Endowment Deed Huntress

Edit: if this is confusing to you,

Nurbanu Sultan + Selim II = Murad III

Safiye Sultan + Murad III = Mehmed III

Handan Sultan + Mehmed III = Ahmed I

According to Maria Pidani: Râziye hatun was one of Murad III’s female companions (musahibe). Having met Nurbanu in Manisa province and formed a strong relationship with her, she maintained her position as Kalfa until her death in 1597.

Pidani also adds that Râziye was favored by the mother of “one of Mehmed III's sons”, Prince Selim. This concubine was presented to Sultan Mehmed III when he was still a prince and she treated Râziye Kalfa like her own mom. However Pidani mentions Prince Selim’s birthdate as 1580 (1580-1597), I don’t know if she made a typo because the first sexual encounter of Mehmed (III) was sometime after his circumcision in 1582, when he impregnated one of Nurbanu’s servants who was eventually executed by the order of Valide Nurbanu Sultan. (This information is also provided by Miss Pidani) 1580 was two years before his circumcision, and Mehmed would be too young to father children anyway. Selim’s birth was announced in early 1585.

🦋

Handan Sultan, Ahmed I’s mother was a concubine who was introduced to Mehmed III during his 1582 circumcision festivities by Gevherhan Sultan and her husband Cerrah Mehmed Pasha — Cerrah literally means surgeon, he was the surgeon who circumcised Mehmed and was buddy-buddy with him. Even got promoted to Grand Vizier later in life and his wife Gevherhan was favored and highly respected by Ahmed I. According to the Venetian bailo Ottaviano Bon, between his two sons births — November 1604 and March 1605, Ahmed had his firstborn daughter. He named her Gevherhan!

Handan followed Prince Mehmed to Manisa in December 1583.

Writing in January 1604, the Venetian bailo Francesco Contarini mentioned Handan’s origins:

“This queen is a native of Bossina; 🇧🇦 she was first a slave of Mehemet Girà (Cerrah Mehmed Pasha) when he was Begleirbei of Greece, and was then given to Sultan Mehemet because of her great beauty when he went to the Sanjak of Manisa.”

🦋

Her journey until her temporary stay in Cerrah Mehmed Pasha and Gevherhan Sultan’s household is unknown. However since Safiye Sultan was presented to Murad III as a 13 year old girl, and Handan was presented to Prince Mehmed in 1582, it would be safe to assume she was born around 1569-70.

On January 14th 1584, Prince Mehmed arrived in Manisa and after a year later in February 1585, he announced that one of his concubines had recently given birth to a son. Although the name of the mother of that son is unknown, he is most certainly Prince Selim.

🦋

Now that we have this information, the following question popped up in my mind: Could Raziye Kalfa be the one who facilitated Handan’s introduction to Mehmed’s harem together with Cerrah Mehmed Pasha and Gevherhan Sultan, or she introduced a separate concubine to his harem and Selim’s mother is some other unnamed concubine? Why does she address the concubine as “mother of one of Mehmed’s sons”, and not as the mother more than one son, which is a bit contradictory to the ambassador reports I’ll list down below:

Lorenzo Bernado, the Venetian bailo between April 1584 and December 1587, writes in his relazione of 1590 that Prince Mehmed "has two sons, Sultan Selim and Sultan [missing name]”— Missing name might be Suleyman, who was not ever mentioned by contemporary Ottoman sources.

Leonardo Donà, Venetian ambassador who came to Istanbul in 1596 claims that the sultan had three sons, Selim, Süleyman and Ahmed, and two daughters and all of these children had the same mother. ➡️ if this info is correct then Handan would be the mother

Salomón Usque, wrote a report in February 1596, he notes that Mehmed III has six-seven sons (this was before the plague killed Selim) But he only names the 11 yo Selim as his eldest son and names Suleyman as his second born son.

