Queer Muslim Archives

In Case It Is A Sin... :

It is the purpose of this web page to prove that people we today in the Western world would identify as transgender and/or transsexual can be accepted in the Muslim religion and have been accepted in the Islamic culture in the past (and partly still today). I created this page because I felt that it was my duty before Allah to do so. So many transgenders, Muslims and non-Muslims alike, feel hurted and full of guilt because they were made to believe that their "state of mind" was self induced and a dangerous sin. At least regarding to Islam, I as someone who studies cultural anthropology and as a believing transsexual Muslim researching this issue for a long time now, can say that this is in no way consistent with the true Islamic teachings and with the rich muslim culture that evolved out of it.

However, there are many people out there, unfortunately especially those Wahhabi/ Salafi/ Saudi educated young & energetic guys, who still believe that transgenderism is a very big sin, a version of that oh-so-bad homosexuality, equal to promiscuity, a violation of God's law, etc, etc, etc.

Well, they have the right to believe so. Everyone has the right to have prejudices; however, it is wrong to elaborate them or even to act according to them. From time to time those guys (and sometimes some misguided girls as well) contact me or show up in TransMuslim internet forums, using abusive words in a rude way that our noble Prophet (s.a.s.) would surely have forbidden, as well as Jesus (a.s.), Moses (a.s.) and all the noble Prophets before them!

Usually, they claim that we are disbelievers, infidels, because we commit such a great sin. They call us apostates from Islam and wish for us THEIR punishment for apostasy (which is of course death). These abusive claims are in no way in accordance with the blessed Sunnah (tradition) of our noble Prophet (s.a.s.), they are clearly against it !!!!!

Even in case of our "gender dysphoria" (a medical term for transgenderism) really being a bad sin - which I know to be totally untrue - we have to be respected as fellow Muslims who keep the creed of Islam in their hearts.

Here I will give only one of many sayings of Muhammad (s.a.s.) which give credit to this fact.

Abu Dawud, Book 14, number 2526

Narrated Anas Ibn Malik:

The Prophet said: Three things are the roots of faith: to refrain from (killing) a person who utters, "There is no deity but God" and not to declare him an unbeliever whatever sin he commits, and not to excommunicate him from Islam for his any action;

jihad (struggle on the way of God) will be performed continuously since the day God sent me as a prophet until the day the last member of my community will fight against the Dajjal (Antichrist);

And, the tyranny of any tyrant and the justice of any just (ruler) will not invalidate it. One must have faith in Divine decree.

Do you get the point? For your own sake, let's hope so!

– Tehmeena Rizvi

The hijra's contributions enrich the diverse tapestry of Islamic cultural traditions while challenging societal perceptions of gender and identity.

The term "transgender" refers to a broad category of individuals whose gender identity or gender expression is different from their assigned sex at birth. Since they are not affected by sexual orientation, they are mostly referred to as the "third sex." They frequently face discrimination, stigma, and being "othered" due to a variety of sociocultural practices and beliefs. Their limited social inclusion and participation are the result of this. Within the social diversity of a vast nation such as India, transgender people are referred to as "hijras," and they are considered to be part of a distinct social group. Seldom are their experiences, viewpoints, and unfulfilled needs assessed.

The so-called "third sex" or gender in South Asia, known as hijra, is an institutionalised subculture of male-bodied, feminine-identified individuals who want to be "macho" males and who offer their male genitalia to a goddess in exchange for spiritual strength.

The uniqueness of hijras is that they exist beyond the sanctified social or familial structure but, paradoxically, in Indian society, the hijras find a place in history and mythology. For example, many Hindu deities manifest as both males and females or as a merging of the 2 sexes in their different incarnations; for example, Lord Vishnu as Mohini, an enchantress with the task of luring away the demons from the elixir of life (Amrita), or Ardhanarishwara (merging of Shiva and Parvati), respectively.

Scholarly interest in hijra dates back to colonial times, when the apparent recalcitrance and irreducibility of hijra to any neat conceptual category not only troubled the British colonial mind and European scholarly imagination but also posed a direct challenge to the classificatory imperatives of the colonial administration.

Gayatri Reddy (2005) isn’t the only one to notice the strong connection between Islam and hijra identity in India. While hijras have deep roots in Hindu traditions, she points out that many in the community show a special preference for Islam, often recalling a time when they held higher social status under Muslim rule. The Mughal emperors gave eunuchs important roles in their courts, particularly as harem guards, which, as Reddy suggests, made Islam a historical framework for accepting hijras.

Serena Nanda (1999) takes this further, arguing that hijras are direct descendants of the Islamic system of eunuchdom. She even cites government reports claiming that castration only became widespread in India after Muslim invasions. Jaffrey (1997) also backs this up, highlighting how the practice was formalized during the Mughal era.

On the other hand, Taparia (2011) offers a different perspective—he believes hijras embraced Hindu customs as a way to adapt after losing their privileged status in the Mughal courts. While they were once seen as enslaved figures under Mughal rule, hijras later reclaimed their identity and turned the once-imposed practice of emasculation into a symbol of spiritual renunciation.

In Islamic communities marked by rigid gender roles, hijras demonstrate a unique form of agency. They navigate societal constraints to assert their identities and actively participate in communal life. Historically, hijras have formed supportive networks that uphold traditional Islamic customs infused with mysticism, fostering social connections crucial for their existence. These networks challenge binary gender views and provide spaces for navigating identities within Islamic teachings. Furthermore, hijras negotiate their roles within Islamic societies, which traditionally enforce strict gender norms. Operating within a distinct third-gender sphere that encompasses social and spiritual functions intertwined with Islamic rituals, hijras disrupt these norms.

They engage in religious practices and offer spiritual blessings as part of their economic pursuits, despite facing societal opposition. These actions not only sustain their livelihoods but also affirm their visibility and cultural significance within Islamic contexts. Through these proactive engagements, hijras exhibit agency as agents of cultural resilience and transformation within Islamic settings.

Their contributions enrich the diverse tapestry of Islamic cultural traditions while challenging societal perceptions of gender and identity. The "hijro ka khanqah" in Delhi represents a significant institution where hijras demonstrate agency within the complexities of Islamic urban environments. Historically marginalized and often relegated to the fringes of society, scholars like Kulick, 1999 and Nanda, 1999 mention that hijras establish khanqahs as spaces that serve multiple purposes: they are not only centers for religious practice but also community hubs that affirm hijras' spiritual roles and communal identities.

