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some posts are queued
high-effort asks:
the left and islam in the iranian revolution
islam and religious trauma

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settlers are always baffled and deeply hurt when they have to confront that there are people who dont care or even just care less about their individual circumstances, their suffering, their loved ones, etc. and instead view them as a microcosm of their nation despite the fact that this is literally their default mode of operation towards the rest of the world. this is as true about the US as it is Israel or wherever else.
Isaac Newton gets hit in the head by a Granny Smith apple and discovers sour gravity
its really funny how everyone in this clique when cornered defaults to âchinese people think this, what are you saying theyre wrong? looks like youâre the real racistâ
inb4 they respond by saying china has a billion people ppl which is basically half the globe which might as well be the whole globe

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fascinating to leave out cuba and include vietnam
I want to talk about labor unions, specifically, why I think labor union consciousness is anathema to communism.
The logic is really simple. Say you allow labor unions to organize independently under market socialism (SWCC or whatever). Labor Union A accrues members and bargaining power and starts demanding higher wages. Given that unions are likely to be concentrated in urban areas, this further widens the gap between urban and rural outcomes. Now Labor Union A is threatening to shut down an entire project unless its demands are met. Labor Union B does the same thing in another sector. Before long, you have these fractious groups whose interests have become increasingly divergent from the broader goals of socialist development because their primary concern is enriching their own members.
How can you presume to lead a nation toward communism if you're constantly capitulating to the narrow demands of individual workers' unions and their already relatively privileged members compared to the rural population? It's not "un-Marxist" to prevent independent labor unions from forming. Quite the contrary: from this standpoint, allowing autonomous unions to develop competing centers of political and economic power risks ultimately subordinating long-term socialist development to sectional interests.
this post is so awesome
In this assumed model labor unions are themselves the representatives for firms, rather than the industrial unions that we are all much more familiar with in however partial of a form, and they have no mediation with each other or with their consumers at all. Iâm not sure how weâve gotten to this imaginary system with a free market of individual union firms given that it would take more effort to accomplish this in most countries than it would to just socialize industrial monopolies, govern their overall operations through assemblies, reduce managers from obnoxious pocket watching micromanagement to an oversight position like conductors, and electing union delegates to advocate for the interests of particular firms or sectors to other firms or sectors within the socialized monopoly and to those delegates advocating for other industries.
This is a completely imaginary scenario of course, but so is the risk of a trade union free market that needs to be prevented (by who?) for the sake of national development (with goals set by who and for who?). To me that preventative measure sounds more like another, much more real problem, which is bureaucratic harassment of workers and the disempowerment of all individuals in the face of the state, which claims to equally and neutrally represent all classes except for the enemies of national development. At this point the socialism being imagined doesnât sound like it would motivate many workers or peasants to act.
If anything this sort of system provoked mass working class and peasant resistance in the early years of the Soviet Union, from the Greens to Kronstadt. And even if you think those were just foreign agents, Lenin himself admitted that they stemmed from real problems and advocated not only for the NEP but for concessions to the trade unionists in order to keep the organs of the class and the âclass stateâ allied with each other. I would recommend reading what he had to say during the trade union dispute of 1921, especially against Trotskyâs call for the destruction of all independent trade unions in the name of the kind of development you describe. For more historical context, read Moshe Lewinâs book Leninâs Last Struggle.
The actual problem that developed within the Soviet trade unions over time is they only represented the interests of the union representatives and their contractual relations with the public bureaucrats. That was little different than the problem of American unions like the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) which agreed to the no-strike pledge during WWII in exchange for union recognition and full employment while its rank-and-file resisted the peace treaty with corporate management and organized wildcat strikes over the control of the production process throughout the 1940s. That period of rank-and-file revolt against work and over the nature or course of development seems much more promising to me than an imaginary developmentalist state cracking down on unions so that they donât get in the way of the accumulation of national capital
I don't see what's wrong necessarily with the developmentalist state cracking down on the accumulation of ânational capitalââa loaded term, admittedly. In practice, we're talking about the factories, infrastructure, processing capacity, and industries needed to actually produce wealth and abundance. That productive capacity has to exist before there's anything meaningful to redistribute. But sure, I'll read your recommendations. Although Moshe Lewin being a Labor Zionist and Israeli nationalist has me starting with a rather quirked eyebrow.
The form that the construction, operation, and management of the infrastructure takes is where the question of politics and class struggle comes in even under conditions of public ownership. Especially when a new assembly line setup requires a work pace that the workers are not accustomed to and the bureaucratic planners are setting quotas higher than anything theyâve ever been demanded to achieve before. In the Soviet Union these are both sources of widespread tension and resistance by workers and urbanized peasants. Some historians (like Sheila Fitzpatrick) have even found that most of the mass participation in the Great Purges was motivated by a desire to take revenge on the managers who had used harassment and punishments to force workers into fulfilling overly high quotas in these abnormally strenuous conditions.
Lewin became a Zionist for basically the same reason he had been a Sovietist, this was pretty common for the postwar generation of Israeli settlers (David Ben-Gurion was an explicit admirer of Lenin and Stalin until the â50s). The problems with his work on the Soviet Union are for the most part the same as the problems with any nationalist, which is where a historian critical of nationalism like Ronald Grigor Suny can be brought in but then thatâs 500+ total pages of reading recommendation for an off handed reference thatâs meant to direct to a relevant context
You see, I agree that public ownership doesn't make class conflict disappear. But then what's the practical alternative? If workers and planners inevitably have conflicting interests over things like quotas and working conditions, how do you actually resolve that contradiction while still pushing rapid development? At some point, doesn't a developmental state need some mechanism to prioritize long-term productive development over immediate workplace interests?
As I see it, creating highly favorable conditions for workers, meeting the demands of survival under a hostile world system, and achieving developmental goals in a timely and adequate fashion can create mutually contradictory demands. These are problems Lenin grappled with, of course, but he never lived to oversee their solutions to completion; he died only a few years into the process.
Why rapid development? The question also remains open of, what kind of development? In the late Soviet Union, both of these issues contributed to, on the refusal side, widespread work absenteeism and slacking, and on the affirmative side, revived grassroots council campaigns, a green movement against the ecological destruction of unsustainable petroindustrial heavy development, and of course the now infamous demand for a greater variety of light industry consumer products.
Socialism thatâs only better conditions, competition with other states, and achieving development goals could describe anything from the U.S. New Deal to Francois Spain. The latter even had public ownership of railways, aviation, communications, energy, and manufacturing. What made the Russian Revolution and revolutions like it distinct was the mass revolution driven by everyday workersâ desire to control the production process, peasantsâ desire for freedom from serfdom or indenture, and colonized people for self-determination. All of these bring up not only problems of a single development process in completing itself but the question of what development is, for whom it is, what it should be, and how it is attempting to develop its goal
In the case of SWCC, the goal has demonstrably included lifting hundreds of millions of Chinese people out of poverty. You can debate what constitutes âpoverty,â who gets to define it, and how poverty alleviation should be measured, but the material transformation itself is undeniable. At the same time, Chinaâs development has contributed to a restructuring of global power relations, creating space for competing socialist and emancipatory movements that might otherwise be more vulnerable to immediate pressure from the American financial, political, and military apparatus.
These objectives ultimately reinforce one another: poverty reduction, industrialization, technological development, greater strategic autonomy, and a more plural distribution of global power all create greater room for socialist projects to survive, experiment, and develop. The argument, then, is that rapid development is being prioritized partly because it is effectively an arms race with the imperialist world over productive capacity and strategic autonomy. The state has to expand the material limits of what is possible before it can meaningfully redistribute or transform them.
You can argue over whether this strategy will actually produce socialism (I argue that in some ways it already has), or whether its contradictions will ultimately lead somewhere else. But âdevelop first, transform laterâ is at least a material strategy for creating the conditions under which transformation becomes possible, rather than simply assuming those conditions into existence.
Meanwhile, a narrower project focused primarily on improving workersâ living conditions might, at best, produce a self-contained workersâ paradise that, by failing to prioritize rapid development and strategic autonomy, leaves itself vulnerable to being crushed and resubordinated into the existing world system. Revolutionary Burkina Faso was, in many ways, an example of this.
âcreating space for competing socialist and emancipatory movementsâ âgreater room for socialist projects to survive, experiment, and developâ ok but the thing is that hasnt happened⌠multipolarity hasnt led to a renaissance of socialist movements worldwide, and âemancipatory movementsâ in the sense of resistance to US imperialism are dominated by non-socialist forces.
also âdevelop first, transform laterâ is bifurcating the issue, development along capitalist lines creates certain productive relations, its not simply a question of ownership. how do you âtransformâ a funko pop factory? what about an international supply chain? its not as simple as a change in hands.
