistic approach in philosophy. In this context, he mentioned that complex ideas are a set of simple ideas constituting an impression that are in resemblance to each other. The simpler ideas correspond to others, leading to “Copy Principle” where empiricism is embedded in it (ibid). He treats the “Copy Principle” as a means to put forth his empiricism. He explained this through a shade of blue to validate “Copy Principle”. The premise of “Copy Principle” is on a person who is supposed to have enjoyed his sight for a good thirty years wherein he is acquainted with varied colours (ibid).

Human capacity to connect ideas has a gap to which there is a disconnection to the aspects of not being theoretical and rational. Ideas being framed are turning out to be hovering around sensations perceived internally from within. Hume develops three associations to understand ideas. They are cause and effect, contiguity, and resemblance. He endorses causation than the other two- contiguity, and resemblance. He opined that it is in causation where the scope for further understanding about human nature exists. Going beyond one's memory and senses is possible by resorting to the principles of causation. Causation can link between the experiences of past and present where events are intertwined in it. The matter which is under concerned at any given point or time lies in the continuum of cause and effect (ibid).

As “cause and effects” rely heavily on the experiences, that in certain instances the judgements look immediate when the matter is studied deeper. Conclusions made from experiences are also inferred from past experiences or related experiences occurring around. Understanding of experiences should go beyond reasoning by delving into a process called demonstrative which looks into a set of ideas and relations among them, and also the account of probability concerning matters in terms of their existence, and its fact (ibid).

Religious Nationalism

David Hume in explaining religion he chose not to dissociate himself from religion completely while criticising against the connotations attached to religion in the form of supernatural elements. He was neither a theist nor an atheist; the scepticism in him can place his position as agnostic (Mossner, 1978: 653). He was outspoken of his views on religion in his writings. The manner in which he engaged with religion is in incremental fashion. It began in his work, “the Treatise” and ended with “the Dialogues”. Other works of Hume that either engaged or went against supernatural elements of religion are the Treatise of Human Nature (1739-40),the Abstract of a Treatise (1740), the Letter from a Gentleman (1745), and the Essays Moral and Political (1740-48) (ibid: 654).

David Hume while asserting the abstractions the belief in religion has endowed on its followers, concealed about how faith makes people believe things by suppressing his or her capability to reason the truth. People tend to believe in something which is far from the experience deviating away from the crux of the reality. The association of morality to virtues like celibacy, fasting, penance, mortification, self-denial, humility, silence, solitude etc are a matter of obscuring the realisation of realities (ibid: 656-657).

In the political discourse there is a room for secularism, and not for fundamentalism of religion. The narrow minded interest stems out of religion and patriotism will cast a catastrophe to the functioning of a society. The popularity of a person infused with patriotism and religion beliefs may lead to a hunger for power which is a sign of tyranny. Hume's stance on religion is without doubt a clear position of secularist and in that line he explained that the true spirit of religion lies in conforming to the law of a state thereby putting forth the values of obedience, pragmatism and secularism. Strengthening his arguments against the metaphysical aspect in religion, Hume in his work “ The Natural History of Religion” , as mentioned in Mossner's “ The Religion of David Hume”, postulates on the origin of religion: "What a noble privilege is it of human reason to attain the knowledge of the supreme being; and, from the visible works of nature, be enabled to infer so sublime a principle as its supreme Creator (ibid: 658)?”

The consistency in his criticism against religion in the path of his work leaves no stone unturned. He masterfully criticised religion with sarcasm or irony in his bid to trample the superstitious beliefs and practices associated with religion. He also took a dig at the credibility of clergy (ibid: 659). Religion in any aspects it stands for, should do away with worshipping of the supernatural elements it embodies with. Religion should also move away from its reliance on the forces of nature. Hume went on to add that religion should encompass the manifestations of true worth of humanity complemented by the augmentation of knowledge (ibid: 662).

David Hume's stance on religion remains critical, and it is discussed at length in his work “The Natural History of Religion” which throws a light on an account of the religious beliefs and its development. He gave an insight on the non-rational components of religion, and cautioned of the ill-effects it casts on the present form of religion. Religion started off as a mechanism to come in terms with uncontrollable natural phenomena like earthquakes, floods, diseases etc. Religion in its initial phase was polytheistic to which David Hume finds no fault as it embraces diversity. Over a period of time, polytheism is replaced by monotheism . The problem with monotheism is placing one deity as a supreme entity over parallel or other deities. Monotheism is absurd in its truest sense as it is intolerant to diversity without resorting to reasoning, and thus will dent the harmony of a society (Morris, 2013).

The arena of David Hume's position in the world's politics can be explained in terms of how he posits upon individual. According to him, it is individual that led to society built on the premise of sympathy and harmony within them. Society gives rise to a state, followed by a nation or a country. Hume is flexible in putting forth these terms and their relevance in a functioning society (Haar, 2008: 227). He further went on to explain the essence of nationalism by focusing on the eruption of national sense based on varying degree of positive and direct experiences. Direct experience includes of the sense of belongingness to a nation from the admiration of common property, landscape etc. Indirect experience is perceived as derived from lived experiences for example the economic well-being, sports, the achievement of science etc that has common feature to almost everyone. His belief in nationalism can be drawn from how he made a statement that in the name of his country he can ‘spill a drop of blood'. He added that the feeling of nationalism resides in any individual and equated it to the allegiance for one's family. He upholds his belief in an empirical way on being an intrinsic element to human beings (ibid: 228).

David Hume emphasised further by stating that the allegiance one has for acquaintance/closed ones, and for people who are remote to us, is different. There is more affinity to people surrounding us or whom we are familiar with, than to foreigners. The cohesion in such condition is a fodder for nation building. The interesting thing about Hume is that inspite of his endorsement for nationalism; he called for a restrain to an extent at the same time. In substantiating his stance, he cited of scholars who penned their writings with an inkling of patriotism should be taken as insincere. The reason he offered is that extreme nationalism can turn one into being self righteous and narrow minded in defending themselves. In a way, Hume takes a central role in nationalism- an instance of this is his refusal to endorse the break-up of English-Scottish Union in the year 1707 despite his admission of this union as a failure (ibid: 228-229).

In similar fashion, Ramachandra Guha in his article entitled “the Fear of Fascism” traced the origin of the term “Hindu nationalist” in the early 1990s, which is defined as an infusion of Bharatiya Janata Party and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in a common ideology. Guha further said that the term “Hindu nationalist” is an oxymoron, and if so, it is against the principles of the Indian Constitution. Guha believes that one be a nationalist and a Hindu at the same time but not “Hindu nationalist” (Guha, 2014).

Modi being a life long member of RSS, is beyond doubt when he resorted to proclaim himself as “Hindu Nationalist”. The ideology of “Hindu nationalism” is irrelevant in a democratic country like India . A look into the historical figures like Gandhi, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad etc give a cue on why nationalism linked to religion does not merit a path for the co-existence of different communities in a nation. “Indian Nationalism” supersedes the rest and none, in India . In secularism one can be religious and identify with “Indian nationalism” at the same time (Puniyani, 2013).

“ Hindu nationalism” propagates exclusivity and divisiveness; and they believe in building a Hindu nation. While Indian nationalism is rooted in inclusivity which is said to be connected to the real issues of the world, and takes into account of the issues of the poor, marginalised and minority communities. Neighbouring countries have already bore the brunt of nationalism linked with religion and remains a threat to the fabric of the nation. Myanmar , Sri Lanka , and Pakistan etc are a testimony of religious nationalism in creating havoc to their nations (ibid).

Modi and his “Hindu nationalism” that reek of communalism will only deepen the sectarian divisions. His role in the 2002 Gujarat riots remains a blot to his image, and to this day he is still being accused of orchestrating the riots (Singh, 2013). The phenomenal rise of Modi in the recent years cannot be ignored, and now that he is pitching himself to lead India , his past images cannot be whisked away by a mere rhetoric of “Gujarat Model” and the development promise he offers.