These spaces provide hijras with a platform to engage in Islamic rituals such as prayers and fasting, activities that are traditionally reserved for cisgender Muslims but are adapted within the unique cultural and social context of hijras. Reddy (2005) and Sircar (2010) highlight how this integration is a radical act, redefining what Islamic inclusivity can look like in a modern, urban setting like Delhi. Through the establishment and maintenance of the khanqah, hijras assert their right to religious expression and community participation. This initiative not only highlights hijras' agency in shaping their own religious and cultural narratives but also contributes to the diversity and inclusivity of Islamic practices in urban settings like Delhi, illustrating how marginalized communities actively contribute to and redefine religious landscapes.

Of course, the discussion around hijras and their spiritual roles isn't just about spaces of worship—it’s also deeply tied to their historical experiences with emasculation. The removal of male genitalia has, in different Islamic societies, carried various meanings—sometimes seen as a spiritual transformation, other times as an imposed condition of servitude. But hijras, as Nanda (1999) and Reddy (2005) observe, have reclaimed this practice as something far beyond physical alteration. Instead, they frame it as an act of renunciation, a rejection of conventional masculinity in favor of something more liminal, more spiritual.

This reinterpretation is powerful. It shifts emasculation from being perceived as a stigmatized practice to something deeply meaningful—an act of devotion, a declaration of identity. Sircar (2010) and Kulick (1999) discuss how this challenges entrenched gender norms within Islamic societies, proving that the hijra identity is not just about exclusion, but about reshaping religious and cultural spaces from within. Consequently, hijras reshaped societal perceptions, elevating emasculation to a revered symbol of spiritual commitment rather than a taboo or stigmatized practice.

The efforts of hijras of reclaiming emasculation as a symbol of spiritual devotion challenged entrenched gender norms within Islamic societies, expanding the recognition of non-binary gender identities and fostering a more inclusive understanding of gender diversity within religious contexts. This reinterpretation underscored hijras' agency in shaping their identities and narratives, asserting their presence in religious and cultural domains traditionally dominated by binary constructs.

The establishment of institutions like the “hijro ka khanqah” in Delhi exemplified hijras' integration of spiritual practices into Islamic frameworks, solidifying their cultural and religious contributions within broader societal contexts. This transformation not only marked a departure from historical marginalization but also highlighted hijras' resilience and their capacity to influence and enrich cultural traditions despite societal barriers and discrimination.

What’s even more fascinating is how the cultural reception of hijras has evolved over time. They have historically been both revered and ostracized—called upon to bless weddings and child births while simultaneously being subjected to discrimination. And yet, as seen in spaces like the hijru ka khanqah, their spiritual and cultural legitimacy is being reclaimed. The fact that hijras today actively participate in Islamic rituals, provide guidance, and shape religious discourse is a testament to their resilience.

This cultural acceptance marks a significant shift from earlier periods when hijras faced severe stigma and discrimination. Over time, societal attitudes have evolved as communities have come to appreciate the spiritual and communal roles that hijras fulfill. The story of hijras in Islamic contexts is not just about struggle—it’s about agency, adaptation, and survival. As Reddy (2005) and Sircar (2010) emphasize, hijras are not passive subjects of history; they are active agents in shaping it.

Their journey—from being marginalized figures to reclaiming religious authority—reveals how societies can evolve toward inclusivity, even within the frameworks of deeply traditional faiths. By studying these transformations through historical, anthropological, and religious lenses, scholars can trace the agency of hijras in reshaping cultural narratives and contributing to more inclusive societal frameworks.

by Keerthi Shanggar

Growing up in an Indian-Malaysian household, I’m glad I was constantly surrounded by my culture, whether it was through stories my grandmother told me during sleepless nights or the many vibrant pictures and paintings that decorated the walls of my house. I always had a reminder of my heritage. I can’t even remember a time before that. As you can tell by now, my home was practically a monument of Indian memorabilia. As I grew older and my curiosity started to flourish, I decided to delve deeper and uncover the lesser-known stories of my heritage. The ones I didn’t just hear in a regular old conversation. One of the main things that coincided with my heritage that astounded me as I grew older was how prominent transgender culture was in Indian history.

I recall going to a variety of Hindu religious celebrations and being mesmerized by a number of people adorned in colourful garments and sarees dancing to their heart’s content. Most of them were transgender women, intersex, or simply just men dressed in women’s clothing. All of them celebrating religious deities through carefully configured choreography, and at the same time acting out different characters. Basically, giving many of us as bystanders a visual representation of the stories we were told as kids. You see, I never thought people who were transgender, intersex, or dressing up as the opposite sex were abnormal in any way. It had become very much normalized to me. I saw it in my comic books when reading about the many Gods in Hinduism, in artworks, or even on TV when they used to play live performances. I remember so distinctively how in awe I was of their ability to show the most specific expressions through their eyes and project it to the audience. It was all merely an art form for me and I solely believed that they were just born that way. It was only as I expanded my horizons that I realized how much stigma there is towards transgender and intersex individuals. They were constantly being ridiculed and demeaned by my peers, which always perplexed and angered me.

I knew, however, that in order to understand why they were getting severely mistreated, I needed to figure out the history behind intersex and transgender individuals in Indian culture first and why it had been put on a normal footing for me from such a young age.

The Indian transgender community, also known as Hijras, have been part of the subcontinent since the beginning of its civilization. They are said to have existed for nearly 4,000 years. The earliest they were mentioned was in the ancient text “Kama Sutra” where they were referred to as the third sex. This was written sometime between 400 BCE and 200 CE. In addition, they have played significant roles in religion. In Hinduism, Hijras are known to have been granted a boon by Lord Rama after impressing him with their loyalty and devotion towards him. This boon allows them to confer blessings on people during auspicious occasions, and still to this day, people invite them to their homes to bless newborn babies and newlyweds. The boon originates from badhai in which Hijras sing, dance, and give blessings. Subsequently, some of the Hijra communities in India also prefer to call themselves Kinnar or Kinner which are mythological beings that excel at song and dance. There are also many Hijras that practice Islam as well as incorporating certain aspects of Hinduism. Even though there is some syncretism, Gayatri Reddy (an anthropologist) has stated that “a Hijra does not practice Islam differently from other Muslims and argues that their syncretism does not make them any less Muslim.”

