In the beginning, I wasnât sure how I felt about blogging. Using an unfamiliar and new medium to explore ideas from ancient cultures seemed entirely too abstract. In the end though, as I go over my notes one last time before going off to take the final, I think I appreciated blogging more than I thought I would. The short âIn the Newsâ posts kept me thinking about the ideas we discussed in class on a regular basis without being an overwhelming amount of work. The longer posts helped me to think about the bigger ideas and overarching themes throughout all the things weâve read. In the end, this has been a challenging but interesting class. While some parts were more challenging than others (cough Plato cough), this class was never boring. I liked the class. I liked the blogging. I liked the teacher. I will definitely recommend Pols 383 to others.
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Shakespeareâs Antony and Cleopatra is an intriguing story. One of the most thought provoking aspects of the story is the relationship between Marc Antony and Cleopatra. This relationship is a driving force behind much of the action in the story and motivates the actions of many of the characters. But is this a love story? I argue that it is not a love story but rather an indication of the two main characters love of power, especially on the part of Cleopatra.
There are certain aspects of characters actions that could be construed as signs of love and affection. When Antony learns of his wifeâs death, Cleopatra becomes angered by his lack of grief, saying, âNow I see, I see in Fulviaâs death, how mine shall be received shall be!â This is interesting because, if Cleopatra had actually cared more about their relationship she would have been pleased by the prospects of having the opportunity to actually be together. At the beginning of the play, Antonyâs men see Cleopatra as a âblack haired gypsyâ on the arm of their master, the âforemost soldier of the world.â Instead of even considering the fact that she could have taken a more legitimate role in Antonyâs life, she laments some sort of feigned unimportance to gain Antonyâs attention.
Cleopatra again shows her jealous nature when she learns of Antonyâs marriage to Caesarâs sister, Octavia. She is only angry, though, until she learns that Octavia is comely and nothing special. She is certain of her ability to win Antony back. This event further illustrates that Cleopatra is less interested in forming a reliable relationship with her lover so much as she does not want anyone else to have him.
While Cleopatraâs actions are more indicative of a need for possession, Antony does things that demonstrate something deeper. All of Cleopatraâs jealousy is rather ironic considering the subsequent events in the play where, after learning of Cleopatraâs faked suicide, Antony commands one of his men to prove his loyalty by killing him. The man chooses to kill himself rather than kill his master. Much of the play supports the idea that, despite his failings as a strong leader, his men truly care for him. Perhaps they bemoan his relationship with Cleopatra because she really is a distraction to his being a great military commander. He is spending his time in Egypt with Cleopatra and ignoring his military and state duties in Rome. When news comes from Rome, he contemplates ignoring it, saying âWhat was Rome to him?â It is Cleopatra who encourages him to pay attention. Cleopatra understands that Marc Antony as a great military commander is more useful to her than Marc Antony, the man that loves her.
In the end, both Antony and Cleopatra die â Antony because he cannot bear the though of continuing on without her and Cleopatra because she cannot bear the thought of being taken prisoner and paraded around Rome. It is more likely that they love the idea of one another. Antony may love her, but a perfect idea of her that is simply not what she is. Cleopatra is more of a leader than Antony and she loves power more than she could ever love him. So while this relationship is certainly important to the plot of the play, it is not an inspiring love story for the ages.Â
One campus rape is one too many. But the severe new policies championed by the White House, the Department of Education, and members of Congress are responding to the idea that colleges are in the grips of an epidemicâand the studies suggesting this epidemic donât hold up to scrutiny.
A new article by Emily Yoffe of Slate describes how several universities handle cases of rape and sexual assault, the incentives behind these policies, and the unintended consequences.Â
These policies have good intentions, but the quasi-judicial methodology employed, and the presumptions made, are detrimental to the idea of justice, and speak to the misplaced role these universities now play.