As trajectory of Hume's approach to nationalism moves forward, he unleashed a space for accommodating international relations with neighbouring countries. He endorsed building a cordial relationship with other countries to instill amity and cooperation in aspects related to social harmony, trade and commerce. With that, he laid a room for mutual cooperation among different countries to evoke a sense of internationalism. He held the same for within a nation state to respect diversity, inculcate co-existence, and to separate supernatural or metaphysical elements of religion from nationalism (Haar, 2008: 229-230). The projection of Hindu nationalism as per David Hume's standpoint will be a threat to India 's democracy and secularism. The minorities, Dalits and Adivasis, or any group that does not ascribe to Hindu nationalism will not be taken into account as a citizen in the Hindu nation propounded by Modi and his supporters. The looming division to social fabric in India which Hindu nationalism signals, can clear a path for the advent of fascism. Fascism will not tolerate any dissent leading to fear, hatred and insecurity among people which can serves as a recipe for the break-up of a nation.

The Cult of Political Figure

The political discourse is by and large synonymous with rhetoric drawn from exaggeration and the opportune to draw public attention. To this, David Hume adds that the metaphysical elements dotted conspicuously in politics should be scrapped and instead embraces political thought with an empirical approach. He famously rejects metaphysical elements in political thought, preferring a strictly empirical approach (ibid: 232). The formation of political thought according to Hume has its base on impressions. He then defended impressions to be a resultant of pure sensations that reflects on individuals. In the same line, he brought up “passions” which is equated to “emotions” and is reflective to individual. Passion is considered to be always in requirement of an object to constitute an emotion (Kalinowski, 1993: 361) .

Hume opined that the passion has a scope to understand human nature. He differentiates impressions into “calm passions” and “violent passions”. He has his contention on “violent passions” which is closely attached to ideas and objects. Emotions emanated from “violent passions” are intense smeared with self-consciousness, and is far from the capacity of reasoning (ibid: 362). “Calm passions” is viewed as an entity which is more objective and rational than “violent passions”. He linked “calm passions” to being objective and “violent passions to being subjective” (ibid: 362). He then went on to say that the backgrounds of his explanation on the pursuits of human are to do with the self-interest. Self-interests play an overbearing role in economics that blurs the line between private and public property (ibid: 371).

Hume is critical about war on the bearings it has on the realm of politics, economics and legality aspects. He viewed war as a celebration of violence by keeping justice at bay. Warring countries are delusional about the principles of justice. Violence for violence becomes the law of war. He contextualised his views on the implication war has, on free commerce, labours, market etc. Wars cost a lot of money and put a nation on a humongous debt which eventually will affect common people and keeps a restraint on the freedom of the people (Haar, 2008: 234). Hume stated of the power of people wherein it is public opinion that guides and frames politics. Experience is perceived as a prerequisite to dismantle abstract and speculative views. In a way, democracy is the undertone of Hume's approach to politics which is besotted with people power in maintaining a just and peaceful society (Harris, 2011: 45).

Hume throws a light on the concept of justice in a society. He opined that justice should not be conclusive from a single case. Justice in a society should take cognizant of the given context, and circumstances, and overall on how it is perceived in general. He cited an example of justice between two sets of society. First one on a small society where the need of justice does not arise for a simple reason that regulating property is not needed. On the second set of society, he takes to a case of large family where managing members becomes difficult due to its large size, and thus arises the need of justice. Justice in a society according to Hume is related to property. Justice came into being in a society to regulate property in serving the interests of the public (Morris, 2013).

Hume believes that in understanding the political discourse, one cannot discount the relatedness and the connection to history or origin (ibid). Hume sees that a historical account is needed to put forth the importance of custom, habit, and private interest in laying down a path for the state to function by accommodating various aspects like institutionalising objectivity, humanity etc (Kalinowski, 1993) . Human choices and their actions are pivotal to shaping politics by maintaining a distance from the malaises of superstitions, and situating the underpinnings of society, political and social life, and government (Morris, 2013). This position of Hume can be contextualised into the contemporary political discourse of Narendra Modi and his party BJP where right wing ideology is taking a centre stage masking behind the promise of “development”. The fear surrounding Narendra Modi should be acknowledged in every possible ways, and to be not carried away by the hype of “development”. The rise of Narendra Modi is seen as a detrimental to the fabric of democracy of India where he is overtly intolerant to minorities and any dissent that crossed his path. Evidences tell that Modi's government is known for intimidation in clamping down the voices of artists and writers in Gujarat (Guha, 2014). Supporters of Modi are widely known for the propaganda running heavily in the social media platform of internet targetting the youth and middle class, and upper class. The propaganda they carry, is full of lies by distorting facts to score political points. This propaganda will cost the thriving of a democracy built on co-existence, secularism, harmony etc. It is a well known fact that Modi's ideology has its roots in the RSS which can be detrimental to the Indian Constitution. His association with RSS as a lifelong member will bear an overarching role to the possibility of the creation of a Hindu theocratic state (ibid).

Echoing the chorus of Sophocles' Antiglone, Hume cautions about the culture of hero-worshipping. The implicit nature of hero-worshipping gives no room for rational thinking and it berates of alternative voices. Hero-worshipping is marked by hate filled approach to any criticisms directed at what they believe in (Mossner, 1978: 663). The fear looming around the politics of one up-manship is that the confidence it gains as a saviour to all the issues of various spectrums. The leadership it cajoles upon is a sign of ripping apart the fabric of society. The enlighten lots are at stake to mould leadership with humanity aspect and knowledge without taking a respite out of supernatural element linked with nature or religion (ibid: 663).

The Paradoxy of Neoliberalism

International relations should be complemented by free trade is echoed in the words of David Hume. Commerce can correlate to the well being of a state and extended to its inhabitants. The inclusivity in the well being of people can elevate common people to be pitted against the elite. The will of the government is a precursor to international relations and free trade (Haar, 2008: 236). The well being of one country related to free trade in an international relation has a rippling effect; it will have a positive impact on the neighbouring countries. It is impertinent for a country to flourish without having an alliance or relation with neighbouring countries (ibid: 236-237).

Hume propounded further that the well being of a country doesn't end with free trade. The human nature is seen as an unforgiving entity which refuses to change. To actualise peace and well-being, Hume argued that the prudence of a state with accountable policies will overcome forces like conflict or war. In a nutshell, Hume takes a central position between mercantilists and nationalist, in international relations. He believes in co-existence of both internationalism outlook and nationalism approach. That takes Hume's approach to principles of state regulation in free trade (ibid: 237).

Likewise, n eoliberal policies have been dotting India 's economic lacunae since India 's liberalisation in early 1990s. It began by ushering in positive changes which later amalgamated into a negative consequence. Privatisation along with corruption amasses as India inches towards the role of the next global player. Lack of regulation is seen as a factor that provides a leeway for corporates to take advantage, and also the perks they enjoy in the form of unrestrained loans from public sector banks. Corruption encompasses corporates, politicians, and public sector, and with that it allows neoliberalism to embrace crony capitalism (Hensman, 2014).

The alarming trend of neoliberaliism takes ugly form by explicitly strangling the rights of labourers especially in the informal sector which started during the National Democratic Allliance (NDA) regime. Labour Laws which is taken as a sole weapon in protecting their rights are being lobbied by industrialists for their abolition. The atmosphere of anti-labour steps became clearer when United Progressive Alliance (UPA) came into power in 2004 that the cases of workers fighting for their rights have increased with little success despite gross violations of labour rights (ibid).

In neoliberalism, the state takes the position of a muted spectator where capitalists are being allowed to run their business and its affairs. The state instead of protecting the system, they let private players decide what to do with it (ibid). The global meltdown does not have heavy impact on India 's economy despite the economy being liberalised. The reason could be because of the legislation of India that protects financial institutions. The road lying ahead where development has been promoted aggressively gives a glimpse about unprecedented and unwarranted neoliberalism (Mishra, 2013).

The trajectory of growth in Gujarat has been promoted as the best model in various forums. The reality tells a different story- the manner of how it paints Gujarat as the best development model is brimming with banality when the Gujarat economy is controlled by the corporates. Key sectors like power, ports, rail, roads etc are under the interests of the corporate (Hensman, 2014).

Hume despite being a proponent for free trade concerning commerce and its need for nation state, he has a sense of skepticism to free trade. He elaborated that alloting too much freedom to free trade will be detrimental to the well being of the nation. He held that there could be a consequence of unequal wealth distribution leading to an increase in debt and the vulnerable people will plunge into a worse condition of poverty (Harris, 2011: 45).

When a state's economy is dictated by the private investors, the governance in Gujarat has least credibility for what it stands for. The decision making process of the state also bears a huge implication from the corporates. The evidences of the negative growth of employment in manufacturing, and service sector in Gujarat are a testimony to the stronghold of corporates; as informalisation of labour is happening at the behest of the corporate (Nigam, 2013).