The Hijra community has been recognized all across South Asia such as India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Nepal and they really thrived during the pre-colonial era. Sadly, it was short-lived. In Pakistan, Franciscan travelers in the 1650s noticed the presence of “men and boys who dressed like women” in Thotta, which led them to think it was the sign of the city’s corruption. Furthermore, during the era of British-Raj, many of the authorities tried to eradicate Hijras because they were perceived as “a breach of public decency.” Anti-Hijra laws were repealed later on, but a law outlawing castration, a core part of the Hijra community, still remained untouched. Furthermore, the British colonizers also placed the Hijras under the Criminal Tribes Act of 1871 and labeled them “a criminal tribe”, which included strict monitoring, compulsory registration, and stigmatization. After gaining independence from the British, they were denotified from The Criminal Tribes Act in 1952. However, the centuries-old stigma still remained and carried its way to many other nations and cultures. This false, discriminatory notion was constantly being preached and taught to so many for so long from people of higher power and colonizers that it eventually stuck and was probably why I was hearing it all the time. It’s saddening, but now I know what the transgender and Hijra community have been dealing with for so long. Their objectives were twisted and made to look wrong.

Of course, there have been huge leaps and bounds in terms of making the Hijra and transgender community feel more accepted in general. Bills and policies have been implemented that benefit them, but the stigma still lingers. Generally, they’re still socially and economically challenged. They face severe discrimination and don’t have as much access to education and jobs. A lot of them have been forced to succumb to sex work, which leads to a plethora of human rights issues because the sex work they fall into tends to be very abusive and often brutal. Additionally, transgender people in most parts of the world still don’t get sufficient healthcare, housing, employment, and any bureaucracy which makes it impossible to place them into male or female gender categories.

I think there is still so much that can be done to help the transgender community all over the world until all the derogatory actions made towards them can be eradicated. Personally, I feel the Hijra community is a testament to the sexual diversity that is fundamental yet often forgotten or not appreciated in Indian culture and all cultures for that matter.

Happy Pride!

“There are approximately half a million hijras and other third gender individuals in India, plus smaller numbers in Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Nepal. The hijra identity is a unique blend of biological, gendered, and sexual identities underpinned by religion and bound by a tight-knit social structure. Hijras include people assigned male at birth who may or may not undergo castration and modifications such as breast implants, as well as some (but not all) intersex people and transgender women.”

“Hijras’ purported supernatural powers are enshrined in Hindu mythology, and their gender fluidity mirrors the androgynous gods. The god Shiva is sometimes portrayed as half-male, half-female. There are many stories in which the male deity Krishna takes the form of a woman to briefly marry a man, and the goddess Lakshmi and her husband, Vishnu, merge to form an androgynous person.

Ancient Indian texts like the Kama Sutra describe the third gender as tritiya prakriti, or third nature , insinuating that three genders are part of the natural order. Most famously, the 2,300-year-old Indian epic poem Ramayana tells the story of the deity Lord Rama, who is banished from his kingdom for 14 years. His subjects attempt to follow him into the forest, but he tells the “men and women” to return to their city. His hijra followers—not belonging fully to either gender—feel unbound by his order and stay. Touched by their loyalty, Lord Rama grants them the ability to bestow blessings at weddings, births, and other important occasions. During the Muslim Mughal dynasty, which ruled much of India from the 16th to 18th centuries, hijras were often compulsorily castrated and became trusted guardians of the harems. In this time period, some hijras also enjoyed prominent positions as political and legal advisers, administrators, and generals. Then the British arrived, foisting Victorian sexual mores on Indian culture. The colonists accused the “eunuchs” of sodomy, prostitution, and kidnapping and castrating young boys. They saw the third gender as a threat to morality and political authority. The British criminalized being a hijra under the Criminal Tribes Act of 1871, stripped hijras of their inheritance rights, and launched a campaign to erase them from public consciousness. The hijra community was forced underground.”

“Traditionally, castration is believed to give hijras the power to confer fertility on couples. Many newlyweds and pregnant women seek hijras’ blessing for a healthy baby boy. It is also believed that removing the penis and testicles elevates hijras to the level of religious ascetics, since castration is equated with freedom from desire, a renunciation of pleasure, and a crucible of pain.

Because hijras are usually poor, they do not have access to expensive, advanced sex reassignment surgery. Instead, most hijras seek out their guru’s networks for castration, which is typically performed secretly and often by faith healers who are not authorized medical practitioners. The hijras’ rituals and strict internal kinship system have their downsides, but they also result in a strong sense of community. This may be what has allowed the hijra identity to survive, distinct from transgender identities in India and elsewhere. For outsiders, the distinctions between hijras, third gender individuals, trans men and women, and other gender non-conforming people can be confusing. Many have understood third gender to mean only the hijra; however, numerous other gender nonconforming identities fall under this umbrella term—and yet, some argue against the use of the term third gender.”

“One of the main differences between trans and hijra identities is that trans people have the freedom to self-identify as trans. To identify as hijra, a person must be initiated through a lengthy adoption process based on hijra customs that are still not recognised by Indian law. The general trans population in India does not adhere to such an internal social system, but subsequently, they have a less tight-knit community than hijras. Also, conventionally, trans men are not a part of the hijra community.”

–Dr Samar Habib

AHMEDABAD, India — Tucked away in the Gomtipur ghetto sits the dusty pink home of Shobha, Shilpa and Joya, members of Ahmedabad’s small hijra community.

Hijras, India’s “third gender,” have performed ancestral rituals and ceremonies across India for centuries without legal recognition. That changed in April 2014 when a Supreme Court ruling and the Rights of Transgender Persons Bill recognized them for the first time.

Though the new official gender category is widely considered a significant step forward, hijras who have found sanctuary in reclusive communities fear that it will prevent them from freely practicing their multifaith traditions, both in India and abroad.

“Hijras are resistant to all categories,” said Katherine Ewing, a professor of religion at Columbia University in New York & coordinator of the Master of Arts Program in the South Asia Institute. “There is not a real orthodoxy in this community but rather a local inheritance of practices. The community was at first created because it was seen as a threat to everyday gendered order.”

Wrapped in a colorful sari, Shobha presides over her house, occasionally pausing to spit paan, a tobacco-like substance, into a small silver pot. She was born intersex (an umbrella term for conditions in which an infant’s anatomy doesn’t conform to standard definitions of male or female) and identifies as both male and female, but prefers female pronouns. She calls hijras “children of God,” physical incarnations of the divine.

