1. “The Freedom to make and remake our cities is the most precious and yet most neglected human right”
Paris Commune: The Paris Commune was the first time that the working class had appeared in such strength on the stage of history. For the first time, the workers showed that they were capable of destroying the bourgeois state apparatus, and so stood out as the only revolutionary class in society. The Commune’s real class nature lies in its economic and political measures, not in the slogans it dredged up from the past.
2. displacement of minorities or other groups in urban planning projects/ political / economic ways
Paris Commune: The Paris Commune was a declaration of social change that had to be crushed by civil war. This was a view shared by governments outside France, for the very existence of the Commune roused the fury of the European bourgeoisie. On the 29 March The London Times described the revolution as the "predominance of the Proletariat over the wealthy classes, of the workman over the master, of Labour over Capital" The Russian Emperor pressed the German government not to hinder the French repression of the Commune because the government at Versailles was " a safeguard for both France an all Europe" and Bismarck threatened to use the German army if Theirs did not hurry up. It is from the Right as much as from the Left that the socialist nature of the Commune can be and was seen.
 3. urban identity - citizenship- belonging
Paris commune: The Paris Commune as predominantly a community-based and urban-based, and not a working-class, movement. “ Drawing on new data on the social networks of the residents of the new neighborhoods that were important locations of mobilization as well as on the discourse of the insurgents, Gould concludes that the Paris Commune was “more a revolt of city dwellers against the French state than of workers against capitalism.” Although most of the communards were workers, Gould observes that “it was not as workers that they took up arms against the state, and it was not as a defender of capitalism that the state earned their enmity." This stood in stark contrast to the July Revolutions of 1848, in which the discourse, identity, and demands of the belligerents were organized around clearly economic class issues. For example, in response to high unemployment, a key demand in 1848 was the “right to work.” But despite comparable levels of unemployment two decades later, such economic demands were absent from the Paris Commune. Furthermore, whereas the earlier struggle had been centered on the workplace, in the commune it was the neighborhood assemblies and public meetings that formed the focus of popular mobilization. For Gould, these differences reflect the extent to which the participation identities of those involved in the Paris Commune had become detached from the shop floor conflict between capital and labor since 1848.“Â
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