The factual data available from various reports and findings affirmed the realities of Gujarat 's model of development to be all hype without substance. In substantiating this point, an example can be cited of how the Modi government offered an unrestrained subsidy to Tata Company for operationalisation of its Nano plant along with other projects. What happens in the ground is that Tata has invested to a sum of Rs 2900 crores and enjoyed a loan of Rs 9570 crores at 0.1 interest. The loan the state has given to Tata needs to be paid back after 20 years, on a monthly basis, and other related elements like electricity are going to be taken care by the state. Tata being given an unprecedented tax break means that the Gujarat people will not get back this money (Financial Express. 2008). The recent news of a nexus surrounding Adani and Mukesh Ambani with Modi, is doing round the corner for its crony capitalism.

Informalisation of labour is happening at one side, and on the other side the people of Gujarat including farmers, fisherman, Dalits, Adivasis etc are being displaced in the name of development with massive lands being allocated for the corporates. This serves as a testimony to why Gujarat has one of the highest poverty levels across India (Mishra, 2011). Traversing into the human development indices also highlights the neglects by Gujarat government while aggressively running propaganda for political points in the name of the growth model. Gujarat fares poorly among states with comparable per capita income as it has the highest prevalence of hunger, and it similarly fare poorly on parameters definitive of people's well being like poverty, hunger, education and access to social security (Shariff, 2011).

The malnutrition rate in Gujarat has very little to do with vegetarianism or the banal argument of figure-consciousness among females. Finding says that the reason behind high malnutrition is attributed to extremely low wages, defunct of schemes related to nutrition, poor potable water supplies, and lack of sanitation. The state has one of the highest numbers of open defecation conditions in which diseases like jaundice, diarrhoea, malaria etc are a result of this (Hirway, 2012). The rapid industrialisation has resulted into uncontrolled pollution that has its impact on the livelihoods of farmers and fisherman. Later on, they are subjected to diseases like tuberculosis, cancer, skin diseases, asthma etc (Gahilote, 2014).

In contrast to Modi's projection of Gujarat as a destination for FDI inflows, the real figure makes this claim as a myth. Finding says that in the period 2012-2013 the share of FDI inflows statewise for Gujarat puts them at 6th rank with a meagre share of 2.38 per cent. Indebtedness figure has grown over the period for Gujarat , the current figure for the year 2013 is at Rs 1,38,978 crore which was Rs 45, 301 crore in the year 2002. Narrowing down this figure of debt to per capita indebtedness, each person will be having a debt of Rs 23,163 given that the population of Gujarat is 60 million (Khanna, 2013; Jaffrelot, 2013).

The aggressiveness of neoliberalism of Gujarat model and their vision is more extreme than the one of UPA. The application of Gujarat model in other states or to the whole of India cannot fill the existing inequality gap. Each state is dynamic and their needs are different. The elements essential to democracy in the form of regulation and access to social security, justice etc, cannot be negated in the development model promoted by Modi. These elements will stand nowhere in the neoliberalism promoted under the Gujarat model. Researchers link this context as the reason why Modi is a big favourite among the capitalists to lead India , and it bothers them the least about the State policy in protecting its citizen.

  Endnotes

i) Polytheism is to do with the belief in multiple Gods. See more: http://www.gotquestions.org/polytheism.html (accessed on 23 March 2014 ).

ii) Monotheism believes in the existence of one God and they tend to be exclusive by nature. See more:http://atheism.about.com/library/FAQs/religion/blrel_theism_mono.htm (accessed on 23 March 2014 ).

iii) In the history of India , RSS came into being in the year 1925 wiith Hindutva ideology. The goal of RSS has always been consistent in paving way for Hindu nationalism and for the creation of Hindu nation. See more:http://www.pluralindia.com/issues-in-secular-politics.php?id=412 (accessed on 24 March 2014 )

iv) Adani Group has an exponential growth aligning with the rise of Narendra Modi. Adani is alleged to be having nexus with Modi's government. See more: http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?289708 (accessed on 22 March 2014 ).

v) Reliance Industries Limited chairman Mukesh Ambani has been accused of nexus with Narendra Modi's government over the KG Basin gas pricing issue. See more: http://indianexpress.com/article/india/politics/arvind-kejriwal-writes-narendra-modi-gas-pricing-mukesh-ambani/ (accessed on 22 March 2014 ).

References

Faruki, L. Z. (1993). David Hume on Epistemology: Revision and the Tropics of Discourse. Retrieved March 20, 2014 , from Jstor:http://www.jstor.org/stable/30225389 .

Gahilote, P. (2014, February 3). Where The Black Waters Part. Retrieved March 24, 2014 , from Outlook India :http://www.outlookindia.com/article.aspx?289276#.UuN9mOADJFA.gmail .

Guha, R. (2014, March 22). The Fear of Fascism. Retrieved March 23, 2014 , from Telegraph India :http://www.telegraphindia.com/1140322/jsp/opinion/story_18095590.jsp#.UzCY9qiSxAD .

Haar, E. V. (2008, April). David Hume and International Political Theory: A Reappraisal. Retrieved March 21, 2014 , fromhttp://www.jstor.org/stable/40212519 .

Harris, J. (2011). David Hume: 300 Years on. Retrieved March 21, 2014 , from Jstor: http://www.jstor.org/stable/41380099 .

Harris, M. H. (1966, April). David Hume: Scholar as Librarian. Retrieved March 20, 2014 , from Jstor:http://www.jstor.org/stable/4305636 .

Hensman, R. (2014, March 15). The Gujarat Model of Development. Retrieved March 20, 2014 , from Economic & Political Weekly:http://www.epw.in/web-exclusives/gujarat-model-development.html?ip_login_no_cache=60450225ba0010a96cda4b66da456340.

Hirway, I. (2012, September 27). Not vegetarianism or dieting, Mr. Modi. Retrieved March 24, 2014 , from The Hindu:http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-ed/not-vegetarianism-or-dieting-mr-modi/article3939379.ece .

Jaffrelot, C. (2013, September 6). No Model State . Retrieved March 23, 2014 , from Indian Express:http://archive.indianexpress.com/news/no-model-state/1165249/0 .

Kalinowski, F. A. (1993). David Hume on the Philosophic Underpinnings of Interest Group Politics. Retrieved March 22, 2014 , from Jstor: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3234969 .

Khanna, S. (2013, April 12). Gujarat share in FDI slips to 2.38%, 6th rank. Retrieved March 23, 2014 , from DNA India:http://www.dnaindia.com/ahmedabad/report-gujarat-share-in-fdi-slips-to-238-6th-rank-1821712 .

Mishra, P. (2013, November 18). Who pays when India 's billionaires don't go bust. Retrieved March 23, 2014 , from Live Mint:http://www.livemint.com/Opinion/pjWpQlefz7FW0xBolWex6L/Who-pays-when-Indias-billionaires-dont-go-bust.html .

Mishra, P. (2011, March 28). Whose Gujarat is vibrant? Retrieved March 24, 2014 , from Ahmedabad Mirror:http://www.ahmedabadmirror.com/article/78/2011032820110328032129511f285d544/Whose-Gujarat-is-vibrant.html .

Modi orders inquiry into Nano MoU note. (2008, November 11). Retrieved March 24, 2014 , from Financial Express:http://www.financialexpress.com/news/modi-orders-inquiry-into-nano-mou-note/383964 .

Morris, W. E. (2013). David Hume. Retrieved March 20, 2014 , from The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy:http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/hume/ .

Mossner, E. C. (1978, October). The Religion of David Hume. Retrieved March 21, 2014 , from Jstor:http://www.jstor.org/stable/2709448 .

Nigam, S. (2013, May 23). Gujarat and the Illusion of Development: Shipra Nigam. Retrieved March 23, 2014 , from Kafila:http://kafila.org/2013/05/23/gujarat-and-the-illusion-of-development-shipra-nigam/ .

Puniyani, R. (2013, July 25). Hindu Nationalism versus Indian Nationalism. Retrieved March 24, 2014 , from Plural India:http://www.pluralindia.com/issues-in-secular-politics.php?id=412 .

Shariff, A. (2011, May 17). Gujarat Shining Story? Retrieved March 24, 2014 , from Saleh Shariff BlogSpot:http://salehshariff.blogspot.in/2011/05/gujarat-shining-story.html .