She begins by detailing Drew Sterrettâs experience at the University of Michigan, including the conflicting testimony of Sterrett, his accuser, and the only witness, their mutual friend and Sterrettâs roommate. Despite conflicts and discrepancies in CBâs account,
In her deposition, CB acknowledged that she didnât do that, that in fact sheâd never used the words âsexual assaultâ to describe what happened. The report said that Sterrettâs roommate was asleep during the entire sexual encounter. This was contradicted by the time-stamped Facebook message complaining that he was being kept awake.
and additional testimony that directly contradicts CBâs story,
I cannot state it more clearly that this is untrue. I asked her if she wanted to have sex; she said âyes.â â (CBâs assertion was also challenged later by an affidavit sworn on Sterrettâs behalf by his freshman year roommate, the one in the upper bunk. The roommate said that he saw CB get into Sterrettâs bed of her own volition and that his bed and Sterrettâs were so close that he would have heard if she had exclaimed, ânoâ or âstop.â
the University of Michigan still pursued disciplinary action against Sterrett.  To a degree this is understandable.  Despite the prevalence of faulty campus rape statistics (statistical analysis suggests a number closer to 1/30, not 1/4) the federal government has made specific incentives for universities to prosecute rape, and to lower the standard in doing so:
Colleges were told to adopt a âpreponderance of evidenceâ standard when evaluating whether a student was to be found responsible for an allegation. This is the lowest evidentiary standard, only requiring a smidge more than 50 percent certainty. Because the punishment for such infractions can be severeâfrom suspension to expulsionâmany schools had previously used the âclear and convincing evidenceâ standard, a significantly higher burden of proof, though still below the âbeyond a reasonable doubtâ standard used in criminal proceedings.
This is problematic.  Rape change an otherwise legal act - sex - and upon removal of consent, criminalizes the act.  Understandably, rape can be difficult to prove.  Not only must the act be confirmed, but also the absence of consent.  Especially with interactions that only have two actors, like sex, the conflicting and adversarial testimonies complicate the process.  This has led to a judicial system that poorly prosecutes rape and sexual assault.
However, In attempting to correct this problem, the university response has gone too far:
The critiques of how the criminal justice system treats victims are many and justified, but thatâs an argument for further reform, and for finding ways to reduce the trauma to victims, not for asking schools to take over the role of law enforcement.
The reality of this situation and our legal system is stark, but changing the fundamental nature of our system - the presumption of innocence - is not an adequate response to any poor prosecutorial relationship, and certainly not one this complex.  By disregarding the complexity questions of consent have, and failing to properly address the issue alcohol plays in many of these situations, Universities have sought to protect themselves and their image, under the guise of student safety. Â
Not unlike the recent abuse of police department-prosecutor relationships with indictments, these instances show biased institutions and individuals can never be legitimate arbiters of justice.Â
I completely agree taking the presumption of innocence out of our system is wrong â this presumption is a key part of our justice system. It also seems problematic that schools have taken a larger role in these matters than law enforcement. As you indicated, campus rape is a problem that largely does not get reported. This holds true off of campuses too, though, and a large majority of reported sexual assaults do not result in conviction, partially because consent is such a complicated concept as you suggested. So while I do not think it is just that policies unfair to men are being passed on campuses, I think it may be a result of a larger societal problem. This step may be a bit too far in the direction towards making another group of victims, but a step at all is indicative that the bigger issue is not being ignored.
One would assume that being the leader of the free world would garner a certain amount of respect. As this article states, however, President Obama has not enjoyed much of this since taking office. From the very beginning when people questioned his American citizenship, Obama has been exposed to immense criticism and ridicule that is rather unique to this administration. This article suggests that the disrespect suffered by both Obama and his family is due to their race. Considering the recent discussion on race regarding protests in Ferguson, this seems like a conveniently timely argument to make.
While I would hope race does not play a role in the way the Obamaâs are treated in the media, it is hard to say what else it could be. There are certainly other factors that exacerbate the situation; social media is more prevalent than in any other presidency and this allows for more people to share their opinions about the First Family, and no all of these opinions will be good. I wish race of our President would not be something still warranting concern, but situations where race risks justice being served, such as minorities being disproportionately targeted in the criminal justice system, its difficult to say race isnâtâ still a problem in America.
A credible eyewitness corroborated Officer Wilsonâs testimony ⌠and proves that Wilson had a âreasonable beliefâ under Missouri law permitting him to defend with deadly force.