"Multipolarity has not delivered a flowering of global socialism in a mere few years and while the imperialist bloc still remains powerful, ergo we must concede it's an inherently false premise that development of AES is a boon to global communism"
Do you fucking people hear yourselves?
anomie given we know eachother u could at least address me directly lol, but anyway dealing in bad faith strawmen does not advance the conversation. nobody said anything about âinherenceâ, youâre shifting the claim into unfalsifiable territory by deferring to the future. you and OP both saying âjust waitâ is not an argument. itâs been just under half a century since reform and opening up, its been even longer since peak US economic power and its been a few decades since the peak of the USâs unipolar moment geopolitically. the claim isnt even âwhy hasnt it led to a flowering of global socialismâ its âwhy has global socialism continued to be further fragmented and isolated while various explicitly non-socialist movements/states predominateâ
Sorry, I just saw this take and it pissed me off so I responded without checking who it was. In any case,
1. half a century is a blink of the eye in terms of the history of China and in that time the CPC has started the work mao began of lifting the Chinese people out of poverty and raising the PRC up to the level of a world power no longer at the mercy of imperialist forces
2. It has not At All been longer since the peak of US geopolitical power; it is literally since only been since al-Aqsa Flood that the global order of US-run international institutions that form the backbone of the global imperial system has begun to weaken, and all of 5 years or so since China has become in any meaningful sense on something resembling an equal footing to the US alone, not to mention the entire Atlantacist bloc the US has at its command. This is genuinely a completely false premise.
3. Global socialism has not fragmented nor isolated, but rather grown stronger and more confident as links between the PRC, the SRV, and the DPRK are strengthened and the power of the US to threaten them and play them against one another has declined dramatically in the past 10 years. Global socialism is healthier and stronger now than it has ever been in history.
1. such a bizarre and orientalist framing. so we canât evaluate the relative success of reform & opening up for, what, 3,000 more years? do you see how this allows you to deflect indefinitely? there is no metric for failure you will accept, smells like unfalsifiability.
2. al aqsa flood didnt happen in a vacuum, did you sleep through the past few decades? the war in ukraine? the failures in iraq and afghanistan? then you pivot to conflating chinaâs peak ability to contest US power with the peak of US power per se. obviously when youâre a hammer everything looks like a nail.
3. this is so absurd idek what to say to it. doesnt even warrant a response
Calling the statement that âthe PRC has only really waxed in power significantly enough to even pose a challenge to transatlantic hegemony and begin meaningfully dismantling its influenceâ âbizarreâ and âorientalistâ is itself a bizarre framing. Apparently acknowledging that China's rise to its current level of power is historically recent is now orientalism.
Even the idea that Chinese people have a longer-term consciousness of history isn't inherently orientalist; Chinese academics themselves frequently invoke this idea. Yan Xuetong, for example, explicitly describes China as perceiving itself as a âcivilization-stateâ because of its longevity. You can certainly contest that framing, but looking at how actual people from the country describe themselves is not, in itself, orientalism.
And yes, socialism is stronger now than it has been in a long while. The fact that this socialism doesn't fit within your narrow definition of socialism doesn't make it any less socialist. As far as you're concerned, socialism doesn't exist, and that's fine. That's your interpretation of reality. We're not obliged to be beholden to it or entertain it.
chinese academics, famously immune to nationalism lol. i suppose next youâll say Pahlavist notions of the imperial continuity of Iran are incontrovertible because theyre from there. miss me with the idpol. do you get the impression China was a marginal backwater for most of its history? you understand that Chinaâs relative weakness immediately preceding this era was also historically new right?
and it has nothing to do with my ânarrow definition of socialismâ, i could accept that all those examples listed are socialism par excellence, they would still be islands in an overwhelmingly non-socialist landscape globally as compared to the peak of socialist activity half a century ago. one very large and strong socialist state =/ strong global socialist movement
I want to talk about labor unions, specifically, why I think labor union consciousness is anathema to communism.
The logic is really simple. Say you allow labor unions to organize independently under market socialism (SWCC or whatever). Labor Union A accrues members and bargaining power and starts demanding higher wages. Given that unions are likely to be concentrated in urban areas, this further widens the gap between urban and rural outcomes. Now Labor Union A is threatening to shut down an entire project unless its demands are met. Labor Union B does the same thing in another sector. Before long, you have these fractious groups whose interests have become increasingly divergent from the broader goals of socialist development because their primary concern is enriching their own members.
How can you presume to lead a nation toward communism if you're constantly capitulating to the narrow demands of individual workers' unions and their already relatively privileged members compared to the rural population? It's not "un-Marxist" to prevent independent labor unions from forming. Quite the contrary: from this standpoint, allowing autonomous unions to develop competing centers of political and economic power risks ultimately subordinating long-term socialist development to sectional interests.
this post is so awesome
In this assumed model labor unions are themselves the representatives for firms, rather than the industrial unions that we are all much more familiar with in however partial of a form, and they have no mediation with each other or with their consumers at all. Iâm not sure how weâve gotten to this imaginary system with a free market of individual union firms given that it would take more effort to accomplish this in most countries than it would to just socialize industrial monopolies, govern their overall operations through assemblies, reduce managers from obnoxious pocket watching micromanagement to an oversight position like conductors, and electing union delegates to advocate for the interests of particular firms or sectors to other firms or sectors within the socialized monopoly and to those delegates advocating for other industries.
This is a completely imaginary scenario of course, but so is the risk of a trade union free market that needs to be prevented (by who?) for the sake of national development (with goals set by who and for who?). To me that preventative measure sounds more like another, much more real problem, which is bureaucratic harassment of workers and the disempowerment of all individuals in the face of the state, which claims to equally and neutrally represent all classes except for the enemies of national development. At this point the socialism being imagined doesnât sound like it would motivate many workers or peasants to act.
If anything this sort of system provoked mass working class and peasant resistance in the early years of the Soviet Union, from the Greens to Kronstadt. And even if you think those were just foreign agents, Lenin himself admitted that they stemmed from real problems and advocated not only for the NEP but for concessions to the trade unionists in order to keep the organs of the class and the âclass stateâ allied with each other. I would recommend reading what he had to say during the trade union dispute of 1921, especially against Trotskyâs call for the destruction of all independent trade unions in the name of the kind of development you describe. For more historical context, read Moshe Lewinâs book Leninâs Last Struggle.
The actual problem that developed within the Soviet trade unions over time is they only represented the interests of the union representatives and their contractual relations with the public bureaucrats. That was little different than the problem of American unions like the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) which agreed to the no-strike pledge during WWII in exchange for union recognition and full employment while its rank-and-file resisted the peace treaty with corporate management and organized wildcat strikes over the control of the production process throughout the 1940s. That period of rank-and-file revolt against work and over the nature or course of development seems much more promising to me than an imaginary developmentalist state cracking down on unions so that they donât get in the way of the accumulation of national capital
I don't see what's wrong necessarily with the developmentalist state cracking down on the accumulation of ânational capitalââa loaded term, admittedly. In practice, we're talking about the factories, infrastructure, processing capacity, and industries needed to actually produce wealth and abundance. That productive capacity has to exist before there's anything meaningful to redistribute. But sure, I'll read your recommendations. Although Moshe Lewin being a Labor Zionist and Israeli nationalist has me starting with a rather quirked eyebrow.
The form that the construction, operation, and management of the infrastructure takes is where the question of politics and class struggle comes in even under conditions of public ownership. Especially when a new assembly line setup requires a work pace that the workers are not accustomed to and the bureaucratic planners are setting quotas higher than anything theyâve ever been demanded to achieve before. In the Soviet Union these are both sources of widespread tension and resistance by workers and urbanized peasants. Some historians (like Sheila Fitzpatrick) have even found that most of the mass participation in the Great Purges was motivated by a desire to take revenge on the managers who had used harassment and punishments to force workers into fulfilling overly high quotas in these abnormally strenuous conditions.
Lewin became a Zionist for basically the same reason he had been a Sovietist, this was pretty common for the postwar generation of Israeli settlers (David Ben-Gurion was an explicit admirer of Lenin and Stalin until the â50s). The problems with his work on the Soviet Union are for the most part the same as the problems with any nationalist, which is where a historian critical of nationalism like Ronald Grigor Suny can be brought in but then thatâs 500+ total pages of reading recommendation for an off handed reference thatâs meant to direct to a relevant context
You see, I agree that public ownership doesn't make class conflict disappear. But then what's the practical alternative? If workers and planners inevitably have conflicting interests over things like quotas and working conditions, how do you actually resolve that contradiction while still pushing rapid development? At some point, doesn't a developmental state need some mechanism to prioritize long-term productive development over immediate workplace interests?