This write-up was posted earlier on NAPM's MOI e-Bulletin (Footprints). Dated August 16, 2013: http://issuu.com/fp_napm/docs/v1i7_final/1

 The recent judgement of Telangana has led to a revival of demand for statehood from different parts of India. A famed politician and former CM of Uttar Pradesh opined for carving four states out of the present Uttar Pradesh. Then, there is a mention of Vidharbha as separate state from Maharashtra and there are possibilities of similar demand from other states in India. The affirmation of the creation of Telangana as separate state has spread like wildfire to the eastern part of India, to be precise, to North-eastern states where there have been movements for decades, for statehood demand raised by several communities.

The news of Telangana has spurred numerous agitations for separate statehood- prominent agitations being that of Gorkhaland and Bodoland in West Bengal and Assam respectively. There are four separate agitations for statehood in Assam led by Bodo, Karbis, Koch Rajbongshis and Dimasa people; besides the Kukis of Manipur and Nagas of Nagaland/Manipur. West Bengal and Assam have been shut down for some time now with the protestors clamping down the functioning of the states and there has been heavy deployment of armed personnel to check any untoward incidents through curfew, patrolling and flag marches.  

The news of the creation of Telangana is being perceived as betrayal by Bodo and Gorkha leaders and the ongoing agitation is now more aggressive, putting greater pressure in asserting their demands for statehood. According to sources from the government, various outfits including Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM) whose prominence is in the Darjeeling hills, and the Bodoland People’s Front and the All Bodo Students Union (ABSU), are planning to come together in a joint platform to strategise their respective demands for statehood.

The All Bodo Students' Union (ABSU) reiterated a week ago that creation of Bodoland is legitimate and it is only through this step that the rights and interests of the Bodos will be safeguarded, despite the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution to which they objected for failing to uplift them.

"The demand for a separate Bodoland is the aspiration of the Bodo people, based on which our leader Upendranath Brahma had launched the movement in 1987. In the 1990s, the government created the Bodoland Autonomous Council. Then the Bodoland Territorial Council was formed under the Sixth Schedule. All these arrangements failed to fulfill the aspirations of the Bodo people and only a separate state can help realise them. A separate Bodoland is our constitutional right and our struggle will be a relentless one," said ABSU president, Pramod Boro.

Boro criticised the Sixth Schedule by drawing inferences from the similar agitations for statehood of the Karbis and Dimasas, hinting that had the Sixth Schedule safeguarded the tribals effectively, there wouldn’t have been a demand for statehood from them today.

"The Sixth Schedule status to Karbi Anglong and Dima Hasao were the oldest ones in the state. But the extent of backwardness and poor governance over the years have compelled the people of these two district to realize that the administrative arrangement under sixth schedule is not an adequate measure to help them develop in all fields," Boro said.

The latest development in the agitation for Bodoland, as reflected by the Chief Minister of Assam, glaringly highlights his cautious efforts at putting the onus on the centre. "Till today I have not discussed it but I am open to it, neither am I opposing it.... If the Government of India decides (to create Bodoland), I have no objection," Gogoi said. "The demands have been going on for a long time... the moment they announced (Telangana), it triggered off. The demand has been going on, it is not that this is a new one. As you know, most of the insurgency groups also have been demanding for a separate state," Gogoi added.

This write-up was posted on Kafila, Dated June 30, 2013 http://kafila.org/2013/06/30/hydro-power-projects-and-northeast-india-ecology-and-equity-at-stake/

Recently a two-day North East People’s Convention on water and dams was held at Bethesda Youth Welfare Centre, Dimapur (on 17th May-18th May 2013) which brought together a group of 26 organisations from North East India under the banner of the North East Dialogue Forum. This forum called for a focus into the objectives raised in this two day convention, by writing to leaders of India, China and Bangladesh over the imminent adverse impact of the issue of water, impacts of constructing big dams and mining in various regions of North-East India. The outcome of this two-day North East People’s Convention on water and dams, is the joint appeal known as ‘Dimapur Declaration’.  At the time of this declaration, prime address was made to the Prime Minister of Bangladesh, Sheikh Hasina; the Premier of China, Li Keqiang and Prime Minister of India, Dr Manmohan Singh. The main objectives of Dimapur Declaration are:  to protect the inherent rights of local people over their water, land, forest and other resources based on customary and international laws as guaranteed by the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and UN Declaration on the Rights of the Indigenous People 2007 etc., and their self-determined development of their water bodies in the region. The recommendations of the World Commission on Dams, 2000 have also been given a special mention in terms of its implementation in all decision making processes on dam constructions over Brahmaputra (Tsangpo) River. “The Thatte-Reddy Expert Committee said the present hydropower work on Subansiri contravenes the basic premise of the Brahmaputra Board Act with regard to flood control, irrigation and other benefits. The report agreed that the present planning of the project ignored the flood control aspect. Therefore, the committee agreed that the very purpose of the project and purpose of the Brahmaputra Board Act is defeated and the mandate of the board diluted by this action,” opined Akhil Gogoi, Krishak Mukti Sangram Samiti ( KMSS).

Similarly, sometime in mid June 2013, numbers of anti-dam protestors of north-east came together at Mairang, West Khasi Hills, supporting the Indigenous Biodiversity and Social Welfare Organisation (IBSWO) campaign against the Assam Government intention to construct a dam on River Khri (called Dron River in Assam) in Meghalaya. This surge of protest is due to the aggression of hydro-electric projects coming up in Northeast India at an unprecedented rate under the over-used term called ‘development’. The concern raised is not only about displacement of people and the impact on livelihood; there is equitable threat to the environment which will make it prone to frequent flood, landslides etc. Moreover, Northeast India lies in an active seismic zone marked by fragile erosion-prone mountains and a river laden with silt.

The Northeast India fell under the eyes of policy makers post liberalisation and with its rich natural resources the region is known to be prioritised for hydro power projects. Thereon, the Central Government policies allowed states to have a stake in hydro power projects, and the entrants of private players in the hydro power projects will put this developmental project at the cost of the indigenous people and environment.

According to Central Electricity Authority (CEA) study of Brahmaputra basin in 2001, 168 hydro power projects has been identified amounting to an estimated capacity of 63,328 MW and with that, it has been termed as ‘future powerhouse of the country’. Concurrently in due times, many similar projects got sanctioned and the rush of this interest reeks of a vested interest going against the rights of indigenous people and in disregarding the ecology of the region. Critical to mention of the ‘future powerhouse’ tag christened upon north east India since the Northeast Business Summit in Mumbai in July 2002, as the tag is suggestive of exploitation. It is also important to take note of the 50,000 MW Hydro Initiative launched by the Ministry of Power in 2003 as its important focus is on the northeast region.

  Source: ‘Damming Northeast India’ by Neeraj Vagholikar & Partha J. Das

The implication of this policy is first seen in Sikkim in 2001-2002 and the process spreads to other regions of northeast India. Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh are the first states from northeast India to sign multiple Memoranda of Understanding/Agreement (MoU/MoA) with private players and later on, the similar process is embraced by Meghalaya, Manipur, Mizoram, Nagaland, Assam and Tripura. There are huge monetary advances from private companies in all these MoU/MoA for hydropower projects which took place at the time of sealing the deals and this happened before any clearance of environment, consultations with stakeholders, detailed report of project and other mandatory clearances. The document of Department of Power, Government of Arunachal Pradesh, mentions of the monetary advances received in the form of processing fee, upfront premium etc. in the year 2010, for Hydro Electric Projects. There is huge revenue of money accrued from 186 Memorandum of Understanding (MoUs) and Memorandum of Agreement (MoAs) between the state government and big corporate houses such as Jaypee, Jindal, Reliance, GMR and others. Going by the claims of the Government of Arunachal Pradesh, if these hydro electric projects are implemented, it will generate a power of more than 70,000 MW and expected to generate revenue of more than Rs 10,000 crores every year. The Government of Arunachal Pradesh is said to have collected more than Rs 1,333 crores from the private companies; affirming of the huge stakes from private players in setting up hydro power projects.

Source:  Ministry of Power, Annual Report 2011-2012, “Projects identified for implementation in N.E. region & Sikkim which are yet to be taken up for construction for benefits during 12th Plan and beyond.”