(Mehmed III also certainly had at least two daughters born in his princely years: one of whom was later married to Davud Pasha and the other one to Mirahor Mustafa Pasha in 1604)

Sadly, in 1597, Mehmed III’s eldest son Prince Selim suddenly died at the age of thirteen because of plague. In 1597, Prince Mahmud was 10, Prince Ahmed was 7, and around 1601-02 Halime would give birth to another son, Mustafa. In 1602, another son named Cihangir died young.

Note: According to Baki Tezcan, the birth order of Mahmud and Ahmed isn’t certain. But why would a prince who is younger than Ahmed be executed for treason? Plus the later accounts by Ahmed regarding his “older brother” — conventionally it’s accepted that Mahmud was born in 1588 and Ahmed 1590. However Baki Tezcan thinks Ahmed might be 1-3 years older than Mahmud. More mystery! According to Cappello, the Venetian bailo in Istanbul between 1595 and 1600, Ahmed was the oldest surviving son of Mehmed, and Mahmud, is a year younger than Ahmed. (Reported by 1600, by then the plague had already killed Selim) According to Agostino Nani, the Venetian bailo between 1600 and 1603, Ahmed was three years older than Mahmud.

Contarini’s report of the Execution of Prince Mahmud and Halime’s banishment to the Old Palace

For beginners,

Handan + Mehmed III = Ahmed I

Halime + Mehmed III = Mahmud and Mustafa

Mehmed III’s mother: Valide Safiye Sultan

Contarini’s report from June 14, 1603:

“Eight days ago, the Grand Sultan entered the chamber where, by his order, the Prince Sultan Mahmud, his firstborn, was confined and unable to leave, following his decision to send the prince’s mother (Halime) to the Old Seraglio (Old Palace) for the reasons set forth in my other letters, and he immediately had four mutis brought into the same room, whom he commanded to strangle the Prince at once, as was carried out; upon which the Grand Signore withdrew outside, and standing in a corridor watched the execution of his command, and afterward entered again to view the corpse.”

“Rumors spread that the prince’s mother had also been killed, but this did not prove to be true; on the other hand, it is absolutely certain that a terrible massacre took place among the prince’s servants, his mother’s maidservants, and her eunuchs, leaving not a single person alive.”

Another report dated June 28, 1603:

“I have learned from a very reliable source that the mother of the late Prince Sultan Mahmud is alive and living in the old menagerie (Old Palace).”

Karaçelebizade Abdülaziz Efendi, mentions in his chronicle that Prince Mahmud and Prince Mustafa were full brothers, and they were sons of the same mother, that is Halime. He adds that Mustafa's mother was alive during her son’s short reign.

Let me make this clear: ITS.NEVER.WITCHCRAFT

Conventionally, Mahmud’s mother Halime was blamed for witchcraft/seeking help of a seer regarding her son’s execution, but again:

It’s never witchcraft. 🧙‍♀️

➡️After Prince Selim’s death in 1597, Sultan Mehmed III had reportedly grown very fat and unfit, and there were rumors about his health condition. This must have stressed him out and his mother Valide Safiye Sultan.

➡️Agostino Nani, the Venetian bailo between 1600 and 1603, reports Prince Mahmud’s princely governorship (Sanjak assignment) had to be postponed due the war in Hungary and the rebellions in Anatolia. The long war and the rebellions (internal conflicts) were the two major causes of instability during Mehmed III’s reign.

➡️Gazanfer Agha, a stabilizing force in the Harem was murdered in 1603 at the third sipahi rebellion and his death had created this power vacuum at the court.

➡️Valide Safiye Sultan and Halime clashed. Handan sided with Safiye Sultan. There were factions at the court with viziers divided between whom they should place on the throne: Prince Mahmud or Prince Ahmed. The Sipahi rebellion in 1601 caused great unstability and according to a Venetian intelligence report, which was sent to the court of Queen Elizabeth I in late July 1602, these factions had been formed at the Imperial court. Janissaries and sipahis took Mahmud’s Side.