Many aspects of the Ferguson tragedy, and even this article, relate to justice, heroism, and the good life. The aspect I want to focus on is the heroism of Witness 10 and others who have supported Officer Wilson. Witness 10 has done the right thing by sticking to his/her true account of what happens (the word true here means consistent over a long period of time, unchanging in light of leaked physical evidence, and corroborated by known facts about the incident). Witness 10 has done this at risk of personal harm as well. This includes harm in the immediate aftermath:
When he started saying what he had seen, some in the crowd became verbally âviolentâ toward him (204:3) and started directing racial slurs toward him (206:10).
 It also includes the ongoing threat of individual persecution that supporters of Wilson fear they will face, should their identities become known.
As for those who would willfully shape their testimonies to harm the officer, and intimidate others into doing the same, it is a reminder of the ominous truth in the words that rest behind the Justices in Nebraskaâs Supreme Court: Eyes and ears are poor witnesses when the soul is barbarous.
I agree that telling the truth in this situation required some elements of heroism. As protesters gathered in Ferguson before the juryâs decision had even been announced, it is clear that they had already decided that only one verdict would fit into their definition of justice. This definition was not based on the evidence nor testimony but merely on their preconceived notions of the case and the racial tension surrounding it. Considering the previous actions of the protesters, the witnesses certainly could have assumed some personal risk may have been involved with telling the truth, but Iâm not sure this is definitively heroism. It is more about simply doing the right thing, which seems to be more about justice than anything else.
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Obama has separately asked for extra federal funds to reform police departments across the country, in the wake of protests that followed the death of Michael Brown
      After the protests surrounding the decision not to indict Daren Wilson, the officer that shot Michael Brown, President Obama has chosen to concentrate future efforts on police training. He made this decision instead of choosing to terminate policies that have been criticized for overly militarizing police forces in the wake of events in Ferguson, MO. I think the presidentâs response to the protests have been appropriate. He has condemned the violence but acknowledged the protestersâ concerns are valid. While reforming police forces may not give protesters the glorious justice they seem to be seeking, research has shown that it is possible to help reduce subconscious biases in police officers with proper training. This justice may not be as immediate as some may have preferred, but I believe it could be effective and helpful.
Were one to place my grasp of Aristotle on a scale of Platoâs allegory of the cave, from entirely ignorant and blind in the cave to gloriously enlightened, ready to go back and save the cave dwellers from their ignorance, I would liken myself to Antigone, who loved the impossible. Does that scale actually make sense? No, not really, which is about how I felt while reading Aristotle. I enjoyed reading Politics, but it was dense and sometimes hard to follow. Bottom line: Aristotle is hard. Perhaps, though, this is because of the impossible nature of what Aristotle wrote about in Politics.
Aristotle asserts that the ideal form of government does not yet exist. Â He finds fault with Sparta, Crete and Carthage (Politics 2). Aristotleâs ideal city would also be decidedly different than that of the society purported in Platoâs Republic, with all of its citizens sharing everything including children and property. This critique of other theories of government serves to show the need for a new and better theory. Obviously, Aristotle graciously provides one. In Book IV, Aristotle states that a constitutional government is the best. Balancing power between an educated middle class, an informed executive, and a balanced judicial class are necessary in his idyllic city.
 While his description may indeed sound great, it is more complicated than one might assume. To maintain such a government, the polis would need unity in their definitions of justice and equality, because differences in definitions of these concepts are the main cause of constitutional change (Politics V). Considering we are still debating the definition of justice in this very class, it does not seem possible that all members of a polis may ever be able to reach a definitive agreement on such matters.
Another major problem in Aristotleâs Politics concerns his writings on slavery. He seems to suggest that slaves are inherently incompetent, claiming, âfrom the hour of their birth, some are marked for subjection, others for ruleâ (Book VII). Slaves are thus not worthy of participating in his ideal government; they are necessary for the city to function but they are not worthy to be part of it. This line of argument is indicative of a lack of examination that is uncharacteristic of Aristotleâs otherwise deep musings. I understand that slavery was part of Aristotleâs world, but examining his writing now leads one to believe that his writings on slavery are not compatible with the rest of his writing on justice and liberty.