The might of the interests of private companies is reflected in the performance audit report of Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) on capacity expansion of Hydro Power Sector by Central Public Sector Enterprises (CPSEs), Ministry of Power (Report No 10 of 2012-13), where it revealed that Arunachal Pradesh government allotted six projects to NHPC to generate 20,700 MW by constructing 168 dams to generate 63,300 MW. The turn of this ambitious programme is that four of these six projects were allotted to private parties between 2006-2010, without any tender or competitive bidding process.

It is also important to take note of the coming in and the growth of cement industry in northeast region of India at a time when there is an onset of the construction of dams. This linkage can be arrived at the Report of the Working Group on Cement Industry for the XII Five Year Plan 2012-2017 of Planning Commission where twenty-three percent of the cement production in India is directly linked to irrigation or the construction of dams and canals.

Hydro power projects need to pass through mandatory ‘environmental clearance’ procedures, administered by the Ministry of Environment and Forests (MoEF), to evaluate their viability on environmental and social grounds. The geographical location of Northeast needs other clearance such as ‘forest clearance’ from MoEF and then a separate set of approval from the Standing Committee of the National Board for Wildlife (NBWL) for locations inside or within 10 km radius of wildlife protected areas (PAs). There is also one critical document that aids the decision-making which is in the form of Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) report. According to a February 2013 study by the South Asia Network on Dams, Rivers and People (SANDRP), a Delhi-based anti-dam organisation: the hydel environmental assessment committee (EAC) housed in the MoEF, has evaluated 262 hydropower plants and irrigation projects of India in six years and surprisingly none got rejected. This prospect is alarming when many similar projects are coming up in Arunachal Pradesh and other parts of Northeast India.

Researchers and activists have pointed out that there is a bigger concern which even in cases of the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) submitted to Ministry of Environment and Forest (MoEF), ignored the fact that the Brahmaputra region and the whole northeast region, lie in the active seismic zone when there is a past experiences of several major earthquakes. This is undeniable concerning the topography and ecology of the region.

The CAG report [Capacity Expansion in Hydro Power Sector by CPSEs for the year ended March 2012; Report No 10 of 2012-13 (Performance Audit)] says that even in projects of NHPC in Siang and Subansiri multipurpose projects in Arunachal Pradesh, there are lapses in the survey, assessment of the region, and in not following proper norms and guidelines. These processes go against the policy of Hydro Power Development of GOI (1998) that hinges on Detailed Project Report (DPRs) through investigation, survey and assessment using scientific methods.

This aggression of hydro power projects in northeast has led to a number of groups opposing to this project. There are various concerns raised by opposing groups. The hydro power projects overlook at people living in both the upstream and downstream of the river basins, who rely on rivers as a part of their lives on being economically dependent for sustenance, also serving as an integral part of their socio-cultural life. Moreover other impact that will come along with this project, are displacement of indigenous people, loss of fisheries in the river, changes in the wetland,  agriculture activities,  blockage of river by dam, vulnerability of flood, etc.

Another feature that needs a focus on the most likely impact of livelihood has to be shifting agriculture (jhum) which is embraced as a dominant traditional land use in the hills of northeast India. For several periods, jhum plays a critical role in the livelihoods of people, maintaining agricultural biodiversity and providing food security. The advent of hydro power projects will push the practice of jhum to a brink resulting in the shortening of jhum cycles, casting a risk of its impact on the ecological viability of the farming system. Similarly the jhum cycle will also be shortened due to the submergence of land by hydel projects. Add to that, the environment and the livelihoods of jhum dependent communities will be affected by and large, and then there will be land use restrictions in the catchment area of the reservoir as per mandatory norms so as to reduce siltation and to keep a check on the life of the reservoir.

The provision of Sixth Schedule covered in Northeast India, is concentrated in the tribal areas of Assam, Meghalaya, Mizoram and Tripura. The rest of northeast region falls outside the provision of Sixth Schedule which empowers tribal community their own voice over their resources. Anti-dam protestors see this as an important tool to thwart hydro power projects. At the same time, there is a loophole in the Sixth Schedule where state can override the rights of the tribal people under special case; for instance the existence of mining, cement and limestone industries in Meghalaya. The same holds true for Forest Rights Act, 2006 where the state can overturn the existing provision by exerting their influence in overriding the rights of indigenous people.

A biopic named ‘Mary Kom’ based on Mary Kom’s life is slated to release in the fall of this year 2014. The first major promotional campaign kicked off this week with its poster showing a chiseled shaped Priyanka Chopra in an avator wearing the looks of Mary Kom. The movie is from the house of Viacom18 and has the likes of Sanjay Leela Bhansali. As expected the movie’s poster has received a tremendous positive response from Bollywood fraternity and its fans. The entertainment news is buoyed by this response and seems less bothered to look into how people from the northeastern region of India, reacts or to be precise from Manipur where Mary Kom comes from.

The Bollywood actor representing Mary Kom is a north Indian Punjabi whose identity, culture and race are different from the tribal community in which Mary Kom hails from. Bridging this gap has Priyanka Chopra undergone a complete makeover- from wearing prosthetic eye lids to spoken language.The hegemony of Bollywood in upholding its tradition till date tilts towards upper caste, class and the hindi speaking culture barring few movies. The manner in which Priyanka Chopra appropriates and represents Mary Kom and her tribal identity is identifiable with lowest form of racism. She wore prosthetic eyelids to yield the desired look of Mary Kom, and this is no different from the controversy of white actor portraying the role of black man in Hollywood. It is interesting that perpetuation of stereotypes is made possible by having the need to have one appropriate the other when the other’s existence is meted with varying forms of regional politics to national politics and most importantly racism. The struggle of the other’s existence is a different issue but not completely deviated from this issue. By appropriating their identity, Priyanka Chopra not only propagates racism; she has also taken away their struggle to be counted as an equal citizen of India and misrepresenting their identity.

Arguments in favour of Mary Kom’s movie say that Priyanka Chopra’s portrayal will give more promotion to the greatness of Mary Kom and extra focus on Manipur and its adjoining states. Experiences of biopic movie especially commercial movie reside in promoting the movie to be successful and the context of success means making more money. Who eventually benefits out of it, are the actors and the people behind the movie, it hardly favours the person the movie is based upon. The intention of the movie at this point remains murky and it seems to suggest that it is aimed to cater to the masses for entertainment; educating people about the story of Mary Kom and the condition of her hometown intersecting her life has little to do with the concerns of the movie makers. Resorting to the latter is perceived as a risk to their movie’s success and so is the casting of Manipuri actress to portray Mary Kom. They care less about the idea of casting Manipuri who could actually nuanced the role of Mary Kom from her accent to physical feature. Also this is a golden chance for Bollywood to tap Manipuri actress in their industry and could perhaps be seen as a step to embrace northeastern region in the mainstream industry. Moreover if the movie’s dialogue is in Mary Kom’s mother tongue the production house will press the panic button as the main audience target for Bollywood movie is Hindi speaking audience. Sadly the reality has its reason to maintain the gap of northeastern region from the rest of India and decided to perpetuate stereotypes.

Let me take you to something which is coming from the department of straight people who are either being reckless or reinforcing the similar force of patriarchy, in clamouring for the rights of LGBTI community vis-à-vis the recent verdict of Supreme Court of India in upholding Section 377 of Indian Penal Code (IPC). The outrage against the verdict of Supreme Court is palpable, and leaves a wide gap between the minority and their rights. The support coming in for the rights of LGBTI community is larger than few years ago, and many liberals/lefts have spoken out in favour of LGBTI rights.

Within this support, coming in from straight people they explicitly claim that they are STRAIGHT and not one of LGBTI, in lending their support for the rights of LGBTI. I don’t get why are they making such claim? Are they aware of the reason on why they are claiming their sexual orientation? Would straight people explain the need of claiming that they are straight? It's easier to claim your sexual orientation when you are straight. It is important to ponder over the condition of people who don't have the option to claim their sexual orientation.

On 1st June 2011, the outcome of the meeting of the villagers (Rampur and Bhajanpur), the company officials and administration upheld the possibility of the road connecting the two villages (Bhajanpur and Rampur) to remain. Then on 2nd June 2011, the company took a u-turn and the villagers saw a completely different picture - the connecting road between the two villages was blocked by the private company to pave way for the factory to come up. What followed next was a peaceful protest on 3rd June 2011 against the blockade of the road. To which the police forces clamped down on the protestors and they chased them right into their homes; injuring men, women, and children and 4 persons including an infant and a pregnant women were shot dead (sources said 6 persons were shot dead). To this day, justice exists only in the form of hope for the villagers of Rampur and Bhajanpur while the judicial commission of six month term set up by the Bihar Government under Nitish Kumar-the Chief Minister of Bihar, has turned into years. The compensation to the death and injured, and other demands are being mired into the politics of delaying justice.