As I see it, creating highly favorable conditions for workers, meeting the demands of survival under a hostile world system, and achieving developmental goals in a timely and adequate fashion can create mutually contradictory demands. These are problems Lenin grappled with, of course, but he never lived to oversee their solutions to completion; he died only a few years into the process.
Why rapid development? The question also remains open of, what kind of development? In the late Soviet Union, both of these issues contributed to, on the refusal side, widespread work absenteeism and slacking, and on the affirmative side, revived grassroots council campaigns, a green movement against the ecological destruction of unsustainable petroindustrial heavy development, and of course the now infamous demand for a greater variety of light industry consumer products.
Socialism thatâs only better conditions, competition with other states, and achieving development goals could describe anything from the U.S. New Deal to Francois Spain. The latter even had public ownership of railways, aviation, communications, energy, and manufacturing. What made the Russian Revolution and revolutions like it distinct was the mass revolution driven by everyday workersâ desire to control the production process, peasantsâ desire for freedom from serfdom or indenture, and colonized people for self-determination. All of these bring up not only problems of a single development process in completing itself but the question of what development is, for whom it is, what it should be, and how it is attempting to develop its goal
In the case of SWCC, the goal has demonstrably included lifting hundreds of millions of Chinese people out of poverty. You can debate what constitutes âpoverty,â who gets to define it, and how poverty alleviation should be measured, but the material transformation itself is undeniable. At the same time, Chinaâs development has contributed to a restructuring of global power relations, creating space for competing socialist and emancipatory movements that might otherwise be more vulnerable to immediate pressure from the American financial, political, and military apparatus.
These objectives ultimately reinforce one another: poverty reduction, industrialization, technological development, greater strategic autonomy, and a more plural distribution of global power all create greater room for socialist projects to survive, experiment, and develop. The argument, then, is that rapid development is being prioritized partly because it is effectively an arms race with the imperialist world over productive capacity and strategic autonomy. The state has to expand the material limits of what is possible before it can meaningfully redistribute or transform them.
You can argue over whether this strategy will actually produce socialism (I argue that in some ways it already has), or whether its contradictions will ultimately lead somewhere else. But âdevelop first, transform laterâ is at least a material strategy for creating the conditions under which transformation becomes possible, rather than simply assuming those conditions into existence.
Meanwhile, a narrower project focused primarily on improving workersâ living conditions might, at best, produce a self-contained workersâ paradise that, by failing to prioritize rapid development and strategic autonomy, leaves itself vulnerable to being crushed and resubordinated into the existing world system. Revolutionary Burkina Faso was, in many ways, an example of this.
âcreating space for competing socialist and emancipatory movementsâ âgreater room for socialist projects to survive, experiment, and developâ ok but the thing is that hasnt happened⌠multipolarity hasnt led to a renaissance of socialist movements worldwide, and âemancipatory movementsâ in the sense of resistance to US imperialism are dominated by non-socialist forces.
also âdevelop first, transform laterâ is bifurcating the issue, development along capitalist lines creates certain productive relations, its not simply a question of ownership. how do you âtransformâ a funko pop factory? what about an international supply chain? its not as simple as a change in hands.
"Multipolarity has not delivered a flowering of global socialism in a mere few years and while the imperialist bloc still remains powerful, ergo we must concede it's an inherently false premise that development of AES is a boon to global communism"
Do you fucking people hear yourselves?
anomie given we know eachother u could at least address me directly lol, but anyway dealing in bad faith strawmen does not advance the conversation. nobody said anything about âinherenceâ, youâre shifting the claim into unfalsifiable territory by deferring to the future. you and OP both saying âjust waitâ is not an argument. itâs been just under half a century since reform and opening up, its been even longer since peak US economic power and its been a few decades since the peak of the USâs unipolar moment geopolitically. the claim isnt even âwhy hasnt it led to a flowering of global socialismâ its âwhy has global socialism continued to be further fragmented and isolated while various explicitly non-socialist movements/states predominateâ
Sorry, I just saw this take and it pissed me off so I responded without checking who it was. In any case,
1. half a century is a blink of the eye in terms of the history of China and in that time the CPC has started the work mao began of lifting the Chinese people out of poverty and raising the PRC up to the level of a world power no longer at the mercy of imperialist forces
2. It has not At All been longer since the peak of US geopolitical power; it is literally since only been since al-Aqsa Flood that the global order of US-run international institutions that form the backbone of the global imperial system has begun to weaken, and all of 5 years or so since China has become in any meaningful sense on something resembling an equal footing to the US alone, not to mention the entire Atlantacist bloc the US has at its command. This is genuinely a completely false premise.
3. Global socialism has not fragmented nor isolated, but rather grown stronger and more confident as links between the PRC, the SRV, and the DPRK are strengthened and the power of the US to threaten them and play them against one another has declined dramatically in the past 10 years. Global socialism is healthier and stronger now than it has ever been in history.
1. such a bizarre and orientalist framing. so we canât evaluate the relative success of reform & opening up for, what, 3,000 more years? do you see how this allows you to deflect indefinitely? there is no metric for failure you will accept, smells like unfalsifiability.
2. al aqsa flood didnt happen in a vacuum, did you sleep through the past few decades? the war in ukraine? the failures in iraq and afghanistan? then you pivot to conflating chinaâs peak ability to contest US power with the peak of US power per se. obviously when youâre a hammer everything looks like a nail.
3. this is so absurd idek what to say to it. doesnt even warrant a response
âMusk talks about Mars as a lifeboat for humanity, which is among the very stupidest things that someone could say,â says Adam Becker, an astrophysicist and author of the book More Everything Forever, which outlines the messianic, sci-fi fantasies of the tech oligarchs. âThere are so many reasons why itâs such a bad idea, and this is not about, âOh, weâll never have the technology to live on Mars.â Thatâs not what Iâm saying. What Iâm saying is that Earth is always going to be a better option no matter what happens to Earth. Like, we could get hit with an asteroid the size of the one that killed off the dinosaurs, and Earth would still be more habitable. We could explode every single nuclear weapon, and Earth would still be more habitable. We could have the worst-case scenario for climate change, and Earth would still be more habitable. Any cursory examination of any of the facts about Mars makes it very clear.â
What Youâve Suspected Is True: Billionaires Are Not Like Us
I really like sci-fi stories where people have to go off and terraform a planet, or figure out how to rebuild civilization after some disaster, or ideally both. "The last ark-ship leaving Earth right before it becomes uninhabitable" sort of deal. But lately I've been coming around to this same idea, that it will always be more practical to try to save Earth than to try to start over elsewhere.
I was reading one story where the apocalypse was impossibly-rising oceans. Like, water is appearing from *waves hand* the Earth's crust or something, and literally all dry surface land on Earth is going to become underwater in X years. Part of the story was about a giant research project to invent FTL to send a few hundred humans to a nearby star which might have a habitable planet. You know what they were hoping to find? A planet with liquid water. Their plan was to descend from their starship and restart civilization using just the tools they brought with them, on a world with no life and no breathable air and the wrong gravity and the wrong temperate and the wrong sunlight and the wrong day-night cycle, just because it had liquid water. You know where else has liquid water? The flooded Earth you just abandoned. Instead of researching starship technology, you could have spent that time loading up all the same civilization-restarter tools into boats.
And this is really true of any futuristic apocalypse scenario. If you can terraform Mars to have a thick oxygen atmosphere, why not just do that to Earth? Even if you smash an ice comet into Earth and destroy basically everything, Earth will still be more habitable than Mars! It'll still have roughly the right atmospheric pressure, and magnetic field, and heat balance, and it'll still have whatever life the comet didn't kill... Same with a starshade to cool Venus. Same with excavating asteroids into city-stations. Same with abandoning Sol System entirely and heading to another star. If an ark-ship arrived in a new star system and found Earth-but-choked-by-climate-change, the crew would be ecstatic. They would never have thought to get that lucky. So why bother with the trip? Just stay and fix the damn Earth.
We Are All Blocked By Mutual In Laws

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I want to talk about labor unions, specifically, why I think labor union consciousness is anathema to communism.
The logic is really simple. Say you allow labor unions to organize independently under market socialism (SWCC or whatever). Labor Union A accrues members and bargaining power and starts demanding higher wages. Given that unions are likely to be concentrated in urban areas, this further widens the gap between urban and rural outcomes. Now Labor Union A is threatening to shut down an entire project unless its demands are met. Labor Union B does the same thing in another sector. Before long, you have these fractious groups whose interests have become increasingly divergent from the broader goals of socialist development because their primary concern is enriching their own members.