Despite how impossible it may be for Aristotleâs ideal government to come to fruition, I think the most important argument regarding government is that there should be one. He writes, âMan is by nature a political animal. A man without a city is either a beast or a godâ (Politics 1). Without a government, men can do no better than simply survive, unless they happen to be gods and can live justly and rewardingly without a government. I agree with this sentiment. An organized, structured government provides citizens an environment in which to flourish and grow. So while Aristotleâs ideal form of government with its definitive and concrete rankings of citizens and universal ideas may not be any more realistic than Platoâs, I think their analyses indicate something important about philosophy. Philosophers explore things that are hard to explain and even more impossible to achieve. Their writings are still worth our study now because the themes they explore force us to think about society in a way that can help us create a more just and equal society today.
American aid worker and former soldier Peter Kassig was beheaded by ISIS terrorists, the White House confirmed Sunday.
The argument could definitely be made that Peter Kassig was a hero. Before being an aid worker in Syria, Kassig was an American soldier. What I think makes him a hero is his willingness to serve in a non-violent way, those injured in the conflict. He was still risking his life, but in a way he found more meaningful.Â
Does going overseas to offer aid in violent conflicts constitute someone as heroic? Kassig was on the ground, interacting directly with the people he was working to help. He knew there was an enormous risk in helping these people. Is every aid worker a hero? What about journalists? Arenât they risking their lives so we can hear the stories of Syria? For someone to be a hero here, do they have to be executed by ISIS? Does it matter that Kassig said nothing, while previous westerners have blamed president Obama and David Cameron for their deaths?
Based on this report, I think itâs clear that Kassig is a hero. He went above and beyond the call of duty. Most Americans wouldnât do even a fraction of what he did. He faced his mortality bravely for the sake of bettering othersâ situations. He is like Antigone - he didnât take the deal, like most of us would. He is an idealist who didnât accept the status quo. He died for that ideal. Thatâs why he is hero. As for the question of journalists and others who travel to risky areas, I think their heroism has to be determined on a case-by-case basis. Motivation seems to me to play a key role in whether or not someone has truly achieved an act of heroism. A reporter that travels to Syria isnât automatically a hero. He/she is probably in a position where it is expected of them. Diane Sawyer isnât a hero for traveling to the middle east, covering her hair, and reporting live. She is a high-profile broadcaster that met the call of duty. Which is nice and good. But not heroic. Kassig seems to be beyond that level.
I think the fact that he died as a result and faced the concept of mortality sets him apart from the other individuals who served on the ground in the community. Anderson Cooper goes to conflict ridden areas and he is not a hero. He just does his job, cause he gets paid to do that. Kassig seems to go beyond the call of duty, and that is why ultimately he is a hero while other individuals are not. I think it is very interesting that he did not say anything compared to the other individuals. I think it demonstrates he dedication to fighting the injustice and the evil.
Over the course of the semester we certainly have become more conscious of our usage of the word hero. My âIn The Newsâ posts frequently involve questioning an articleâs usage of the word. Interestingly, this article does not once claim Kassig to be a hero, even though everyone, myself included, has reached that conclusion. It is his selfless sacrifice that makes him truly heroic. He did not go out looking for greatness or recognition; he simply wanted to make a positive impact in the lives of others. This is a very different kind of heroism than that of Achilles or Odysseus, but Kassig was certainly the kind of hero we should look for today.
Still below angels, but above normal men, are heroes. Traditionally these are people who do the right thing at great personal sacrifice. Through virtually the entire history of Western civilization, heroes had the right-end-of-the-spectrum version of integrity. They did good out of a desire to do good â and that good was directed by some external ideal. But however âgoodâ was defined, it existed in some sort of Platonic realm outside of the protagonistâs own id. The hero clung to a definition of âgoodâ that was outside himself, and therefore something he had to reach for. Not anymore.Â
           My post last week on the inherent (or not) heroism of soldiers sparked quite the discussion. I stand by my conclusion that joining the military does not automatically make someone the kind of hero we want them to be. These are the people we are giving guns, sending them off to defend the abstract idea of âour freedomâ. So perhaps itâs more that we need them to be heroic so that they can carry the burden of all our expectations.