Rampur and Bhajanpur are two villages under the block of Forbesganj of Araria district of Bihar. These two villages have 90 per cent Muslim population and they have an old connecting road. Few years back in 2011, the land between these two villages including the road was given to a private company-Auro Sundaram International Company by Bihar Industrial Development Authority to set up a Glucose factory. The villagers made it clear that the road should not be taken away and if so, they should be provided with an alternative road. Agreement to some extent was achieved out of meeting but the very next day the company turned back and blocked the road leading to this incident of ‘Forbesganj firing’.

A fact-finding team confirmed the killings of villagers on their visit to the area. The team said, “The police opened fire on the protesters and chased them to their homes. According to many eye witnesses present on the scene the order to fire was given by the SP Garima Mallik. SDO, Ashok Agarwal, MLC, BJP, Saurabh Agarwal, Ashok Agarwal’s son and Managing Director of the Auro Sundram International Company were present on the scene when firing was ordered”.

A demand was made to dismiss SP and all policemen who were involved in the firing in ‘Forbesganj firing’ incident. A sum of Rs 10 lakh to relative of deceased and Rs 1 lakh to injured people are being made. A job to the family members has also been made whose breadwinners died in the firing and a road to two villages. So far, compensation of Rs 3 lakh had been given only to the family of infant who was shot dead during the said incident.

The Bihar government didn’t pay heed to this demand and made it clear that the compensation and due course of law will only be made on the basis of the report of judicial probe. Under mounting pressure from the centre and civil societies, a formal notification of judicial commission was constituted on 22nd June 2011 with three terms of reference: circumstances leading to the incident, sequence of events and justification of the police firing on 3rd June 2011. This commission was slated to wrap up in six months. Few days before 22nd December 2011, the term of the commission got extended to a year and then later to another year; the judicial commission is expected to finish the inquiry this June 2013. Chances loom that it may get extended again. The motive of this extension of judicial commission is seen as a tactic to delay the justice and in diluting the evidences of this incident.

On 30th March 2013, an arrest warrant has been slapped against 50 villagers including those who were shot dead and those who were injured, their family members and witnesses of the incident. This surfaced when the judicial commission is still pending and Supreme Court is hearing a petition that seeks a CBI probe. The arrest warrant is said to be made from the FIRs filed by the police and officials of Auro Sundaram International Company. Villagers are baffled at this news and according to some sources; the company is playing politics to divide the villagers in supporting them.

The discourse of ‘Forbesganj firing’ is suggestive of a nexus between the state and private company. The way how Bihar Government of Nitish Kumar politicised the outcome of this incident is uncalled for. The extension of the judicial commission is a way of protecting the high handedness of authorities and upholding the interests of private company. The incumbency done to this incident only means that the state conveniently denies the rights of (Muslim) minority in seeking justice and living peacefully. The brutality of ‘Forbesganj firing’ is condemnable and more so when Nitish Kumar Government treated it casually.

In the recently released report of "A fascinating map of the world's most and least racially tolerant countries" of the Washington Post, has India, topping the list along with Jordan as the least racial tolerant country and it is by no means surprising when cases of racisms are happening day in and day out elsewhere in India. Nationalists were criticising the parameters used to measure that ranking. Many Indians were surprised at this; some saying that the degree of racism is hard to measure when it is either seen or unseen on the basis of how deeply racism is ingrained in any society. In a diverse country like India; the moment you step out your house you will spot racism within a minute or so. The evidences of racism in urban and rural areas of India is loud and clear; from disallowing particular community to become a tenant and to object food habit or to openly ridicule north east people ( racism occurs by and large in north eastern states too). 

Data source: World Values Survey

While we crib at racism there are underlying factors that allow racism to thrive from one generation to generation. Racism is often linked with stereotyping a particular race in a bad light. This stereotyping is demeaning to say the least. It simply generalises a particular race in terms of skin colour, eyes, food habit, caste etc. Along came a cyclical subjugation of particular race which internalised the process of racism in upholding the superior race and inferior race. 

The recently released primary census abstract data for 2011 tells that India now has a population of 1.21 billion persons. The date shows an increase of 181.96 million persons to the population of India over the decade 2001-2011. The growth of population for the decade 2001 to 2011 stood at 17.7 per cent against 21.5 per cent of the previous decade (1991 to 2001). The abstract data holds that 833.5 million persons are living in rural areas and 377.1 million persons are living in urban areas; accounting to an inference that more than 2/3rd of total population are living in rural areas (Press Information Bureau, 2013). Density of population for 2011 census has increased to 382 persons per sq.km. from 325 persons per sq.km. in 2001(Press Information Bureau, 2013).

Narrowing down to the primary census abstract data (excel sheet) for Manipur, the figure takes us to various data from population to work participation rate.

Manipur now has a population of 2.5 million persons (25 lakh) and; the populations for male and female are 1.29 million persons (12.9 lakh) and 1.28 million persons (12.8 lakh) respectively. This says that the sex ratio is very low and on calculation the approximated sex ratio is 992 females for every 1000 males.  Interestingly the sex ratio hits the roof when it comes to Scheduled Tribe (ST) where the sex ratio for ST says that there are 1002 females for every 1000 Males. The overall sex ratio figure of 992 for Manipur is behind the figure for Andhra Pradesh (993) in the top 5 states ranking for low sex ratio. Surprisingly, this standing fails to find a mention in the 'Presentation on Primary Census Abstract'.

There are 0.9 million (9 lakh) population of tribal in Manipur which attributed to 35 per cent of the total population of Manipur. There is a huge slump in the literacy rate in comparison to the provisional census data of 2011; upon calculation it is 69 per cent (approx). Male literacy rate stands at 74 per cent and for female it is 63 per cent. Work participation rate in Manipur is 45 per cent and subsequently work participation rate for male is 51 per cent and for female it is 38.5 per cent.

Manipur over the decade

* Source: http://censusindia.gov.in/Census_Data_2001/Census_data_finder/A_Series/PCA.htm

Government of India, Census 2011: Abstract- Primary Data Released . (2013, April 30). Retrieved May 10, 2013, from Press Information Bureau, Government of India: http://pib.nic.in/newsite/erelease.aspx?relid=95372

Today is 3rd May 2013 and by which it has entered 55th day of the captive of Alice Kamei- a 14 year old school girl and aspiring archer who has been kept under the captive of RPF/PLA along with Khaidem Sanahanbi Chanu as child soldier. The story of Alice Kamei/Sanahanbi Chanu represents the untold stories of child soldier which is rampant in Manipur for decades. The case of child soldier cuts across almost all the insurgencies of Manipur. The recruiters who operate overground play an active role in recruiting children for child soldier. They lurk upon children that come from economically backward families. In most cases, the parents of child soldiers are entrapped between the threat enforced upon them and the longingness for their children; this serves as the primary reason for the uncomforting silence and on how cases of child soldier get unreported.  The method of the recruitment of child soldier aligns with the method of the recruitment of human trafficking- threat or use of violence, abduction, force, fraud, deception or coercion etc.

                       The surge of globalisation has bring in more complexities to the age-old trafficking in the history of mankind where human trafficking is nothing less than a hypnotic blood sucking suction. Human Trafficking exists primarily out of socio-economic inequality. The traffickers heap on this inequality, laying down their elements in the forms of coercion, control, intimidation, use of force, false promises etc and the trafficked persons are subjugated to a never-ending exploitation and a constant thwarting of their basic human rights.

                        Pertinent enough to highlight on the difference between migrant smuggling and human trafficking which often gets blurred to interventionist agents for combating human trafficking. Migration and Human Trafficking are distinct in itself although it involves the movement of people within the same region or between two different regions. To put things into perspective, United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) has outlined four technical differences between migrant smuggling and human trafficking.

Consent - migrant smuggling, while often undertaken in dangerous or degrading conditions, involves consent. Trafficking victims, on the other hand, have either never consented or if they initially consented, that consent has been rendered meaningless by the coercive, deceptive or abusive action of the traffickers.

Exploitation - migrant smuggling ends with the migrants’ arrival at their destination, whereas trafficking involves the ongoing exploitation of the victim.