The Hindu goddess Bahuchara Mata is like our mother, explained Shilpa, one of Shobha’s students and fellow hijras. “She gave us this form. We are well-known due to her grace. We are everything just because of her.” Savitri, Sandhya and Faulan are brothers and gurus in the same hijra community in Ahmedabad, India. This particular community claims to be the first hijra community in the city.

Hijras have long made a living performing rituals at births, marriages and death ceremonies for families of various religious backgrounds. Their services include singing devotional songs, dancing, playing drums and offering blessings. “The only thing that matters to us is the happiness of all people. And (people) give us money according to their wishes,” said Shilpa.

The importance of embracing differing faiths within the hijra community is evident a few blocks from Shobha’s home. Suraya, Savitri, Sandhya and Faulan live in a house that has been passed from one Hijra guru to another for more than 150 years. Their community serves as a hub for the local neighborhood.

“We possess the minds of both male and female,” said Faulan. “We tend to have more wisdom. We don’t discriminate between religions,” she said. Faulan studied both Islam and Hinduism under her Hindu guru, Sandhya. The two have gone on multifaith religious pilgrimages across India to sites such as the Bahuchara Temple in Gujarat and the Sufi shrine Ajmer Sharif in Rajasthan.

In 2009, Shilpa went to Mecca to perform the hajj or Muslim pilgrimage, a mandatory religious duty for Muslims. The Indian government had not yet recognized hijras as a third gender, so she traveled under a male name.

“The government here has accepted and recognized us as transgender,” said Shilpa. “But we will not be accepted as transgender in Saudi Arabia as it is a (very strict) Islamic country. So we went there as males. We got our passports, cut our hair, kept light mustaches and wore caps. We did all of these things to visit.”

Shilpa expressed concerns that her guru will not be able to visit Mecca now that India recognizes a third gender. If hijras like Shilpa or Joya choose to take advantage of their new legal identity, they too will be unable to travel freely for hajj.

When the transgender bill was passed last year, many promises were made. One of the major changes proposed by the govt. was to include a third gender column in all administrative paperwork within six months of the bill’s passing.

Kiran Tirkey, a transgender representative for the New Delhi-based Naz Foundation, said that “Many changes promised to the hijra and transgender communities have yet to be seen, including increased employment opportunities.”

“The law has not been applied. You can see in the government sector that although job vacancies are coming, there is no column on applications for a third gender,” said Tirkey.

Until these regulations become fully enforced, the hijra community will continue to look inward for both social and religious sanctuary.

“People don’t accept us. We are what we are,” said Shobha. “We do not want to lose our history. We are, and will remain, hijras”

When the scholars from the Shafi'i school of Islam (may God be pleased with them) started to introduce Islamic Law to the newly converted Muslims of the Indonesian islands, they were forced to deal with the issue of how they had to react to native customs that were deeply ingrained into the locals' souls.

"Elle" - a waria from Indonesia

From previous experiences in the South–West of India and on the Maldive islands they had learned how important it was to bring together the local spirit with the pure Muslim faith in a way that did not hurt both. The scholars had studied the Holy Qur'an and the sayings of the noble Prophet Muhammad (s.a.s.) extensively and relating to their studies they all could agree on a special principle: That it was allowable in Islam to keep old customs and concepts as long as these were not directly in conflict with Muslim ethics!

Obviously, the wide range of transgender and third gender roles found in many Indonesian societies was not seen as being in direct conflict with Muslim ethics. Shafi'i scholars of Indonesia related them to the "mukhannath" and "khuntha" found in the ahadith and in the works of earlier Muslim scholars and attributed to them the respect they saw in there.

For centuries Indonesian third gender roles survived, they even lived on in the colonial times. The waria, a male to female transgender, seen as "neither man nor woman", still exists in Javanese Muslim and Balinese Hindu society up to this day as an integral concept of local culture.

Farther east, among the Bugis of Sulawesi, we find a much more specified view of gender variants. The Bugis are known as strong believers in Islam, many of them can be seen at the Hajj in Makkah every year. Yet, allowed by traditional pre-wahhabi Indonesian Shafi'i interpretation, they still keep a lot of customs and concepts in which Arab-Muslim and local pre-Islamic influences mix in a way that is not in conflict with the ethical core of Islam.

Among these concepts we find the terms bissu, calalai and calabai. The bissu could be roughly decribed as an intersex (khuntha) having a special ritual role in Bugis society's folk- Islam. The calabai is a male born living a female life (mukhannath), the calalai a female born living a male life, both having a firm place in Bugis society.

1. The Bissu In Muslim Bugis Society:

The bissu are usually described as "gender transcendent" and as "having a ritual role".

What "gender transcendent" really means seems to be up to the researcher.

Sometimes the bissu are described as "transvestites", but this seems to be a misunderstanding.

To be a bissu one has to incorporate aspects of all genders. In most cases, this seems to mean to be born as an intersex – hermaphrodite individual, however, there also seem to be some cases in which a bissu is physically fully male or female.

The special intersexual role of the bissu is thus not solely related to zir anatomy, but to zir position in the Bugis society, zir genderless (or all-gender inclusive) identity and zir display of several features that cannot be correctly assigned to any gender.

This is already visible in the bissu's clothes. The bissu wears a type of dress that can not be worn by any other gender and which combines "male" and "female" features (that is why the bissu can't be called a transvestite; ze wears the dress that is ONLY appropriate for zir, ze is not crossdresser).

The special role that the bissu performs in Bugis society is closely related to zir gender transcendent status. It is believed that, since ze is a human being who stands at some kind of a gender threshold, ze also stands at the threshold between the zahir and the batin, the obvious and the hidden (world). This idea closely correponds to the ancient Muslim idea of the khuntha and the mukhannathun being "guards of sacred boundaries" and to the traditional role that many intersex and transgender people have in certain other traditional Muslim societies (see e.g. my article "Hijras and general Islam in India and Pakistan"), but in this case it seems to be of ancient local origin.

The bissu is usually consulted when a special blessing from the powers of the batin world is needed. This might for example be the case when a Bugis person is leaving Sulawesi for the Hajj, the obligatory pilgrimage to Makkah. In that case, the bissu will allow a good djinn (or dewata as they are called in Bugis language) to posess zir and to act as an emissary of the batin.