           All of this made me think about what makes the kind of hero not that Homer wrote about, but the kind of hero we want our soldiers to be. This article claims that heroism has lost the component of good that is outside oneself and has instead become something one must look inward to find. The author claims that this looking inward for moral guidance we find a conundrum â if we treat ourselves like God, holding our definition of integrity and good above all others, then is not everything we do âGodâs willâ?
The main message of the article is akin to the argument âif everyone is a hero, then no one is.â If everyone is judging heroism by their own standards, can we truly have heroes? I would argue that it is nearly impossible, and expecting all soldiers to fit into a nonexistent universal definition of hero is irresponsible, impractical, and incorrect.
You wonât find this map in your U.S. history textbook.
Since it is Native American History Month, and the recent school shooting in Alaska, Iâd like to highlight a historical example of injustice that had carried on to the present day.
While the American indian tribes may not have had defined, deed-esque claims on the land, the land was theirs. One of the greatest injustices ever done by this nation was the displacement of the First Nation. The US is not alone or original in the injustice.Â
Fun fact, our state (Nebraska) would be split primarily between migrating Teton/Lakota (Sioux) and Umomhon (Omaha).
So, what action ought we take? Do we pack up the US and move back to whatever place we came from? I feel like the more just thing would be to stop the maltreatment of the American Indian and start making them autonomous internal nations with the same negotiating power that other nations have. All former British colonies have this issue, and Australia has barely started to acknowledge their sins.
I think this matter is a more complex than making the First People autonomous internal nations. First, that would be an incredibly complex process. As the map included in your article shows, there are native groups all over the United States. Were they to be their own sovereign nations, what would we expect the people who live in their areas be expected to do?
What happened to the Native Americans was certainly an injustice but the answer to that injustice should not be more injustice. We could not give back their homelands without displacing people who were born there and live there now. Instead of trying to find a way to give back what they lost, which, in reality, simply cannot be done, we should concentrate efforts on finding ways to respect and appreciate their culture and how it enhances American diversity. This is not to say we should forget what happened or belittle the tragedy but rather find a better way of moving forward together than reverting back to past land ownership.
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It's been 70 years since we fought a war about freedom. Forced troop worship and compulsory patriotism must end
This article was interesting to read. We have discussed heroism a lot in this class and what actually constitutes heroism. As it is written about it Greek mythology, heroism requires great deeds and confrontation with oneâs own mortality. In the present day, we use the word hero to describe a lot of people who do not fit this description â âheroâ has largely come to mean a good person who is willing to make sacrifices to help others. Simply being a good person is not the kind of heroism the Greeks admired.
 Soldiers, arguably, may be the closest thing we have to the Greek heroes. They are undertaking dangerous missions for the sake of America. This article questions the assignment of the word hero to all soldiers. I think that is not entirely correct.
 It seems this author is unhappy with the definition of hero in the modern sense. Joining the military does not equate to being a âgoodâ person, which is necessary to fit the modern definition of hero. That does not mean there arenât good people in the military, but it is unrealistic to expect every person in the military to be a perfect person. Soldiers are much closer to the tradition Greek definition of hero than the modern one. Unlike what this article says, that does not mean we shouldnât call soldiers heroes. We just also must realize they are people and they will make mistakes.
This week I have decided to revisit topics I have written about previously in the class: women in classic Greek Literature and the theme of heroism. Women are largely minor characters and given little faculty of their own. This makes sense for the time period in which these stories were written, but that does not mean these characters are not worthy of further examination. Given their status in society, though, women had little opportunity to become âheroesâ. They cannot go off to battle to accomplish great deeds like Achilles nor can they go on arduous journeys like Odysseus. Antigone is a most supremely interesting character because she has the opportunity to become what no other female character we have encountered thus far in class readings has: a hero.