How can you presume to lead a nation toward communism if you're constantly capitulating to the narrow demands of individual workers' unions and their already relatively privileged members compared to the rural population? It's not "un-Marxist" to prevent independent labor unions from forming. Quite the contrary: from this standpoint, allowing autonomous unions to develop competing centers of political and economic power risks ultimately subordinating long-term socialist development to sectional interests.
this post is so awesome
In this assumed model labor unions are themselves the representatives for firms, rather than the industrial unions that we are all much more familiar with in however partial of a form, and they have no mediation with each other or with their consumers at all. Iâm not sure how weâve gotten to this imaginary system with a free market of individual union firms given that it would take more effort to accomplish this in most countries than it would to just socialize industrial monopolies, govern their overall operations through assemblies, reduce managers from obnoxious pocket watching micromanagement to an oversight position like conductors, and electing union delegates to advocate for the interests of particular firms or sectors to other firms or sectors within the socialized monopoly and to those delegates advocating for other industries.
This is a completely imaginary scenario of course, but so is the risk of a trade union free market that needs to be prevented (by who?) for the sake of national development (with goals set by who and for who?). To me that preventative measure sounds more like another, much more real problem, which is bureaucratic harassment of workers and the disempowerment of all individuals in the face of the state, which claims to equally and neutrally represent all classes except for the enemies of national development. At this point the socialism being imagined doesnât sound like it would motivate many workers or peasants to act.
If anything this sort of system provoked mass working class and peasant resistance in the early years of the Soviet Union, from the Greens to Kronstadt. And even if you think those were just foreign agents, Lenin himself admitted that they stemmed from real problems and advocated not only for the NEP but for concessions to the trade unionists in order to keep the organs of the class and the âclass stateâ allied with each other. I would recommend reading what he had to say during the trade union dispute of 1921, especially against Trotskyâs call for the destruction of all independent trade unions in the name of the kind of development you describe. For more historical context, read Moshe Lewinâs book Leninâs Last Struggle.
The actual problem that developed within the Soviet trade unions over time is they only represented the interests of the union representatives and their contractual relations with the public bureaucrats. That was little different than the problem of American unions like the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) which agreed to the no-strike pledge during WWII in exchange for union recognition and full employment while its rank-and-file resisted the peace treaty with corporate management and organized wildcat strikes over the control of the production process throughout the 1940s. That period of rank-and-file revolt against work and over the nature or course of development seems much more promising to me than an imaginary developmentalist state cracking down on unions so that they donât get in the way of the accumulation of national capital
I don't see what's wrong necessarily with the developmentalist state cracking down on the accumulation of ânational capitalââa loaded term, admittedly. In practice, we're talking about the factories, infrastructure, processing capacity, and industries needed to actually produce wealth and abundance. That productive capacity has to exist before there's anything meaningful to redistribute. But sure, I'll read your recommendations. Although Moshe Lewin being a Labor Zionist and Israeli nationalist has me starting with a rather quirked eyebrow.
The form that the construction, operation, and management of the infrastructure takes is where the question of politics and class struggle comes in even under conditions of public ownership. Especially when a new assembly line setup requires a work pace that the workers are not accustomed to and the bureaucratic planners are setting quotas higher than anything theyâve ever been demanded to achieve before. In the Soviet Union these are both sources of widespread tension and resistance by workers and urbanized peasants. Some historians (like Sheila Fitzpatrick) have even found that most of the mass participation in the Great Purges was motivated by a desire to take revenge on the managers who had used harassment and punishments to force workers into fulfilling overly high quotas in these abnormally strenuous conditions.
Lewin became a Zionist for basically the same reason he had been a Sovietist, this was pretty common for the postwar generation of Israeli settlers (David Ben-Gurion was an explicit admirer of Lenin and Stalin until the â50s). The problems with his work on the Soviet Union are for the most part the same as the problems with any nationalist, which is where a historian critical of nationalism like Ronald Grigor Suny can be brought in but then thatâs 500+ total pages of reading recommendation for an off handed reference thatâs meant to direct to a relevant context
You see, I agree that public ownership doesn't make class conflict disappear. But then what's the practical alternative? If workers and planners inevitably have conflicting interests over things like quotas and working conditions, how do you actually resolve that contradiction while still pushing rapid development? At some point, doesn't a developmental state need some mechanism to prioritize long-term productive development over immediate workplace interests?
As I see it, creating highly favorable conditions for workers, meeting the demands of survival under a hostile world system, and achieving developmental goals in a timely and adequate fashion can create mutually contradictory demands. These are problems Lenin grappled with, of course, but he never lived to oversee their solutions to completion; he died only a few years into the process.
Why rapid development? The question also remains open of, what kind of development? In the late Soviet Union, both of these issues contributed to, on the refusal side, widespread work absenteeism and slacking, and on the affirmative side, revived grassroots council campaigns, a green movement against the ecological destruction of unsustainable petroindustrial heavy development, and of course the now infamous demand for a greater variety of light industry consumer products.
Socialism thatâs only better conditions, competition with other states, and achieving development goals could describe anything from the U.S. New Deal to Francois Spain. The latter even had public ownership of railways, aviation, communications, energy, and manufacturing. What made the Russian Revolution and revolutions like it distinct was the mass revolution driven by everyday workersâ desire to control the production process, peasantsâ desire for freedom from serfdom or indenture, and colonized people for self-determination. All of these bring up not only problems of a single development process in completing itself but the question of what development is, for whom it is, what it should be, and how it is attempting to develop its goal
In the case of SWCC, the goal has demonstrably included lifting hundreds of millions of Chinese people out of poverty. You can debate what constitutes âpoverty,â who gets to define it, and how poverty alleviation should be measured, but the material transformation itself is undeniable. At the same time, Chinaâs development has contributed to a restructuring of global power relations, creating space for competing socialist and emancipatory movements that might otherwise be more vulnerable to immediate pressure from the American financial, political, and military apparatus.
These objectives ultimately reinforce one another: poverty reduction, industrialization, technological development, greater strategic autonomy, and a more plural distribution of global power all create greater room for socialist projects to survive, experiment, and develop. The argument, then, is that rapid development is being prioritized partly because it is effectively an arms race with the imperialist world over productive capacity and strategic autonomy. The state has to expand the material limits of what is possible before it can meaningfully redistribute or transform them.
You can argue over whether this strategy will actually produce socialism (I argue that in some ways it already has), or whether its contradictions will ultimately lead somewhere else. But âdevelop first, transform laterâ is at least a material strategy for creating the conditions under which transformation becomes possible, rather than simply assuming those conditions into existence.
Meanwhile, a narrower project focused primarily on improving workersâ living conditions might, at best, produce a self-contained workersâ paradise that, by failing to prioritize rapid development and strategic autonomy, leaves itself vulnerable to being crushed and resubordinated into the existing world system. Revolutionary Burkina Faso was, in many ways, an example of this.
âcreating space for competing socialist and emancipatory movementsâ âgreater room for socialist projects to survive, experiment, and developâ ok but the thing is that hasnt happened⌠multipolarity hasnt led to a renaissance of socialist movements worldwide, and âemancipatory movementsâ in the sense of resistance to US imperialism are dominated by non-socialist forces.
also âdevelop first, transform laterâ is bifurcating the issue, development along capitalist lines creates certain productive relations, its not simply a question of ownership. how do you âtransformâ a funko pop factory? what about an international supply chain? its not as simple as a change in hands.
There are three new socialist, anti-colonial states in West Africa. That's just the start. As changing global power relations increasingly deprives the US of its reach, more transformations like this will happen. You're impatient.
To me, it looks like the same old pattern: while the lower officers from the lower classes win some victories, the capitalist state ultimately preserves its same old opportunist orientation towards the greatest allies in consolidating power and wealth even if itâs at the expense of the people at a distance to or outside of the state institutions. Challenging the Zionist entity after it made itself a pariah to all international legal institutions in 2023 should be the ground floor for multipolarity, anti-colonialism, or socialism. I donât think itâs too much to ask when even Italian fascist President Giorgia Meloni has found the strength to halt military cooperation with Israel and the Vatican openly confronted them. If the problem is relative power, why is it that the Colombian left has accomplished a total severance of diplomatic ties with Israel regardless? At a certain point, political actors have agency. Mass politics is what gives leaders a greater scope for their actions, and thatâs the difference between the Sahel states which are confined among the officers and even the Pink Tide (with all of its limitations, and there are many) which extends far beyond the state.
All of this is before we even get to the issue of what socialism is, who itâs by, and what itâs for. Those are immediate, everyday questions for anyone in the movement. That isnât impatience so much as a question of whoâs going things, what theyâre doing, and what theyâre doing it for in the here and now. These occur to any normal person we try to convince to participate in the movement. To think about this isnât narrow workerism or reductionism but trying to bring their actual questions into the theory of the movement. I donât see why that would smother their growing political consciousness in a way that wouldnât be much more true about having a script about how we need to wait until Chinese infrastructure projects make it easier to act. The CPC has failed to take the lead in the case of Israel, when they had plenty of room to act on that front if they took a hit in their short term interests in Israeli industries (doomed to decline from war and isolation at this point anyways) and prioritized their partners who promise long term growth and ascendancy. I was willing to be open to them until they made this choice
I want to talk about labor unions, specifically, why I think labor union consciousness is anathema to communism.