A letter dated July 26, 1602 preserved at London:

“The Grand Signor becoming more silly every day, the Pashas have resolved to nominate his successor. He has only two sons, and part favour the first born (Mahmud), part the second (Ahmed), the ones who favor Ahmed allege that Mahmud is incapable of having children, which has caused no small dissension amongst them." (* Mahmud not being able to have kids should have been pure speculation as his Princely Sanjak assignment was postponed and he wouldn’t be allowed to have his Harem until then)

➡️English ambassador Lello and the Venetian bailo Contarini both point out Safiye Sultan was the driving force behind the execution of Prince Mahmud: She not only had to save her own son from deposition, thus preserve her role as Valide Sultan, but she also wanted to get rid of Halime. Reportedly, Safiye was very jealous of Halime. (“Jealous” here alludes to Safiye Sultan being threatened by Halime and her son) According to Contarini, Safiye had the full support of Handan in this scheme.

Safiye must have thought she played her cards well.

In a shocking turn of events, upon Mehmed III’s death, and Ahmed I’s enthronement, Handan Sultan would become Valide, and she would banish Safiye to the old palace..

The Hurrem Hate was real in 16th century Ottoman Empire

Bassano wrote the following to describe how much the general population hated Hurrem:

"Suleyman harbors such love for her and astonishes his entire court so much that they claim she has bewitched the sultan; that is why they call her a witch. The Janissaries and the entire court hate her and her children. But since the sultan loves her, no one dares to voice their opinion. I have heard everyone speak ill of her and her children."

Busbecq also noted that, “it is said among the people that Hurrem holds Suleyman’s affection in her grasp through love spells and witchcraft.”

I guess, for 16th century Ottoman society, and even for some modern people, it was difficult to comprehend a man, especially someone in Suleyman’s position, might love one single woman, stay loyal to her, and want to grow old with her.

Hurrem Sultan and Rüstem Pasha were also blamed entirely for Mustafa’s downfall.

People in Istanbul believed that Hurrem had plotted against Mustafa to clear the path to the throne for one of her sons, and that she had utilized Rüstem Pasha’s help in this scheme.

Busbecq in his Turkish letters wrote:

“The Turks believe that the sultan’s estrangement from his son—to the point of wanting to rid himself of him—stemmed from Rüstem’s slanders and the spells of Roxolana, who was rumored to be a sorceress. According to rumors among the people, Hurrem had managed to sow seeds of doubt in the sultan’s mind regarding Mustafa through the magic she practiced and her feminine wiles. At her command, Rüstem had written a forged letter implying that Mustafa was in secret contact with the Shah of Iran, Suleiman’s chief enemy. Additionally, Hurrem had attempted to kill Mustafa by sending him poisoned garments as gifts, but she had failed. Finally, on October 6, 1553, a suspicious Suleiman summoned Mustafa from the province of Amasya, which he governed, to his tent in Aleppo and ordered the harem eunuchs to strangle the prince there.”

Whereas, Ottoman Historian Mustafa Ali creates a narrative that it was some “stupid” (!) soldiers who seduced Mustafa into rebellion:

“Somehow, some stupids among the soldiers offer obedience to Sehzade Mustafa and provoked him by saying that "Your magnificent father has grown old, he is unable to move and lead the campaign.”,…,they prompted him to the path of rebellion and lured him to the realization of his ambition by coming to the encampment.”

Taslicali Yahya would allude to Rustem and Zal:

Meded meded bu cihânun yıkıldı bir yanı

Ecel celâlileri aldı Mustafa Han'ı

Hatası gayr-i muayyen günahı nâ-ma'lûm

Zihî şehid-i sa'îd ü zihî şeh-i mazlûm

Getürdi arkasını yire Zâl-i devr ü zeman

Vücuduna sitem-i Rüstem ile irdi ziyan

Bir iki eğri fesâd ehli nitekim şemşir

Bir iki nâme-i tezvîri kıldı katline tîr

➡️ The words “Zal” and “Rustem” are skillfully inserted into the poem without directly naming them.