Transnationality - smuggling is always transnational, whereas trafficking may not be. Trafficking can occur regardless of whether victims are taken to another state or moved within a state’s borders.

Source of profits - in smuggling cases profits are derived from the transportation of facilitation of the illegal entry or stay of a person into another county, while in trafficking cases profits are derived from exploitation.                                                                             

                        The term “traffic” for human was first used at the turn of the 20th Century; used primarily to check prostitution out of human trafficking. This focus continued until 1970s, when the concerns for human trafficking embraced other forms of exploitation like bonded labour apart from sexual exploitation and prostitution.  The UN put forth the convention for the Suppression of the Traffic in Persons and the Exploitation of the Prostitution of others in 1949, which for nearly 50 years was the sole international treaty on trafficking. Researchers criticised that this convention rather marginalised and increased the vulnerabilities of the victims of human trafficking. 

Human Trafficking and the Global Community

The effort of global communities took prominent shape in early 2000s when the practise of human trafficking is many centuries old. Violations of human rights exist along with human trafficking in all these centuries, and the conventional pattern is mostly from economically backward region/society to developed region. UNODC has heralded the fight against “human trafficking” since early 2000s and until now more than 145 countries have ratified its Trafficking in Persons Protocol.

                        According to the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons of UNODC: “Trafficking in Persons as the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons, by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose of exploitation.”

                         This protocol considers exploitation as the important element of human trafficking and to any member states that has ratified the same can go by their legal definition for key terms like sexual exploitation, slavery, forced labour etc. in dealing with human trafficking. The creation of the UN Special Rapporteur on Violence against Women (SRVAW) in 1994, and the inclusion of trafficking as a key area in its purview, broadened this perspective even further, delinking trafficking and prostitution. The SRVAW defined trafficking as follows:

“Trafficking in persons means the recruitment, transportation, purchase, sale, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons: by threat or use of violence, abduction, force, fraud, deception or coercion (including the abuse of authority) or debt bondage, for the purpose of placing or holding such person, whether for pay or not, in forced labour of slavery like practices, in a community other than the one in which such person lived at the time of the original act described.”

                        The growing reports of human trafficking in South Asian countries has led to the adoption of a Convention on Prevention of Trafficking in Women and Children for Prostitution by the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) which brought up the growing dimensions of the problems of human trafficking. Cross borders trafficking for forced labour and sexual exploitation due to the rise of sex tourism and informal labour market are widely reported in this region. India has an unprecedented report of human trafficking within India and between neighbouring countries and beyond. According to the latest data, ninety per cent of trafficking in India is within the country and the trafficked victims are usually from the lower social strata of castes. These people are vulnerable to human trafficking because of their lower caste background accounting back to age-old caste system (United States Department of State 2012). Human trafficking affects men, women and children.  

                        According to United Nations, India now have an estimated 50 million women and girls who are missing attributed to illegal activities like the practice of female feticide and infanticide. The evidence in Haryana serves a fitting testimonial to these estimates. These estimates have a bearing on the male-female sex ratio which directly or indirectly leads to an organized crime across the country. This culminates to wives buying through trafficking of females. Going by the latest police data out of 35,000 children reported to be missing in 2011; most of them are girls which are said to be sold into prostitution, domestic slavery, marriage etc (Antelava 2013).

                        Existing pattern of trafficking in women and girls within India shows that they are usually trafficked for sexual exploitation (prostitution). Nepal and Bangladesh contribute an increasing number of women and girls subjected to sex trafficking in India, followed by Uzbekistan, Ukraine, and Russia.  Developing reports also show a trend of females from north eastern states of India and Odisha subjected to trafficking to places (Haryana, Punjab) in India with low female-to-male sex ratios (for servile marriages), and also reports of females from India to Middle East for transactional sexual exploitation under false promises. News of child soldiers forcibly recruited in armed rebellions like Maoist and those underground outfits from Manipur, also surfaces. Bonded labour is also reported which cuts across men, women and children with men taking the larger share.

What India is doing so far

India has ratified the said protocol in the year 2011. The existing laws in India, as identified by many researchers and NGOs, have many loopholes that in some way help the thriving of human trafficking. India recently ratified the United Nations Convention against Transnational Organized Crime (UNTOC) and one of its three protocols includes the Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in Persons, especially women and Children in May 2011 (Ministry of Home Affairs 2012). In India, human trafficking cases are dealt under the IPC and the Immoral Traffic Prevention  Act (ITPA), 1986 and other state level mechanisms. The existing laws of India is very one-dimensional as the focus is confined to the exploitation in  sex industry where there are prescriptions for severe penalties for trafficking and brothel owners. The focus of human trafficking on sexual exploitation so far, found additional mention of other forms of  human trafficking for stealing of human organs, bonded labour, bride buying etc.

Below is a report submitted by Ministry of Home Affairs, India to Trafficking in Persons report. In the figure below, the number of traffickers has gone down in India from the year 2006 to 2008. This could be attributed to underreporting or of the more organized pattern of traffickers which make detection difficult.  

     Figure 1: 

                        Analysing by the figure given below, the number of conviction is very low in comparison to its prosecution rate and it has gone down in the last reported year of 2008. The low rate of conviction could be the need of a intensified law to tackle trafficking that could bring down the operation of human trafficking in India and in adjoining borders.

                 Figure 2: 

These numbers refer to different trafficking offences (ITPA, buying of girls for prostitution, selling girls for prostitution, procurement of minor girl, importation of girls, child marriage).

Source: Ministry of Home Affairs.

The figure below depicts the various cases concluded with a conviction for trafficking in persons, of the year 2008. Maximum case is booked under Immoral Traffic act at a number of 1517.

       Figure 3: 

      Figure 4: 

In the above figure, the number of females booked under the Immoral Traffic Prevention Act is more than that of males and the break-up of age is given in subsequent figure where the age group of 18-30 has the largest share of persons booked under this offence.

       Figure 5: 

Akin to the organised crime nature of trafficking in persons, the data reflects that trafficking in persons happens cross border in between two countries. Here a mention of Nepal and Bangladesh are taken into account going by the available data.

Nepal: The data from Nepal shows that most of the detected victims were found in India.

          Figure 6: 

Bangladesh: The trafficking in persons from Bangladesh also shows that most of the trafficking happens at cross border and India being the country that aligns its border.

             Figure 7: 

In 2006, the Ministry of Home Affairs put up their efforts in tackling human trafficking , setting up anti-trafficking offices called Anti-Human Trafficking Units (AHTUs) focusing on analysing data, identifying causes, monitoring actions by state governments and meeting with state-level law enforcement agencies. AHTUs primary objective is to check human trafficking across national and state borders (Government of India 2008). In similar tandem, the Central Bureau of Investigation established a dedicated federal anti-trafficking unit in January 2012 where police officers are given an investigative authority to curb human trafficking. So far, a total of at least 194 AHTUs are being reported. Critics say that these units focus more on sex trafficking undermining labour trafficking-bonded labour, child trafficking etc. Reports of understaffing in some units also find a mention.

                         In strengthening the efforts of combating human trafficking, the government funded more than 500 police officers to participate in a six-month anti-trafficking course at the Indira Gandhi National Open University. Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), Government of India, is the national Nodal Authority to receive and respond to all requests for all inter-state and cross border assistance as a single point of contact and  to act as liaison between the Ministry of  External Affairs and other State parties on matters relating to the Convention as well as the Protocols.  One unit in Special Crime Division of CBI has been designated as AHTU to provide specialized assistance in the area of human trafficking of children and women for the purpose of begging, prostitution, pornography, forced labour in industries & other forms of exploitation.  Criminal Intelligence Cell (CIC), CBI which receives data on gangs involved in kidnapping from all States/UTs in India has been subsumed into this Unit.  To ensure that all links in a human trafficking chain are identified and prosecuted as per law, the State/UT police agencies can also take assistance of AHTU, CBI for capacity building as well as for investigation of cases having international ramifications.  The agency has also activated a helpline number (011-24368638), where any person, having inputs about gangs and syndicates involved in human trafficking can give information.

                        The Ministry of Home Affair's Anti-Trafficking Nodal Cell continued bimonthly inter-ministerial meetings on trafficking, which also included participation of anti-trafficking officers from state governments. The Ministry of Home Affairs raised public awareness on trafficking though radio talk shows and press conferences; the Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs continued to work with state governments to conduct safe emigration awareness campaigns; and the Bureau of Police Research and Development organized a workshop on the linkages between missing children and human trafficking and encouraged all police officers to track cases of missing persons (United States Department of State 2012).