This is, of course, not in vein with orthodox Islam, but it has been tolerated by local Muslim authorities, as long as it does not include any act that is clearly against the Shariah. In this special case, it means that the spirit and the bissu's powers should not be considered as in any way independent from Allah`s power, because He is the only one who is to be worhipped.

By Imam Daayiee Abdullah

I have continued to learn and grow through the process of answering these questions from gay Muslims around the world, however I do have some general rules I subscribe for people to use as a way to balance the hetero-normative and the gay normative, if you will permit me that usage, LOL, in locating a long-term relationship or marriage. However, to answer your question to gay dating, I say, within certain boundaries that promote a long-term relationship between consenting adults, why not. The framework is similar, and if you meet the basics of one, why not utilize the same for the gay one too?

Not stating we should immolate heterosexuals in role-playing and role modeling, but what a standard relationship framework for contracting a marriage, whether Mut'ah or long-term is a good place to begin. I will respond to your questions with my comments interspersed below.

Before I respond to your questions, though, I must elaborate on several points so that some are not misled or do not misunderstand my perspective and position on this subject. Firstly, I operate from the premise that gay Muslims have the right/haqq to an intimate companion and protector just as heterosexuals have the same right to a companion and protector. This right is not based upon gender, but on intention. As much as women have raised the question of gender in interpreting Qur'an, so we must also question the heteronormative that is implied in interpretations of Qur'an, in particular the Lut Story. Through this process of understanding Qur'an more deeply through reflection and consultation with Allah, each gay Muslim finds their standard that meets their need(s) for a companion.

Allah created all humans with very similar physical needs, not only in diverse outside coverings (bodies, colors, textures and genitalia), Allah also provided us a diversity of inner states of being too (sexual orientations, mental capacities, temperaments, personality quirks, and the list goes on and on). Allah's message clearly expresses this diversity because we are to look to the signs, symbols, and words that guide us in righteousness for all humankind as intimates and protectors and those things are general and not specific to gender identification(s).

Therefore, gay Muslims have the right (haqq) to companionship. In terms of the type of companionship I speak, I believe for some of us, marriage should be the ultimate goal. For others, I believe that mut'ah (a "semi-marriage" contract between two consenting adults that mirror a marriage arrangement/relationship) may be appropriate, depending upon one's circumstances. I caution each of us to consider what circumstances that would take such a relationship outside of a committed relationship should be avoided. Though this question can be difficult to find solace, I believe seeking a compatible mate based on several generalities are in order so that one selects a partner of quality that meets one's desire for an intimate and protector in the guidance of Allah.

Secondly, my limited studies on Qur'an and sexuality within Islamic thought (e.g., concepts on marriage, halal and haram aspects within a marriage, the contract or arrangement and commitment to fulfilling it) are very important to developing respect for one companion and such respect, it is anticipated if done correctly, works in both directions. Therefore, my studies have reinforced my belief that Allah does not work in dictatorial specifics for everything within a person's life. For example, for some Muslims, the detail of which foot to place in the bathroom is overemphasis for form rather than spirit. Allah provides very broad generalities that have some narrowing in the framework when based on circumstances and cause and effect(s). Since there are only so many specifics within Quran, generalities are the foundational process by which we are to understand Quran at its most basic level(s). It is also incumbent upon each Muslim to grow in their faith, whether born into the Islam or a person who finds Islam a method by which they finds faith. And traditionally, marriage has been this source of companionship, as gay Muslims would be fool-hearty to believe we can ignore those standards and find suitable companions that work well in their lives as Muslims.

Finally, on this note, Allah has also provided Muslims an additional diversity as it relates to one deen. As members of the Book(s), meaning apart of the Abrahemic faiths, they are allowed to intermarry if one finds a mate that is not Muslim. Prior to the "pristine-nizing" Islam for general consumption, a portion of the Muslim community were either married to or intermarried with non-Muslims. The current social standard that one must marry a Muslim is both a much later tradition established by political and cultural enforcement rather than a dictate from Qur'an or authentic sunnah of Prophet Mohammed (PBUH), for even he intermarried with the various tribes to bring together the first Muslim community. What is more sunnah than that example itself.

How physical do you get and how quickly? (i.e., as opposed to going all the way on the first date); how soon do you get sexual? How do you approach dating?

First, I would want to change the pecking order of these questions into something like, (1) How do I approach dating?; (2) How physical do you get and how quickly?; (3) How soon do you get sexual?

In my understanding and suggestion, I would say the first thought about entering the "dating" scene is that you are not looking for immediate sexual gratification, for to do so is allow oneself to get swayed into sex rather than an intimate relationship.

In this instance, when I say, intimate, I mean based on mutual respect and a commitment to each other to have this type of monogamous relationship set-up. If it's mut`ah then it has a proscribed period. But let's not play mind games about a commitment for a night––wrong answer!!!! As it clearly shows an intent for sex and not a long-term relationship, one should not play (gay) sexual mind games and (gay) sexual mind games won't play with you.

I found in my dating experience that once I'd known the person through several outings such as a movie, museum visit, socializing with friends, both his and mine, we have talked about what a relationship means and we find common ground to build a friendship and relationship, then that becomes a reasonable expectation. Sexual intimacy should come after you've had a chance to meet the person and establish a rapport and you can ask the question with sincerity and honesty that your interests are beyond immediate sexual intimacy and pleasure. Sure, there were time when I had a strong hard on for the brother, but I didn't let my little head control my mind. During the dating period, I abstained, but made it known that I was having sexual feelings for him–a good thing, but I was keeping to a standard, which he respected because it showed him that I have scruples and wasn't open to a "quickie" for whatever reason.

For me it was about three months before we were comfortable with moving into a more intimate arrangement. For others, it might be longer. I just encourage each individual to maintain a higher standard than what is considered within the gay mileau some of us participate (e.g., meet them tonight, move in next week). So I'm saying very clearly that picking someone up at a club or public park or wherever is not upholding Islamic standards, and if you need some guidelines as to level of behavior(s), then the materials at the website for heterosexual marriage relationships is a good place to start to gather what type of framework one should be working with if your intention is a long-term relationship.

How fast should you move in a relationship? How far into the future do you look?