The logic is really simple. Say you allow labor unions to organize independently under market socialism (SWCC or whatever). Labor Union A accrues members and bargaining power and starts demanding higher wages. Given that unions are likely to be concentrated in urban areas, this further widens the gap between urban and rural outcomes. Now Labor Union A is threatening to shut down an entire project unless its demands are met. Labor Union B does the same thing in another sector. Before long, you have these fractious groups whose interests have become increasingly divergent from the broader goals of socialist development because their primary concern is enriching their own members.
How can you presume to lead a nation toward communism if you're constantly capitulating to the narrow demands of individual workers' unions and their already relatively privileged members compared to the rural population? It's not "un-Marxist" to prevent independent labor unions from forming. Quite the contrary: from this standpoint, allowing autonomous unions to develop competing centers of political and economic power risks ultimately subordinating long-term socialist development to sectional interests.
this post is so awesome
In this assumed model labor unions are themselves the representatives for firms, rather than the industrial unions that we are all much more familiar with in however partial of a form, and they have no mediation with each other or with their consumers at all. Iâm not sure how weâve gotten to this imaginary system with a free market of individual union firms given that it would take more effort to accomplish this in most countries than it would to just socialize industrial monopolies, govern their overall operations through assemblies, reduce managers from obnoxious pocket watching micromanagement to an oversight position like conductors, and electing union delegates to advocate for the interests of particular firms or sectors to other firms or sectors within the socialized monopoly and to those delegates advocating for other industries.
This is a completely imaginary scenario of course, but so is the risk of a trade union free market that needs to be prevented (by who?) for the sake of national development (with goals set by who and for who?). To me that preventative measure sounds more like another, much more real problem, which is bureaucratic harassment of workers and the disempowerment of all individuals in the face of the state, which claims to equally and neutrally represent all classes except for the enemies of national development. At this point the socialism being imagined doesnât sound like it would motivate many workers or peasants to act.
If anything this sort of system provoked mass working class and peasant resistance in the early years of the Soviet Union, from the Greens to Kronstadt. And even if you think those were just foreign agents, Lenin himself admitted that they stemmed from real problems and advocated not only for the NEP but for concessions to the trade unionists in order to keep the organs of the class and the âclass stateâ allied with each other. I would recommend reading what he had to say during the trade union dispute of 1921, especially against Trotskyâs call for the destruction of all independent trade unions in the name of the kind of development you describe. For more historical context, read Moshe Lewinâs book Leninâs Last Struggle.
The actual problem that developed within the Soviet trade unions over time is they only represented the interests of the union representatives and their contractual relations with the public bureaucrats. That was little different than the problem of American unions like the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) which agreed to the no-strike pledge during WWII in exchange for union recognition and full employment while its rank-and-file resisted the peace treaty with corporate management and organized wildcat strikes over the control of the production process throughout the 1940s. That period of rank-and-file revolt against work and over the nature or course of development seems much more promising to me than an imaginary developmentalist state cracking down on unions so that they donât get in the way of the accumulation of national capital
I don't see what's wrong necessarily with the developmentalist state cracking down on the accumulation of ânational capitalââa loaded term, admittedly. In practice, we're talking about the factories, infrastructure, processing capacity, and industries needed to actually produce wealth and abundance. That productive capacity has to exist before there's anything meaningful to redistribute. But sure, I'll read your recommendations. Although Moshe Lewin being a Labor Zionist and Israeli nationalist has me starting with a rather quirked eyebrow.
The form that the construction, operation, and management of the infrastructure takes is where the question of politics and class struggle comes in even under conditions of public ownership. Especially when a new assembly line setup requires a work pace that the workers are not accustomed to and the bureaucratic planners are setting quotas higher than anything theyâve ever been demanded to achieve before. In the Soviet Union these are both sources of widespread tension and resistance by workers and urbanized peasants. Some historians (like Sheila Fitzpatrick) have even found that most of the mass participation in the Great Purges was motivated by a desire to take revenge on the managers who had used harassment and punishments to force workers into fulfilling overly high quotas in these abnormally strenuous conditions.
Lewin became a Zionist for basically the same reason he had been a Sovietist, this was pretty common for the postwar generation of Israeli settlers (David Ben-Gurion was an explicit admirer of Lenin and Stalin until the â50s). The problems with his work on the Soviet Union are for the most part the same as the problems with any nationalist, which is where a historian critical of nationalism like Ronald Grigor Suny can be brought in but then thatâs 500+ total pages of reading recommendation for an off handed reference thatâs meant to direct to a relevant context
You see, I agree that public ownership doesn't make class conflict disappear. But then what's the practical alternative? If workers and planners inevitably have conflicting interests over things like quotas and working conditions, how do you actually resolve that contradiction while still pushing rapid development? At some point, doesn't a developmental state need some mechanism to prioritize long-term productive development over immediate workplace interests?
As I see it, creating highly favorable conditions for workers, meeting the demands of survival under a hostile world system, and achieving developmental goals in a timely and adequate fashion can create mutually contradictory demands. These are problems Lenin grappled with, of course, but he never lived to oversee their solutions to completion; he died only a few years into the process.
Why rapid development? The question also remains open of, what kind of development? In the late Soviet Union, both of these issues contributed to, on the refusal side, widespread work absenteeism and slacking, and on the affirmative side, revived grassroots council campaigns, a green movement against the ecological destruction of unsustainable petroindustrial heavy development, and of course the now infamous demand for a greater variety of light industry consumer products.
Socialism thatâs only better conditions, competition with other states, and achieving development goals could describe anything from the U.S. New Deal to Francois Spain. The latter even had public ownership of railways, aviation, communications, energy, and manufacturing. What made the Russian Revolution and revolutions like it distinct was the mass revolution driven by everyday workersâ desire to control the production process, peasantsâ desire for freedom from serfdom or indenture, and colonized people for self-determination. All of these bring up not only problems of a single development process in completing itself but the question of what development is, for whom it is, what it should be, and how it is attempting to develop its goal
In the case of SWCC, the goal has demonstrably included lifting hundreds of millions of Chinese people out of poverty. You can debate what constitutes âpoverty,â who gets to define it, and how poverty alleviation should be measured, but the material transformation itself is undeniable. At the same time, Chinaâs development has contributed to a restructuring of global power relations, creating space for competing socialist and emancipatory movements that might otherwise be more vulnerable to immediate pressure from the American financial, political, and military apparatus.
These objectives ultimately reinforce one another: poverty reduction, industrialization, technological development, greater strategic autonomy, and a more plural distribution of global power all create greater room for socialist projects to survive, experiment, and develop. The argument, then, is that rapid development is being prioritized partly because it is effectively an arms race with the imperialist world over productive capacity and strategic autonomy. The state has to expand the material limits of what is possible before it can meaningfully redistribute or transform them.
You can argue over whether this strategy will actually produce socialism (I argue that in some ways it already has), or whether its contradictions will ultimately lead somewhere else. But âdevelop first, transform laterâ is at least a material strategy for creating the conditions under which transformation becomes possible, rather than simply assuming those conditions into existence.
Meanwhile, a narrower project focused primarily on improving workersâ living conditions might, at best, produce a self-contained workersâ paradise that, by failing to prioritize rapid development and strategic autonomy, leaves itself vulnerable to being crushed and resubordinated into the existing world system. Revolutionary Burkina Faso was, in many ways, an example of this.
âcreating space for competing socialist and emancipatory movementsâ âgreater room for socialist projects to survive, experiment, and developâ ok but the thing is that hasnt happened⌠multipolarity hasnt led to a renaissance of socialist movements worldwide, and âemancipatory movementsâ in the sense of resistance to US imperialism are dominated by non-socialist forces.
also âdevelop first, transform laterâ is bifurcating the issue, development along capitalist lines creates certain productive relations, its not simply a question of ownership. how do you âtransformâ a funko pop factory? what about an international supply chain? its not as simple as a change in hands.
There are three new socialist, anti-colonial states in West Africa. That's just the start. As changing global power relations increasingly deprives the US of its reach, more transformations like this will happen. You're impatient.
are you talking about the Sahel states? you understand nationalization and anti-imperialism do not make a state socialist, right? do you think Iran is socialist? âthats just the startâ is begging the question btw. and the USâs reach has been eroding for decades now
The leadership has described itself as socialist on multiple occasions, but ultimately, it doesn't really matter. Reclaiming national resources from imperialist control under bourgeois leadership is still a progressive step for African states. It's also an example of political orders becoming increasingly possible as states gain more options beyond simply weathering external pressure or becoming clients of Western regimes.