                        The government continued to fund over 100 NGO-run hotlines that look after victims of human trafficking and people who are vulnerable to human trafficking. According to the latest data available, the Ministry of Labor and Employment reported 865 bonded laborers rescued and the equivalent of almost $170,000 distributed in government-mandated rehabilitation funds in the year 2010-11 (United States Department of State 2012).

 Other Legal tools/support available in India for combating human trafficking

1. Restrictive Migration Laws: To contain the widespread of human trafficking. The government of India has enacted emigration rules with a minimum age restriction of 30 years for women to migrate to other countries as household service workers. The rules require employment contracts between employer and worker; they prescribe minimum wages and require prepaid fare to return home provided to each household service worker (Government of India 2008). Critics say that the rule is biased by focussing only on women when the trend shows that men are also being trafficked at the same time.

                        The Integrated Plan of Action: An initiative drawn up by several government agencies including the Ministry of Women and Child Development, Ministry of Home Affairs, National Human Rights Commission and National Commission for Women, has suggested a series of action points for the elimination of trafficking and protection of victims’ human rights. These include studying emerging areas of concern and their patterns and trends; special measures to identify traffickers, and to rescue, rehabilitate and reintegrate victims especially in brothel-based and street-based prostitution with special focus on children and cross-border trafficking.

2. Ujjawala: Expanding the focus of addressing human trafficking, the government under the Ministry of Women and Child Development launched Ujjawala in 2007, a comprehensive scheme to prevent trafficking and awareness raising and sensitisation of key functionaries through community vigilance. One important feature of Ujjawala is to rescue and rehabilitate trafficking victims. It aims to ensure their safe withdrawal from the place of exploitation and to provide them with shelter, food, clothing, counselling, medical care, legal aid, vocational training and income generation activities. It also aims to provide cross-border victims safe repatriation to their countries of origin. As on 31st October 2012, 201 projects have been supported by the Ministry in 21 States, under which 101 rehabilitative homes have been sanctioned which can accommodate nearly 4650 victims, and 530 community vigilance groups and about 700 Adolescent groups have been formed in the source areas to prevent trafficking.

                        Inference can be made that adult male are excluded in this scheme. There are reports of where victims of human trafficking continued to be treated as victim at Ujjwala. Conditions of shelter homes differ from state to state. NGOs reported that a number of shelters were overcrowded and unhygienic, offered poor food, and provided limited, if any, services.

3. Swaadhar Homes: The government (Government of India 2008) runs 380 short-stay and 240 “Swaadhar” homes for women in difficult circumstances children below the age of 18 years, counselling, clinical, medical, legal and other support, training and economic rehabilitation and helpline facilities. The Ministry of Women and Child Development (MWCD) allocated the equivalent of $118 million for 2011-12 to fund 153 projects in 17 states under the Ujjawala program – which seeks to protect and rehabilitate female sex trafficking victims – and 58 new Swadhar projects – which help female victims of violence, including sex trafficking (United States Department of State 2012).

4. Child Hot Lines: To address and respond to the needs of the children in difficulty (including trafficking), the government has started a 24-hour telephone service with a toll-free number.

5. Information System Database: The government has started a database system called a Human Trafficking Management Information System (HTMIS). This system will provide a format for enforcement agencies to collect data on trafficked victims and traffickers (Government of India 2008).

References:

Aengst, J. (2001, March 12). Litigation Report: Girl Trafficking in Nepal. Retrieved January 25, 2013, from Childtrafficking: http://www.childtrafficking.com/Docs/aengst_2001__girls_traffick.pdf

Antelava, N. (2013, January 9). The Trafficking of Girls in India. Retrieved January 22, 2013, from The World: http://www.theworld.org/2013/01/trafficking-girls-india/

Asian Development Bank. (2003, April). Combating Trafficking of Women and Children in South Asia. Retrieved January 25, 2013, from ADB: http://www2.adb.org/Documents/Guidelines/Combating_Trafficking/Guide_Integrating_Trafficking_Concerns.pdf

Bandyopadhyay, N. (2008, July). Streetwalkers Show the Way: Reframing the Global Debate on Trafficking from Sex Workers’ Perspectives. Retrieved January 24, 2013, from Institute of Development Studies: http://www.ids.ac.uk/files/dmfile/Wp309web.pdf

Baruah, N. (n.d.). Trafficking in Women and Children In South Asia- A Regional Perspective . Retrieved January 26, 2013, from EmpowerPoor: http://www.empowerpoor.org/downloads/Trafficking%20in%20South%20Asia.pdf

D’Cunha, J. (2002, November 8). Trafficking in persons: a Gender and Rights Perspective. Retrieved January 24, 2013, from UN: http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/egm/trafficking2002/reports/EP-DCunha.PDF

Government of India. (2008). India Country Report To Prevent and Combat Traffi cking and Commercial, World Congress III Against Sexual Exploitation of Children and Adolescents (Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, November 2008). New Delhi: Ministry of Women and Child Development.

Government of India. (2012, December 4). Trafficking in Girls . Retrieved January 28, 2013, from PIB: http://pib.nic.in/newsite/erelease.aspx?relid=89887

ILO. (2001). Stopping Forced Labour, Global Report under the Follow-up to the ILO Declaration on Fundamental Principles and Rights at Work, International Labour Conference, 89th Session, International Labour Office, Geneva. Retrieved January 24, 2013, from ILO: http://www.ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/@ed_norm/@declaration/documents/publication/wcms_088490.pdf

Manohar, S. (2002, November 8). Trafficking in Women and Girls. Retrieved January 26, 2013, from UN: http://www.un.org/womenwatch/daw/egm/trafficking2002/reports/WP-SujataManohar.PDF

Ministry of Home Affairs. (2012, April 30). Advisory on Human Trafficking as Organized Crime. Retrieved January 23, 2013, from Ministry of Home Affairs: http://mha.nic.in/pdfs/CS-AdvHT-230812.pdf

Morrison, D. (2012, May 23). The strict caste system is a breeding ground for human trafficking. Retrieved January 22, 2013, from The Clarion: http://www.bethel.edu/news/clarion/articles/2012/may/hindu-trafficking

Parker, M. (2006, August). India's Other Virus: Human trafficking. Retrieved January 24, 2013, from UNODC: http://www.unodc.org/pdf/india/human_trafficking/unic_newsletter_aug2006.pdf

Pattanaik, B. (2006). Perceptions, responses and challenges . Retrieved January 23, 2013, from Forced Migration Review: http://www.fmreview.org/sites/fmr/files/FMRdownloads/en/FMRpdfs/FMR25/FMR2508.pdf

Sen, P. (2006, December 31). Combating Trafficking of Women and Minors With the 4 Rs. Retrieved January 24, 2013, from Social Science Research Network: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=981496

Sen, S. a. (2004). A Report on Trafficking in Women and Children in India 2001-03. Retrieved January 25, 2013, from NHRC: http://nhrc.nic.in/Documents/ReportonTrafficking.pdf

Sinha, I. (2006). Trafficking and Children at Risk, Sanlap. Retrieved January 24, 2013, from Ashanet: www.ashanet.org/focusgroups/sanctuary/.../sanlaap_trafficking.doc

Surana, P. (n.d.). Effect of Globalisation on Human Trafficking and Forced Prostitution in India. Retrieved January 25, 2013, from childtrafficking: http://www.childtrafficking.com/Docs/surana__no_date___effect_of.pdf

UNIFEM, & UNODC. (2007). Trafficking Women and Children for Sexual Exploitation-Handbook for Law Enforcement Agencies in India. Retrieved January 22, 2013, from UNODC: http://www.unodc.org/documents/human-trafficking/India_Training_material/Handbook_for_Law_Enforcement_Agencies_in_India.pdf

United States Department of State. (2012, June 2012). 2012 Trafficking in Persons Report- India. Retrieved January 21, 2013, from Refworld: http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/4fe30cc1c.html

UNODC. (2012). Country Profiles, South Asia, East Asia and the Pacific. Retrieved January 25, 2013, from UNODC: http://www.unodc.org/documents/data-and-analysis/glotip/Country_Profiles_South_Asia_East_Asia_and_Pacific.pdf