How fast one moves in a relationship should be tempered by one's intention, as a quickie is not in my mind a good intention, but a quest for sexual release. When you spend time in meditation and prayer concerning a person you have come to know, I'm of the mind you will get your guidance on how to move forward from the information you've gleaned from your "dating" events. I also think you will get input from your friends and family, if you're out to them, and they can help you by providing feedback if they are close enough to you for that level of discussion on your intentions and goals of association with this person.

If you find they have friends that you wouldn't want to be your close friends, that may be a consideration, depending upon what kind of friends they may have. For example, bowling buddies are very different from former sexual partners and that's one area in the gay life that may come to the fore. For me, it's too much of a slippery slope, and I find I have trust issues arise from a former relationship–of we're just friends–such an association doesn't mean that they are still having intimate relations, but in my experience, it's a very difficult line to maintain and such a relationship doesn't work for me. If such an issue is there, I would cross them off my life of potentials because I'm not comfortable with it and why go into something that leaves me anxious and wondering? Too much drama for my life, so I end it there. So there is no definative answer, but we have to look at our circumstances and intentions and the cause of effects of our actions.

As to how far into the future you're looking, I hope it's for the long-term. Doesn't mean it will reach a 25 year or longer marriage, but who knows what it may become– you still have to get to 1 year, 5 years, and so forth. I do understand that the stardards for marriage in the west have declined until 50 percent or less remain married. In many ways, Muslims tend to stay married longer, but that is also declining in Western areas. I think the best thing is to always go to Allah for your answers and let Allah's inspiration provide you the clarity you seek.

May Allah continue go guide and bless us all, Ameen.

By Leyla Suhagi or Leyla Jagiella

Introduction:

Three hijras at a muslim shrine in Pakistan!

The enigmatic hijras, the male to female transgender and intersex individuals of India, Pakistan and Bangladesh — few is known about them in the West, most of it consists of prejudices and wrong images. "Westerners" who deal with the hijras, for whatever purpose, often tend to overstate their relationship to Hinduism and Hindu culture. This is in no way strange, since in "the West" Hinduism tends to be identified with "tolerance, patience, non-violence" while Islam is connected with "terrorism, fanatism, etc." So, it is easily understandable that Europeans and Americans automatically relate the issue of gender diversity to Hinduism and not to Islam.

In fact, the hijra community is as much rooted in Indo-Pakistani Islam as it is in Hinduism; many hijras, if not most, are Muslim– not only in Pakistan and Bangladesh but also in secular-Hindu India and their old connection to the dynasties of Muslim rule in India are an issue of pride to all of them, including the Hindus.

Hijra is only the most frequently used term to describe them. It is derived from Urdu, the poetical language of the Indian Subcontinent’s Islamic culture. Another widely used word for them is "khusra" which is from the Punjabi language (northwest India, northeast Pakistan). The Arabic–Muslim term "mukhannath/muhannas" is also used in certain contexts and many hijras prefer that term.

In English literature the word "eunuch" is most often employed to refer to them. This is correct as long as you relate it to the medieval muslim understanding of an eunuch (who was usually a mukhannath), but still it might conjure wrong pictures of "castrated men" in the minds of westerners.

The hijras are a remarkable community. Some hijras claim that "their society was once known from India to Spain", which was the expansion of the Medieval Muslim empire, and older hijras who did the Hajj (pilgrimage to Makkah) sometimes hint to a close connection between their society and the ancient society of "eunuchs" that guarded the grave of noble Prophet Muhammad (S.A.W.) and the sacred mosque in Makkah.

In that way one might assume that today’s Muslim hijra communities are the only intact survivors of medieval Muslim "mukhannath" society, while at the same time having local connections to ancient traditions.

On these pages, I will explain some features of "Hijra culture" and their relationship to Indo-Pakistani Islam. Hopefully I might also disspell some prejudices and wrong myths.

May God bless the hijra community in Bangladesh, India and Pakistan, may he guard the hijras and may he guard their precious heritage!

Part II

Every action of the Prophet Muhammad (s.a.w.), every piece of advice and instruction he gave, had an inherent balance and indescribable harmony. When he cursed poets and musicians for their obscene songs and poems, he offered them a better place in the grand scheme of things. The Mukhannatun were also offered a better place than they had previously occupied. This is evidenced by the writings of ancient Islamic scholars.

But to understand this special new place, one must first consider the position of primary gender in Islam. Aside from exceptions—transgender and intersex individuals—the primary genders in Islam are male and female. These genders occupy distinct places and spheres within society. No one is forced to exist within any sphere; rather, individuals are given a special significance that they cannot have outside their sphere. Women's personal spheres, in particular, are often perceived as sacred; The grace she (the woman) creates in her kingdom is projected onto the grace of God, the grace in the divine temple (Muslims have one word—"harem" or "haram"—to designate the female territory and the two sacred mosques in Mecca and Medina). Like any sanctuary, this sphere is regulated by the rules enshrined in the Holy Quran.

"And tell the believing women to lower their gaze and guard their chastity. They are not to uncover any part of their bodies except in cases of necessity. They are to cover their breasts and not to violate these rules in front of anyone except their husbands, their fathers, their husbands' fathers, their sons, their husbands' sons, their brothers, their brothers' sons, their sisters' sons, other women, male servants or workers who are devoid of skill (or male desires, etc.), and children who have not reached puberty" (Surah 24:31).

[Incidentally, other verses also command men to lower their gaze and maintain chastity. Islam does not oppress women.]

In this context, the phrase "male servants who lack male skills or male desires" is very interesting. What kind of men by birth could be exempt from the prohibition of seeing the intimate parts of a woman's body? In the modern Quran, we can find this rule applied to "old men who have lost their ardor" or even to "servants who suppress their desires out of fear of their master." Ancient theologians are certain that this phrase refers to mukhannatun, male-to-female transgender people.

Ibn Abd al-Barr said, perhaps in reference to the two types of mukhannatun mentioned by al-Nawabi:

"A mukhannatun is not one who is known for his/her ambiguity. A mukhannatun (also) is one who looks like a woman physically, so much so that he resembles a woman in gentleness, speech, appearance, and thoughts. If he is like this, he cannot have desire for a woman, and he will not notice anything interesting in her. These are the people who are not interested in women and are allowed to enter their chambers."

(Source: Al-Mughni 7/463; al-Sara al-Kabir ala Matan al-Mughni, 7/347-348)

And Ibn Qudaamah mentions "[...] mukhannatun who do not feel desire for women"; The rules regarding such "men" are the same as those regarding close relatives (mahrams) regarding the permission to look at women, according to the commandments of Allah (research notes, Surah 24:31).