Antigone is distinctly different than other female characters we have encountered. She is memorable for more than her beauty like Helen or her cleverness like Penelope. Assuredly, though, she possesses these as well because otherwise she would not be fit to write about. With so few female characters present in these stories, the ones that are written about must be extraordinary. Antigone is also special in comparison to the average woman at the time. She is the daughter of the former king and queen and the niece of the current ruler. This gives her much more clout than say Odysseusâ nurse, who, though loyal and admirable, could not have been a hero. It is easy to find any of these female characters special because so little is expected of women. All the female characters weâve read about before have perhaps been the cause of the action, such as Helen being the cause of the Trojan War, but they have not been the action themselves and thus they could not be heroes. Antigone is different.
As I have discussed previously, heroism, in the traditional Greek sense, requires sacrifice. It means confronting oneâs own mortality. In the case of Odysseus, who cares deeply about his name being remembered for generations to come, or Achilles, who is destined for greatness and who slays countless men as he storms animallistically around the battlefield, they confronted mortality because it is a part of war or adventure. Greatness was achieved because a Greek maleâs life demanded it. Antigone could not gain kleos in the same way. Her gender would simply not allow it. What her gender does grant her is more options. She is presented with an impossible decision: she could listen to everyone and avoid conflict by not burying her brother, marrying the dashing fiancĂŠ, and living more or less happily every after, or she could do the right thing and bury Polynices as is required by the gods.
This impossible decision is Antigoneâs great battle or her arduous journey. She is confronted with making a choice between what is easy and what is right. She could listen to her sister Ismene, who is a perfectly respectable female character. Ismene, like most people really, is pragmatically thinking about the ramifications of her sisterâs actions. With the death of all of their family having so recently occurred, Ismene is not wrong in thinking it would be best to, at the very least, survive. There is honor is being a survivor. In fact, we as a society today often give the name âheroâ to survivors of tragic events or to those battling diseases like cancer. Even the fact that we say someone âbattlesâ cancer as opposed to any other word is indicative of this societal mindset. While these kinds of people are undoubtedly brave and their struggles deserver tremendous respect, they are not heroes like Achilles, Odysseus, or Socrates. They might show bravery and resolve and strength, all attributes that we assign to heroism, but it is not the same thing.
Antigone, though, is a hero. She confronts her own mortality by consciously giving it up in her quest of âloving the impossibleâ. Her hope that she could make things better by dying for what she knows is right, no matter how many times she is presented with options that could save her life, is heroic. While her death ultimately leads to the death of many others, is just a testament to the greatness of her sacrifice. Her death provided the context for others to think about who is ruling them and what is right.Â
Since the Citizenâs United vs Federal Election Decision, political campaign donations have gotten out of control. Â The Obama, Romney election saw the effects - donations for those campaigns far surpassed prior elections. Â The trend has continued as millions are being pumped into the various candidates vying for open congressional positions this midterm. Â The alteration of election financing rules in the aforementioned case allowed non-profit organizations to unrestrictedly donate to campaigns. Â The Super PACs that have arisen to partake are shielded by the precedent of the case which makes donations a form of speech, a first amendment right.
The immense wealth that the Super PACs and similar not for profit organizations funnel into campaigns and media diminish the integrity and equity of our political system. Â Undoubtedly candidates have and will be bought out, away from their ideals and constituents. Â Money and winning, two things that often go together in politics make the contributions by interest groups hard to ignore. Â It also gives the wealthiest among us an even higher influence. Â With their money, they can effectively skew the media and candidates in favor of their stance on an issue. Â Tom Steyerâs $43 million contributions to various Super PACs who have in turn financed campaign advertisements exemplify the problem. Â
As if it wasnât already, our political system is being controlled even more by big money. Â Political justice in terms of equity is laughable in our system as the gap in influence between the immensely wealthy and the average citizen grows. Â
It truly is astounding how much money the Citizenâs United case has brought into US politics. Not astounding in the sense that we could not have expected this, money has always played a critical role in elections, but rather in how rapidly so much money has inundated the US election system. As the amounts contributed by Super PACs continues to surge, the vote of the average citizen has less and less value because they simply cannot compete with the deep pockets of the multibillion-dollar corporations. When politicians are forced to spend more and more of their time raising money, they have less time to deal with the interests of their constituents, which should be their job. If all this money is neither good for citizens or the politicians themselves, what good can all this money do?