It’s so interesting that after Valide Nurbanu Sultan’s death in December 1583, some people in her inner circle got close to her archenemy Safiye. Esther Handali was one.

“1583 witchcraft allegations”: a fabricated scandal was orchestrated by Valide Nurbanu Sultan and her daughter Ismihan as per Bailo Morosini's account, dated September 18, 1583. Safiye was accused of using witchcraft to cause Murad’s impotency. Even contemporary Ottoman source Pecevi— and Ottoman sources can be very tight lipped around such matters— mentions that some slave concubines who worked for Safiye Sultan were tortured by eunuchs as a result of this.

However after Nurbanu’s death, around the time Safiye started to recover from the witchcraft mess she found herself in, she started to build her household again. (Sometime around 1584) Valide Nurbanu Sultan’s “Kira” Esther Handali was appointed as Safiye’s Kira, after Nurbanu’s death. Using her Jewish heritage and gender, she used her freedom to move in and out of the palace to establish contacts with ambassadors or government officials on behalf of Safiye.

Esther had previously worked for Nurbanu and help her form good relationships with Venetian bailos. In fact, in April 1578, Nurbanu asked a number of fine Venetian gowns through Esther, who urged Bailo Barbarigo with the following words “This Valide Sultan has absolute authority over Sultan Murad”.

Some years later, in September 1588 Esther fell ill.

Safiye, who not only formed political connections through Esther, had also formed a friendly relationship with her, and she was worried about her friend’s deteriorating health condition. Safiye asked Esther:

"How are you,…, why didn't you send your dish here today? Please, send it at the time of dinner every day…”

Safiye's letters were usually short and to the point (kind of like text messages today or “this could have been an email” type of correspondence haha) but this letter was pretty personal and shows the friendship between these two women. On top of that, on another letter dated August 22th 1592, a short note is added: “by Safiye’s own hand” — illustrating that Safiye knew how to write.

Of course, there’s a long time between 1563, when she was offered to Murad by Humasah Sultan as a 13 year old girl, and 1592, almost 30 years, and she likely improved herself in the meantime, but before she was introduced to Murad she likely got some level of education in Humasah’s household. No wonder she became the second most influential woman in Murad’s harem after Nurbanu.

Esther passed away in mid December 1588, and Safiye lost a friend. 🥀

It all started with Mihrimah and Rustem’s Wedding: Held between November 26th-December 4th 1539, together with Prince Beyazid and Prince Cihangir’s circumcision celebrations. Her Mahr was 100.000 gold coins. The couple lived in various locations at At Meydani, Üsküdar, and İskender Çelebi farmlands.

Prior to the wedding, Rustem Pasha was appointed Anadolu Beylerbeyi in 1538 and he was already in the Divan by acquiring the position of fourth vizier by summer of 1539.

Their daughter Ayse Sultan was born on August 25th, 1547 (Source: Zahit Atcil)

A letter written on August 26, 1547, from Habsburg ambassador Johann Maria Malvezzi, gives the news of Ayse’s birth: “…yesterday, a daughter was born to Rustan Bassa…”

According to his recorded waqf deeds, the administration of Rüstem’s waqfs was to pass to his daughter Ayşe Sultan, and his representative, Mehmed Kethüda, was to assist her in this matter.

Semiz Ahmed Pasha was appointed Rumeli Beylerbeyi on October 4th 1561. He married Mihrimah’s daughter Ayse on November 28th, 1561. Rustem Pasha had passed away earlier that year in July. (Source: Feridun Emecen)

According to Gerlach, Mihrimah had a daily income of 2,000 ducats and sent 2,000 ducats to her daughter and son-in-law every week. She never remarried.

1563-1566: On July 4th, 1563, Semiz Ahmed Pasha was appointed the sixth Vizier. In 1566 he was on duty in Siege Zsivetgar, nearby Suleyman.