Ibn Abbas also said regarding the phrase from Surah 24:31: "These are the ones whom women are not ashamed of; these are the muhannatun/mukhannatun without male power (meaning male virility or masculinity)."

Early Muslims agreed that mukhannatun can cross the sacred boundaries separating one sex from the other; they can enter women's quarters as close relatives or friends. Sometimes cases of "false mukhannatun" or "muhannatun" who were attracted to women are mentioned.

Ibn Abd al-Barr (regarding the words of Aisha, the wife of the Prophet):

"Do you see that the Prophet did not prevent this mukhannatun from entering the chambers of his wives (whose sphere was even more sacred than the sphere of ordinary women) at first, but when he heard him describe the daughter of Ghaylaan and realized how he treated women, he forbade him from coming."

However, in ordinary cases, MtF transgender individuals who showed no interest in women, i.e. mukhannatun were permitted by Allah and His Prophet Muhammad (s.a.w.) to enter the harem. Therefore, they served an important social function: they worked as servants or workers in the homes of devout Muslims & were allowed to enter both women's and men's areas. They also guarded the harem. They could enter the harem and the exclusively male parts of the house; according to ancient theologians, only they could move freely within the space. Prophet Muhammad (s.a.w.) assigned them a special place in society, granting them exceptional freedom. However, due to the harmony that is the nature of Islamic law, they had to pay a price for this freedom: no one is chosen by God above others, neither men born as men, nor women born as women, nor men born as women. Mukhannatun were forbidden from having families, the basis of self-determination in Islamic law. However, many such people existed in early Muslim cultures. They carried messages between men and women and were essential for organizing weddings. They were always ideal servants, as the absence of a family allowed them to devote themselves entirely to their work.

Unfortunately, male mistrust increased after the death of the Prophet. Fear of false mukhannatun who could damage the virtues of women was so strong that mukhannatun were castrated before being hired. In the 8th century, Caliph Sulayman ordered the castration of all mukhannatun in Mecca, despite Muhammad's pronouncements against the creation of eunuchs. However, some mukhannatun perceived castration as a sex-change operation that removed male parts they never desired (Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi hijras also perceive this procedure).

Regardless, after castration was legalized, mukhannatun continued to be respected. Their reputation as "protectors of the secret chambers" granted them the privilege of serving not only in women's harems but also in the sacred harams of Mecca and Medina. From the 12th century, only eunuchs were permitted to serve as guardians at the Prophet's tomb, a rule that remained in effect until the advent of Ottoman rule in the two holy cities. Some sources describe a highly organized society of muhannatuns that existed in Mecca and Medina and had "family ties" with the hijras of Indian subcontinent and, possibly, transgender & transsexual people elsewhere in the Muslim world.

Unfortunately, the high status of the mukhannatun in Islam did not survive into colonial times. Only in the partially independent Islamic provinces of India can they maintain their position.

Part I

Observant Jews, Christians, and Muslims perceive transgenderism as a mental disorder that requires treatment. These people clearly have no understanding of the feelings and self-awareness of transsexuals, which includes identifying as the opposite biological sex. It is part of their personality, not an imitation or eccentricity. Modern science confirms this; it has revealed that gender identity is a result of self-awareness, not a mental disorder (rather, it is physiological, as the person has the wrong body). In most cases, the chromosome set, genital structure, and self-identification coincide, but this is not always the case; and this applies not only to transsexuals.

Intersex people or hermaphrodites, are precisely such people. Many of them have an unusual chromosome set (for example, XXY). It also happens that a girl is born whose genitals appear completely female and whose self-identification is also female, but she has normal male chromosomes (XY). Such cases are called Androgen Insensitivity Syndrome. In this syndrome, the embryo, although possessing male chromosomes, nevertheless develops as a female. This also applies to the development of brain structures. Growing up, these girls fully identify as female (many famous models and actresses have this syndrome, for example, Jamie Lee Curtis). Some scientists believe that MtF transsexualism, may arise for similar reasons, perhaps a form of partial hermaphroditism that affects only the brain. Research has confirmed that many MtF transsexuals have brains that differ from those of men and are similar in structure (not identical) to the brains of genetic women. Research is ongoing, and no clear link between gender identity and brain structure has yet been established, but there is clear evidence that transgenderism is part of intersexuality, forming early in embryonic development but not related to chromosomal makeup.

Early Arab and Islamic cultures may have instinctively suspected this. Arab physicians believed that the origin of mukhannatuns lay in the peculiarities of embryonic development. The term "khuntha" (meaning hermaphrodite), used for transsexuals and intersex people, has become part of the Arabic language and, as a result, refers to both phenomena. Both terms originate from the word khanatha: khuntha refers to intersex people, and "mukhannath" refers to transgender people. In common parlance, both terms are usually used to describe the same phenomenon, and there is little difference between "khuntha" and "mukhannat."

Furthermore, the Quran mentions the fact that penetration of sperm into the vagina determines the chromosomal sex of the embryo, as a hadith of the Prophet Muhammad (s.a.w.)¹ states that gender identity is given by God along with destiny before the child is born.

Sahih Bukhari, Volume 1, Book 6, Number 315, recorded by Anas ibn Malik:

"The Prophet said: 'To every womb Allah sends an angel who says: "O Lord! A drop of semen. O Lord! A clot. O Lord! A small piece of flesh. Then, if Allah wishes (to complete) creation, the angel asks: "Will it be male or female, rejected or blessed, and how provided? And what will be its age?" All this is determined while the child is still in the womb of the mother."

In fact, the only reason scholars can find condemnation of transgenderism in Islam is the words of the Prophet, which can be found in various sources: "The Prophet Muhammad (s.a.w.) cursed the 'mukhannatun' among men and also cursed the women who imitate men, and said: drive them out of your homes."

Hadith is the second source of Islamic faith after the Quran. The Quran is silent about the mukhannatun. In some places, commentators find references to mukhannatun, where the attitude toward the term is not negative, but rather positive.

The explanation for this phenomenon is always contradictory and imprecise; attempting to explain Islam's attitude toward this phenomenon, the researcher is always "walking on thin ice."