âthey describe themselves as socialistâ is the same deflection people use to claim the DSA/Mamdani are socialist. this convo is about material realities, not rhetoric. anyway, youâre shifting the goalposts. i never said anything about how âprogressiveâ it is, obviously im in favor of anti-colonial struggle regardless of whether or not its socialist. im from a country that is coming up on half a century of anti-colonial nationalist developmentalism. is it preferable to being a US client state? undoubtedly, but it has not brought us an inch closer to socialism, independent working class organization is systematically repressed as it was under the shah. and your point about overemphasis on urban workers doesnt work here because the overwhelming majority of iran is urban
I want to talk about labor unions, specifically, why I think labor union consciousness is anathema to communism.
The logic is really simple. Say you allow labor unions to organize independently under market socialism (SWCC or whatever). Labor Union A accrues members and bargaining power and starts demanding higher wages. Given that unions are likely to be concentrated in urban areas, this further widens the gap between urban and rural outcomes. Now Labor Union A is threatening to shut down an entire project unless its demands are met. Labor Union B does the same thing in another sector. Before long, you have these fractious groups whose interests have become increasingly divergent from the broader goals of socialist development because their primary concern is enriching their own members.
How can you presume to lead a nation toward communism if you're constantly capitulating to the narrow demands of individual workers' unions and their already relatively privileged members compared to the rural population? It's not "un-Marxist" to prevent independent labor unions from forming. Quite the contrary: from this standpoint, allowing autonomous unions to develop competing centers of political and economic power risks ultimately subordinating long-term socialist development to sectional interests.
this post is so awesome
In this assumed model labor unions are themselves the representatives for firms, rather than the industrial unions that we are all much more familiar with in however partial of a form, and they have no mediation with each other or with their consumers at all. Iâm not sure how weâve gotten to this imaginary system with a free market of individual union firms given that it would take more effort to accomplish this in most countries than it would to just socialize industrial monopolies, govern their overall operations through assemblies, reduce managers from obnoxious pocket watching micromanagement to an oversight position like conductors, and electing union delegates to advocate for the interests of particular firms or sectors to other firms or sectors within the socialized monopoly and to those delegates advocating for other industries.
This is a completely imaginary scenario of course, but so is the risk of a trade union free market that needs to be prevented (by who?) for the sake of national development (with goals set by who and for who?). To me that preventative measure sounds more like another, much more real problem, which is bureaucratic harassment of workers and the disempowerment of all individuals in the face of the state, which claims to equally and neutrally represent all classes except for the enemies of national development. At this point the socialism being imagined doesnât sound like it would motivate many workers or peasants to act.
If anything this sort of system provoked mass working class and peasant resistance in the early years of the Soviet Union, from the Greens to Kronstadt. And even if you think those were just foreign agents, Lenin himself admitted that they stemmed from real problems and advocated not only for the NEP but for concessions to the trade unionists in order to keep the organs of the class and the âclass stateâ allied with each other. I would recommend reading what he had to say during the trade union dispute of 1921, especially against Trotskyâs call for the destruction of all independent trade unions in the name of the kind of development you describe. For more historical context, read Moshe Lewinâs book Leninâs Last Struggle.
The actual problem that developed within the Soviet trade unions over time is they only represented the interests of the union representatives and their contractual relations with the public bureaucrats. That was little different than the problem of American unions like the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) which agreed to the no-strike pledge during WWII in exchange for union recognition and full employment while its rank-and-file resisted the peace treaty with corporate management and organized wildcat strikes over the control of the production process throughout the 1940s. That period of rank-and-file revolt against work and over the nature or course of development seems much more promising to me than an imaginary developmentalist state cracking down on unions so that they donât get in the way of the accumulation of national capital
I don't see what's wrong necessarily with the developmentalist state cracking down on the accumulation of ânational capitalââa loaded term, admittedly. In practice, we're talking about the factories, infrastructure, processing capacity, and industries needed to actually produce wealth and abundance. That productive capacity has to exist before there's anything meaningful to redistribute. But sure, I'll read your recommendations. Although Moshe Lewin being a Labor Zionist and Israeli nationalist has me starting with a rather quirked eyebrow.
The form that the construction, operation, and management of the infrastructure takes is where the question of politics and class struggle comes in even under conditions of public ownership. Especially when a new assembly line setup requires a work pace that the workers are not accustomed to and the bureaucratic planners are setting quotas higher than anything theyâve ever been demanded to achieve before. In the Soviet Union these are both sources of widespread tension and resistance by workers and urbanized peasants. Some historians (like Sheila Fitzpatrick) have even found that most of the mass participation in the Great Purges was motivated by a desire to take revenge on the managers who had used harassment and punishments to force workers into fulfilling overly high quotas in these abnormally strenuous conditions.
Lewin became a Zionist for basically the same reason he had been a Sovietist, this was pretty common for the postwar generation of Israeli settlers (David Ben-Gurion was an explicit admirer of Lenin and Stalin until the â50s). The problems with his work on the Soviet Union are for the most part the same as the problems with any nationalist, which is where a historian critical of nationalism like Ronald Grigor Suny can be brought in but then thatâs 500+ total pages of reading recommendation for an off handed reference thatâs meant to direct to a relevant context
You see, I agree that public ownership doesn't make class conflict disappear. But then what's the practical alternative? If workers and planners inevitably have conflicting interests over things like quotas and working conditions, how do you actually resolve that contradiction while still pushing rapid development? At some point, doesn't a developmental state need some mechanism to prioritize long-term productive development over immediate workplace interests?
As I see it, creating highly favorable conditions for workers, meeting the demands of survival under a hostile world system, and achieving developmental goals in a timely and adequate fashion can create mutually contradictory demands. These are problems Lenin grappled with, of course, but he never lived to oversee their solutions to completion; he died only a few years into the process.
Why rapid development? The question also remains open of, what kind of development? In the late Soviet Union, both of these issues contributed to, on the refusal side, widespread work absenteeism and slacking, and on the affirmative side, revived grassroots council campaigns, a green movement against the ecological destruction of unsustainable petroindustrial heavy development, and of course the now infamous demand for a greater variety of light industry consumer products.
Socialism thatâs only better conditions, competition with other states, and achieving development goals could describe anything from the U.S. New Deal to Francois Spain. The latter even had public ownership of railways, aviation, communications, energy, and manufacturing. What made the Russian Revolution and revolutions like it distinct was the mass revolution driven by everyday workersâ desire to control the production process, peasantsâ desire for freedom from serfdom or indenture, and colonized people for self-determination. All of these bring up not only problems of a single development process in completing itself but the question of what development is, for whom it is, what it should be, and how it is attempting to develop its goal
In the case of SWCC, the goal has demonstrably included lifting hundreds of millions of Chinese people out of poverty. You can debate what constitutes âpoverty,â who gets to define it, and how poverty alleviation should be measured, but the material transformation itself is undeniable. At the same time, Chinaâs development has contributed to a restructuring of global power relations, creating space for competing socialist and emancipatory movements that might otherwise be more vulnerable to immediate pressure from the American financial, political, and military apparatus.
These objectives ultimately reinforce one another: poverty reduction, industrialization, technological development, greater strategic autonomy, and a more plural distribution of global power all create greater room for socialist projects to survive, experiment, and develop. The argument, then, is that rapid development is being prioritized partly because it is effectively an arms race with the imperialist world over productive capacity and strategic autonomy. The state has to expand the material limits of what is possible before it can meaningfully redistribute or transform them.
You can argue over whether this strategy will actually produce socialism (I argue that in some ways it already has), or whether its contradictions will ultimately lead somewhere else. But âdevelop first, transform laterâ is at least a material strategy for creating the conditions under which transformation becomes possible, rather than simply assuming those conditions into existence.
Meanwhile, a narrower project focused primarily on improving workersâ living conditions might, at best, produce a self-contained workersâ paradise that, by failing to prioritize rapid development and strategic autonomy, leaves itself vulnerable to being crushed and resubordinated into the existing world system. Revolutionary Burkina Faso was, in many ways, an example of this.
âcreating space for competing socialist and emancipatory movementsâ âgreater room for socialist projects to survive, experiment, and developâ ok but the thing is that hasnt happened⌠multipolarity hasnt led to a renaissance of socialist movements worldwide, and âemancipatory movementsâ in the sense of resistance to US imperialism are dominated by non-socialist forces.
also âdevelop first, transform laterâ is bifurcating the issue, development along capitalist lines creates certain productive relations, its not simply a question of ownership. how do you âtransformâ a funko pop factory? what about an international supply chain? its not as simple as a change in hands.