The terminally ill 29-year-old, who took her own life Saturday, was certain in her wishes. But what about patients who seem motivated by depression or hopelessness?
Brittany Maynard received national attention last week after releasing a video concerning her decision to end her own life through assisted suicide after being diagnosed with terminal brain cancer and moving to Oregon so that she could be privy to its death-with-dignity law.
This is an interesting concept to consider in terms of justice. We have an abundance of laws that dictate oneâs freedom in choosing how to live their life. We have freedoms of religion, speech, assembly, etc., but a debate continues over whether our rights in life include when to end it.
The article concentrates on mental illnessâ potential role in the decision to end oneâs life and whether it should matter. Other countries, including Switzerland and the Netherlands, do not have the same restrictions in place as the US regarding the mental state of patients seeking assisted suicide. The Netherlands has even started moving towards offering physician-assisted suicide to psychiatric patients.
So does mental health status matter? It is a difficult question to answer. When patients already have the right to refuse treatment, which can result in dying from starvation or going into cardiac arrest, it does not seem that current laws against assisted suicide are upholding the dignity of life anyway and thus other options, including assisted suicide deserve consideration. This situation serves to illustrate how difficult it can be to prescribe justice to real world situations.
I have often written about the heroism involved in the treatment of Ebola. Men and women leave the comfort of their lives and venture to one of the most painful environments imaginable for the good of people theyâve never met who live halfway across the world. And how are we welcoming these heroes back home? By stripping them of their rights and forcibly placing them under quarantine. Is that just? Perhaps it is. In cases, like vaccinations, the Supreme Court has upheld the power of the government to overrule personal rights to ensure public health. In light of the recent incident where a returning doctor was out bowling and on the New York subway just hours before noticing his fever, perhaps these measures are precisely what we need to keep the public safe.
I completely agree with you in regards to the heroism involved with treating Ebola. In class, we have discussed the personal sacrifice and risk involved with the kind of heroism the ancient Greeks respected. In their fight against this disease, the doctors and nurses are certainly putting themselves on a battlefield of sorts.
I also agree with your analysis of the Supreme Courtâs decision regarding the importance of public health. However important public health might be, though, in this specific situation, the New Jersey nurse who was quarantined, it was largely an issue of disrespectful treatment by the authorities. Officials were disorganized and did not properly convey to her what their plan or procedure was. So while public health should undoudtedly be a priority, individual rights should also still be taken into account.
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Hard to rise, and harder to fall: Poor college grads stay poor about as much as rich high school dropouts stay rich.
           An important aspect of living âthe good lifeâ for many Americans is the opportunity to better oneâs station in life. Many Americans came to this country with nothing in hopes of finding the âAmerican Dreamâ â a better life they could make for themselves. While what we have today might be less drastic, the ideal remains the same. People still want to have control over their fate. This article indicates that the saying âItâs not what you know, itâs who you know,â is entirely right. People in a lower income bracket, even after attaining a college education, still learn less income-wise than their more wealthy counterparts that do not attend college,
       In the bigger picture of US politics, this issue points towards less obvious problems associated with Americaâs massive income gap. There is nothing âgoodâ about people being forced to live in a system that is stacked against their success from the very beginning. As the article states, income inequality may not be the main focus of the upcoming midterm election, but it is a matter that certainly warrants more attention in the future.
WASHINGTON - Countless world leaders have walked that hallway before. On Wednesday, they reacted to news of an attack that saw gunfire sprayed through the hall of honour in Canada's Parliament.President Barack Obama said he was rattled by it.There ar...
The attack in Ottawa this week is a true tragedy. This article concentrates on the international response to the attacks. After stating their condolences, states are quick to work on upping their own security or offer support in Canadaâs response to the attacks. Obama discussed the importance of the United States and Canada having a unified counterterrorism strategy. It is admirable that an event such as this fosters international cooperation. While I think this is all-important, I think at first it should be even more important that people talk about the victim. Photos of Nathan Cirillo with his dog and in his uniform and stories about his admirable character have been circulating around the Internet and these are the things that should matter most. Cirillo may not have intended to become a hero that day, but he certainly was one.