The statement begins with the words "The Prophet (s.a.w.) cursed..." For anyone familiar with the science of hadith, this is a highly imprecise statement. There are several hadith that begin similarly. It might seem that many people deserved the Prophet's curse. Among them, poets and musicians, people with tattoos, wigs, and so on, occupy a special place. It would be strange to apply these words to moral behavior. Can wearing a wig turn you into a bad person? Will it lead you to hell? And what about listening to music? Yet many modern Muslims do so. Wahhabi-Salafi is a new extremist trend in Islam that fights against violators of the rules and prohibits music and poetry.

Fortunately, most Muslims disagree. Music and poetry have now become an integral part of Islamic culture. There are many hadiths where Prophet listens to music and poetry. Did he violate his own covenants?

Commentators say that the hadiths about music and poetry are directed at specific music and poetry, and specific musicians and poets who may have existed during the Prophet's time. Because music has a profound influence on people, Muslims are concerned that certain music does not turn them away from Islam and the true path. It is known among Muslims that there is no punishment for musicians in Islamic law.

However, many Muslims associate mukhannatun with homosexuals and believe they deserve severe punishment, including death.

The ancient theologian Ibn Hanbal once said, "Listeners to the songs of a mukhannatun are foolish, for his songs are immoral."

The mukhannatun of Medina enjoyed great success performing erotic songs, which conflicted with Islamic ethics. Such mukhannatun were supposed to be banished from the homes of devout Muslims.

The renowned hadith commentator Nawabi wrote:

"A mukhannath is a person (male) who imbues his movements, appearance, and language with feminine traits. There are two types: the first are those for whom these traits are innate; a person behaves this way by nature and cannot be condemned for it until he exploits these qualities to earn money (prostitution). The second type of mukhannatun behaves like women for immoral reasons; such people are sinners and must be condemned."

Based on this statement, one can assume that the hadith that speaks of the curse of the mukhannatun refers only to the second type. Early theologians also shared this attitude toward the actions of the mukhannatun and their existence as such. Following the example of the Prophet, who never condemned the mukhannatun in his own life, today's righteous Muslims allow them into the holy cities of Mecca and Medina [Leyla Jagiella is referring to aghawas or eunuchs of Mecca & Medina]

Once, people brought a mukhannatun to Prophet Muhammad (saw) so he could choose their punishment. Muhammad allowed the mukhannatun to go to Medina, and the people asked, "Apostle of Allah, why shouldn't we kill him?" He replied, "I am forbidden to kill those who pray."

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1. The Prophet is a man who came close to God and strove to be a good person in all his actions. However, the Prophet said that he was just an ordinary man and should be viewed as such. However, he was flawless and is often perceived as god-like or demigod, including by his wife Aisha; he was always concerned about this, and this should be taken into account.

2. It is also important to keep in mind that many hadiths arose due to political circumstances and are attributed to interested parties, not to the Prophet Muhammad. Many commentators on Islam try to separate the false hadiths from the genuine ones, but these people are also not flawless and have their own prejudices. The probability that a hadith is attributed to the Prophet may be 95%, but never 100%. Perhaps this is why the hadith will never compare in importance to the Quran, the words of God.

by Leyla Jagiella

Many have attempted to define hijras. They have been classified as transvestites, eunuchs, hermaphrodites, effeminate men, none of these, or all of them, but no ethnographic work has attempted to understand how hijras define themselves. If asked, a hijra him/her/themself will answer that "a hijra (or khusra, mukhannath) is someone who is neither male nor female."

There are two ways to be a hijra: being born intersex or hermaphrodite, or being born with a male body and a female ruh ("ruh" is the Muslim term for soul).In both cases, a person is "born a hijra." However, to be officially recognized as a hijra, one must join a hijra community, i.e. become a follower of an older and experienced hijra, whom the young ones perceive as a mother and guru.

The most respected hijras are hermaphrodites (of whom there are very few) and nirvans. "Nirvan" (or "nirban") refers to a person who has undergone a sacred castration ceremony. In the past, all non-hermaphrodite hijras were required to be "nirvanas" to serve in Islamic harems. Therefore, traditional hijras still view this "operation" as an important characteristic of being recognized as a "true hijra." However, some hijras, especially in Pakistan and large cities like Bombay, do not undergo castration or modern gender reassignment surgery, and do not even take hormonal drugs, but still consider themselves part of the community.

The Hindu component of hijra culture is closely tied to the worship of a deity in the form of Bahuchar Mata, which is not observed in Pakistan. However, Islamic/Muslim hijras hold the sacred sites of Bahuchar Mata in interreligious reverence, while Hindu hijras participate in Muslim festival celebrations, observe Muslim customs, take Muslim female names, and are even buried as Muslims. The hijra community shares roots in both Islam and Hinduism.

These communities began to emerge in the 12th century in India, when Islamic law began to spread across the northern part of the peninsula. Islamic rulers hired castrated mukhannathun, who wore a combination of male and female clothing, to serve in the women's quarters of the house. Muhannatun often held high positions in Islamic provinces and formed communities with enormous influence. Mukhannathun society was highly organized, like other parts of the Islamic world, with its own guilds and council.

In ancient India, a third gender also existed. An ancient scripture tells of the existence of the so-called "klib"—men who behaved like women and wore their hair long but were not castrated. During the long Islamic rule of India (the Mughal Empire lasted until the 17th century, and in the independent Islamic provinces until India's independence in 1947), the "klib" respected the highly organized structure of the (eunuch) mukhannatun, who, in turn, accepted them into the community. In Urdu, one of the languages ​​of India, the mukhannatun and "klib" are denoted by the same word, "hich," meaning "something without a place": in the two-gender scheme, "hich-gah" means "nowhere." The modern word "hijra" may have originated from "hich."

The Islamic influence on the social structure of the hijras is still evident. Some hijras say it would be ideal if the senior hijra (guru) were Muslim rather than Hindu. The most respected hijra gurus are those who make the pilgrimage to Mecca, and many Indian hijras convert to Islam out of respect for the connection between Islamic culture and the third gender in India.

The Indian and Pakistani Khusra community consists of transgender people who dress in women's clothing and intersex people who exhibit a distinctive behavioral pattern. Generally, this idealized "ladylike" behavior style is present, and they sometimes act in an overly feminine manner to emphasize their "ruh" (soul). On the other hand, they may behave in ways that are not permitted for women in traditional Hindu and Muslim societies. For example, they may become very loud and aggressive when insulted.

The social functions of hijras are varied, but they often correlate with the duties of mukhannatun in early Islamic society.