"Multipolarity has not delivered a flowering of global socialism in a mere few years and while the imperialist bloc still remains powerful, ergo we must concede it's an inherently false premise that development of AES is a boon to global communism"
Do you fucking people hear yourselves?
anomie given we know eachother u could at least address me directly lol, but anyway dealing in bad faith strawmen does not advance the conversation. nobody said anything about âinherenceâ, youâre shifting the claim into unfalsifiable territory by deferring to the future. you and OP both saying âjust waitâ is not an argument. itâs been just under half a century since reform and opening up, its been even longer since peak US economic power and its been a few decades since the peak of the USâs unipolar moment geopolitically. the claim isnt even âwhy hasnt it led to a flowering of global socialismâ its âwhy has global socialism continued to be further fragmented and isolated while various explicitly non-socialist movements/states predominateâ
I want to talk about labor unions, specifically, why I think labor union consciousness is anathema to communism.
The logic is really simple. Say you allow labor unions to organize independently under market socialism (SWCC or whatever). Labor Union A accrues members and bargaining power and starts demanding higher wages. Given that unions are likely to be concentrated in urban areas, this further widens the gap between urban and rural outcomes. Now Labor Union A is threatening to shut down an entire project unless its demands are met. Labor Union B does the same thing in another sector. Before long, you have these fractious groups whose interests have become increasingly divergent from the broader goals of socialist development because their primary concern is enriching their own members.
How can you presume to lead a nation toward communism if you're constantly capitulating to the narrow demands of individual workers' unions and their already relatively privileged members compared to the rural population? It's not "un-Marxist" to prevent independent labor unions from forming. Quite the contrary: from this standpoint, allowing autonomous unions to develop competing centers of political and economic power risks ultimately subordinating long-term socialist development to sectional interests.
this post is so awesome
In this assumed model labor unions are themselves the representatives for firms, rather than the industrial unions that we are all much more familiar with in however partial of a form, and they have no mediation with each other or with their consumers at all. Iâm not sure how weâve gotten to this imaginary system with a free market of individual union firms given that it would take more effort to accomplish this in most countries than it would to just socialize industrial monopolies, govern their overall operations through assemblies, reduce managers from obnoxious pocket watching micromanagement to an oversight position like conductors, and electing union delegates to advocate for the interests of particular firms or sectors to other firms or sectors within the socialized monopoly and to those delegates advocating for other industries.
This is a completely imaginary scenario of course, but so is the risk of a trade union free market that needs to be prevented (by who?) for the sake of national development (with goals set by who and for who?). To me that preventative measure sounds more like another, much more real problem, which is bureaucratic harassment of workers and the disempowerment of all individuals in the face of the state, which claims to equally and neutrally represent all classes except for the enemies of national development. At this point the socialism being imagined doesnât sound like it would motivate many workers or peasants to act.
If anything this sort of system provoked mass working class and peasant resistance in the early years of the Soviet Union, from the Greens to Kronstadt. And even if you think those were just foreign agents, Lenin himself admitted that they stemmed from real problems and advocated not only for the NEP but for concessions to the trade unionists in order to keep the organs of the class and the âclass stateâ allied with each other. I would recommend reading what he had to say during the trade union dispute of 1921, especially against Trotskyâs call for the destruction of all independent trade unions in the name of the kind of development you describe. For more historical context, read Moshe Lewinâs book Leninâs Last Struggle.
The actual problem that developed within the Soviet trade unions over time is they only represented the interests of the union representatives and their contractual relations with the public bureaucrats. That was little different than the problem of American unions like the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) which agreed to the no-strike pledge during WWII in exchange for union recognition and full employment while its rank-and-file resisted the peace treaty with corporate management and organized wildcat strikes over the control of the production process throughout the 1940s. That period of rank-and-file revolt against work and over the nature or course of development seems much more promising to me than an imaginary developmentalist state cracking down on unions so that they donât get in the way of the accumulation of national capital
I don't see what's wrong necessarily with the developmentalist state cracking down on the accumulation of ânational capitalââa loaded term, admittedly. In practice, we're talking about the factories, infrastructure, processing capacity, and industries needed to actually produce wealth and abundance. That productive capacity has to exist before there's anything meaningful to redistribute. But sure, I'll read your recommendations. Although Moshe Lewin being a Labor Zionist and Israeli nationalist has me starting with a rather quirked eyebrow.
The form that the construction, operation, and management of the infrastructure takes is where the question of politics and class struggle comes in even under conditions of public ownership. Especially when a new assembly line setup requires a work pace that the workers are not accustomed to and the bureaucratic planners are setting quotas higher than anything theyâve ever been demanded to achieve before. In the Soviet Union these are both sources of widespread tension and resistance by workers and urbanized peasants. Some historians (like Sheila Fitzpatrick) have even found that most of the mass participation in the Great Purges was motivated by a desire to take revenge on the managers who had used harassment and punishments to force workers into fulfilling overly high quotas in these abnormally strenuous conditions.
Lewin became a Zionist for basically the same reason he had been a Sovietist, this was pretty common for the postwar generation of Israeli settlers (David Ben-Gurion was an explicit admirer of Lenin and Stalin until the â50s). The problems with his work on the Soviet Union are for the most part the same as the problems with any nationalist, which is where a historian critical of nationalism like Ronald Grigor Suny can be brought in but then thatâs 500+ total pages of reading recommendation for an off handed reference thatâs meant to direct to a relevant context
You see, I agree that public ownership doesn't make class conflict disappear. But then what's the practical alternative? If workers and planners inevitably have conflicting interests over things like quotas and working conditions, how do you actually resolve that contradiction while still pushing rapid development? At some point, doesn't a developmental state need some mechanism to prioritize long-term productive development over immediate workplace interests?
As I see it, creating highly favorable conditions for workers, meeting the demands of survival under a hostile world system, and achieving developmental goals in a timely and adequate fashion can create mutually contradictory demands. These are problems Lenin grappled with, of course, but he never lived to oversee their solutions to completion; he died only a few years into the process.
Why rapid development? The question also remains open of, what kind of development? In the late Soviet Union, both of these issues contributed to, on the refusal side, widespread work absenteeism and slacking, and on the affirmative side, revived grassroots council campaigns, a green movement against the ecological destruction of unsustainable petroindustrial heavy development, and of course the now infamous demand for a greater variety of light industry consumer products.
Socialism thatâs only better conditions, competition with other states, and achieving development goals could describe anything from the U.S. New Deal to Francois Spain. The latter even had public ownership of railways, aviation, communications, energy, and manufacturing. What made the Russian Revolution and revolutions like it distinct was the mass revolution driven by everyday workersâ desire to control the production process, peasantsâ desire for freedom from serfdom or indenture, and colonized people for self-determination. All of these bring up not only problems of a single development process in completing itself but the question of what development is, for whom it is, what it should be, and how it is attempting to develop its goal
In the case of SWCC, the goal has demonstrably included lifting hundreds of millions of Chinese people out of poverty. You can debate what constitutes âpoverty,â who gets to define it, and how poverty alleviation should be measured, but the material transformation itself is undeniable. At the same time, Chinaâs development has contributed to a restructuring of global power relations, creating space for competing socialist and emancipatory movements that might otherwise be more vulnerable to immediate pressure from the American financial, political, and military apparatus.
These objectives ultimately reinforce one another: poverty reduction, industrialization, technological development, greater strategic autonomy, and a more plural distribution of global power all create greater room for socialist projects to survive, experiment, and develop. The argument, then, is that rapid development is being prioritized partly because it is effectively an arms race with the imperialist world over productive capacity and strategic autonomy. The state has to expand the material limits of what is possible before it can meaningfully redistribute or transform them.
You can argue over whether this strategy will actually produce socialism (I argue that in some ways it already has), or whether its contradictions will ultimately lead somewhere else. But âdevelop first, transform laterâ is at least a material strategy for creating the conditions under which transformation becomes possible, rather than simply assuming those conditions into existence.
Meanwhile, a narrower project focused primarily on improving workersâ living conditions might, at best, produce a self-contained workersâ paradise that, by failing to prioritize rapid development and strategic autonomy, leaves itself vulnerable to being crushed and resubordinated into the existing world system. Revolutionary Burkina Faso was, in many ways, an example of this.
âcreating space for competing socialist and emancipatory movementsâ âgreater room for socialist projects to survive, experiment, and developâ ok but the thing is that hasnt happened⌠multipolarity hasnt led to a renaissance of socialist movements worldwide, and âemancipatory movementsâ in the sense of resistance to US imperialism are dominated by non-socialist forces.
also âdevelop first, transform laterâ is bifurcating the issue, development along capitalist lines creates certain productive relations, its not simply a question of ownership. how do you âtransformâ a funko pop factory? what about an international supply chain? its not as simple as a change in hands.
There are three new socialist, anti-colonial states in West Africa. That's just the start. As changing global power relations increasingly deprives the US of its reach, more transformations like this will happen. You're impatient.
are you talking about the Sahel states? you understand nationalization and anti-imperialism do not make a state socialist, right? do you think Iran is socialist? âthats just the startâ is begging the question btw. and the USâs reach has been eroding for decades now
there are priorities baked into the structure of a âdevelopedâ economy, didnt we all learn this from underdevelopment/dependency theory?

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I want to talk about labor unions, specifically, why I think labor union consciousness is anathema to communism.
The logic is really simple. Say you allow labor unions to organize independently under market socialism (SWCC or whatever). Labor Union A accrues members and bargaining power and starts demanding higher wages. Given that unions are likely to be concentrated in urban areas, this further widens the gap between urban and rural outcomes. Now Labor Union A is threatening to shut down an entire project unless its demands are met. Labor Union B does the same thing in another sector. Before long, you have these fractious groups whose interests have become increasingly divergent from the broader goals of socialist development because their primary concern is enriching their own members.
How can you presume to lead a nation toward communism if you're constantly capitulating to the narrow demands of individual workers' unions and their already relatively privileged members compared to the rural population? It's not "un-Marxist" to prevent independent labor unions from forming. Quite the contrary: from this standpoint, allowing autonomous unions to develop competing centers of political and economic power risks ultimately subordinating long-term socialist development to sectional interests.
this post is so awesome
In this assumed model labor unions are themselves the representatives for firms, rather than the industrial unions that we are all much more familiar with in however partial of a form, and they have no mediation with each other or with their consumers at all. Iâm not sure how weâve gotten to this imaginary system with a free market of individual union firms given that it would take more effort to accomplish this in most countries than it would to just socialize industrial monopolies, govern their overall operations through assemblies, reduce managers from obnoxious pocket watching micromanagement to an oversight position like conductors, and electing union delegates to advocate for the interests of particular firms or sectors to other firms or sectors within the socialized monopoly and to those delegates advocating for other industries.
This is a completely imaginary scenario of course, but so is the risk of a trade union free market that needs to be prevented (by who?) for the sake of national development (with goals set by who and for who?). To me that preventative measure sounds more like another, much more real problem, which is bureaucratic harassment of workers and the disempowerment of all individuals in the face of the state, which claims to equally and neutrally represent all classes except for the enemies of national development. At this point the socialism being imagined doesnât sound like it would motivate many workers or peasants to act.
If anything this sort of system provoked mass working class and peasant resistance in the early years of the Soviet Union, from the Greens to Kronstadt. And even if you think those were just foreign agents, Lenin himself admitted that they stemmed from real problems and advocated not only for the NEP but for concessions to the trade unionists in order to keep the organs of the class and the âclass stateâ allied with each other. I would recommend reading what he had to say during the trade union dispute of 1921, especially against Trotskyâs call for the destruction of all independent trade unions in the name of the kind of development you describe. For more historical context, read Moshe Lewinâs book Leninâs Last Struggle.
The actual problem that developed within the Soviet trade unions over time is they only represented the interests of the union representatives and their contractual relations with the public bureaucrats. That was little different than the problem of American unions like the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) which agreed to the no-strike pledge during WWII in exchange for union recognition and full employment while its rank-and-file resisted the peace treaty with corporate management and organized wildcat strikes over the control of the production process throughout the 1940s. That period of rank-and-file revolt against work and over the nature or course of development seems much more promising to me than an imaginary developmentalist state cracking down on unions so that they donât get in the way of the accumulation of national capital
I don't see what's wrong necessarily with the developmentalist state cracking down on the accumulation of ânational capitalââa loaded term, admittedly. In practice, we're talking about the factories, infrastructure, processing capacity, and industries needed to actually produce wealth and abundance. That productive capacity has to exist before there's anything meaningful to redistribute. But sure, I'll read your recommendations. Although Moshe Lewin being a Labor Zionist and Israeli nationalist has me starting with a rather quirked eyebrow.
The form that the construction, operation, and management of the infrastructure takes is where the question of politics and class struggle comes in even under conditions of public ownership. Especially when a new assembly line setup requires a work pace that the workers are not accustomed to and the bureaucratic planners are setting quotas higher than anything theyâve ever been demanded to achieve before. In the Soviet Union these are both sources of widespread tension and resistance by workers and urbanized peasants. Some historians (like Sheila Fitzpatrick) have even found that most of the mass participation in the Great Purges was motivated by a desire to take revenge on the managers who had used harassment and punishments to force workers into fulfilling overly high quotas in these abnormally strenuous conditions.
Lewin became a Zionist for basically the same reason he had been a Sovietist, this was pretty common for the postwar generation of Israeli settlers (David Ben-Gurion was an explicit admirer of Lenin and Stalin until the â50s). The problems with his work on the Soviet Union are for the most part the same as the problems with any nationalist, which is where a historian critical of nationalism like Ronald Grigor Suny can be brought in but then thatâs 500+ total pages of reading recommendation for an off handed reference thatâs meant to direct to a relevant context
You see, I agree that public ownership doesn't make class conflict disappear. But then what's the practical alternative? If workers and planners inevitably have conflicting interests over things like quotas and working conditions, how do you actually resolve that contradiction while still pushing rapid development? At some point, doesn't a developmental state need some mechanism to prioritize long-term productive development over immediate workplace interests?
As I see it, creating highly favorable conditions for workers, meeting the demands of survival under a hostile world system, and achieving developmental goals in a timely and adequate fashion can create mutually contradictory demands. These are problems Lenin grappled with, of course, but he never lived to oversee their solutions to completion; he died only a few years into the process.
Why rapid development? The question also remains open of, what kind of development? In the late Soviet Union, both of these issues contributed to, on the refusal side, widespread work absenteeism and slacking, and on the affirmative side, revived grassroots council campaigns, a green movement against the ecological destruction of unsustainable petroindustrial heavy development, and of course the now infamous demand for a greater variety of light industry consumer products.
Socialism thatâs only better conditions, competition with other states, and achieving development goals could describe anything from the U.S. New Deal to Francois Spain. The latter even had public ownership of railways, aviation, communications, energy, and manufacturing. What made the Russian Revolution and revolutions like it distinct was the mass revolution driven by everyday workersâ desire to control the production process, peasantsâ desire for freedom from serfdom or indenture, and colonized people for self-determination. All of these bring up not only problems of a single development process in completing itself but the question of what development is, for whom it is, what it should be, and how it is attempting to develop its goal
In the case of SWCC, the goal has demonstrably included lifting hundreds of millions of Chinese people out of poverty. You can debate what constitutes âpoverty,â who gets to define it, and how poverty alleviation should be measured, but the material transformation itself is undeniable. At the same time, Chinaâs development has contributed to a restructuring of global power relations, creating space for competing socialist and emancipatory movements that might otherwise be more vulnerable to immediate pressure from the American financial, political, and military apparatus.
These objectives ultimately reinforce one another: poverty reduction, industrialization, technological development, greater strategic autonomy, and a more plural distribution of global power all create greater room for socialist projects to survive, experiment, and develop. The argument, then, is that rapid development is being prioritized partly because it is effectively an arms race with the imperialist world over productive capacity and strategic autonomy. The state has to expand the material limits of what is possible before it can meaningfully redistribute or transform them.
You can argue over whether this strategy will actually produce socialism (I argue that in some ways it already has), or whether its contradictions will ultimately lead somewhere else. But âdevelop first, transform laterâ is at least a material strategy for creating the conditions under which transformation becomes possible, rather than simply assuming those conditions into existence.
Meanwhile, a narrower project focused primarily on improving workersâ living conditions might, at best, produce a self-contained workersâ paradise that, by failing to prioritize rapid development and strategic autonomy, leaves itself vulnerable to being crushed and resubordinated into the existing world system. Revolutionary Burkina Faso was, in many ways, an example of this.
âcreating space for competing socialist and emancipatory movementsâ âgreater room for socialist projects to survive, experiment, and developâ ok but the thing is that hasnt happened⌠multipolarity hasnt led to a renaissance of socialist movements worldwide, and âemancipatory movementsâ in the sense of resistance to US imperialism are dominated by non-socialist forces.
also âdevelop first, transform laterâ is bifurcating the issue, development along capitalist lines creates certain productive relations, its not simply a question of ownership. how do you âtransformâ a funko pop factory? what about an international supply chain? its not as simple as a change in hands.
i was looking up more shit about the beth elliott thing and i found this. go back and read the other post remembering that a bi woman is saying all that shit