1571: Under Selim II’s rule, shortly before the fleet set sail for the Mediterranean during the conquest of Cyprus, on April 29, 1571 he took command of the land campaign against the Dalmatian coast. With 1,500 Janissaries and 600 slingers under his command, he met up with Rumeli Beylerbey Hüseyin Pasha and fought against rebellious Albanians along the Venetian coast; and, in parallel with the fleet’s coastal operations, participated in the conquest of several Venetian-controlled fortresses, which were aligned from north to south along the Montenegrin coast.

1573 — Dispute with Sokollu and Piyale Pasha (Gevherhan’s husband): After returning to Istanbul, Ahmed Pasha was dismissed from Vizierate along with Vezir Hüseyin Pasha, likely due to his dispute with Sokollu Mehmed Pasha in March 1573). His objection to the appointment of Piyale Pasha (Gevherhan’s first husband) as second vizier likely played a significant role in this. Selaniki notes that on this occasion, he was dismissed from the vizierate for about twenty-five days and retired with 300,000 akçe, but Mihrimah Sultan intervened and had her son-in-law reinstated to the vizierate. Thus, Ahmed Pasha was forced to accept Piyale Pasha’s precedence over him and continue in his role as third vizier. It is likely that this incident led him to align himself with the faction opposed to Sokullu. (And likely we can assume from 1573, Ayse Sultan and Mihrimah Sultan would clash with Sokollu & Ismihan Sultan, and Piyale Pasha & Gevherhan Sultan, both princesses whom were Selim II’s daughters, at least until Sokollu’s death in 1579 and Piyale Pasha’s death in 1578. Gevherhan would gain more influence with her second husband Cerrah Pasha who would personally circumcise Murad III’s son Mehmed. From onward 1574, Nurbanu Sultan was given the title of valide sultan and she also formed her own faction with Canfeda, Chief White Eunuch Gazanfer, Kira Esther and Joseph Nasi & Lala Mustafa Pasha who passed away in 1580)

The Venetian ambassador Garzoni mentions that during these years, Third Vezir Semiz Ahmed Pasha sided with Vezir Mustafa Pasha and the Sheikh al-Islam against Sokullu Mehmed Pasha’s faction. Gerlach reports that on November 21, 1573, his son—born to the sultan’s sister (he meant niece?)—passed away. He lost another son on April 29, 1576.

1576: According to Gerlach on November 8, 1576, Semiz Ahmed married his daughter from Ayse Sultan to Cigalazâde (Cicalazade) Sinan Ağa who was the Janissary Agha at the time and on November 15, he had his other two sons circumcised with a large ceremony. After Piyale Pasha’s death in January 1578, he became the second vizier. (Total of four sons in ambassador reports)

An ambassador report about Cicalazade Sinan Aga:

“Sultana Vecchia, who is spending a vast sum on preparing her dowry for this wedding. In addition to the most honorable gifts of goods, sending the groom another 30,000 gold coins to be put to good use, so that through this marriage he may have his affairs so well established that he cannot fail to receive such honors—and even greater ones.”

This marriage provided Cicalazade Sinan Aga (likely born between 1543-48) a large dowry including gold and valuable clothes. But it also brought him protection from Mihrimah, Semiz Ahmed Pasha and Ayse Sultan’s political faction. Bailo Moro mentioned that Mihrimah Sultan’s (Ayse Sultan’s) protection of Cicalazade against his enemies inside the court such as Safiye, Ferhad, Damad Ibrahim and Halil Pasha.

1578: After Mihrimah’s death in 1578 Cicalazade failed to suppress a rebellion of the Sipahis due to strict regulations of wine consumption, and was sent away from the court to become the governor of Bassora in 1578. As the Venetian bailo reported Cicala lost his reputation inside the court and Cicala was unhappy about leaving his wife behind. (Source: Merve Biçer)

Sadly he couldn’t meet her again and Cicalazade lost his wife, who was Ayse Sultan’s daughter on December 9th 1580

“Last night, Cicala’s wife passed away; she was the daughter of the late Magnifico Acmat Bassà, and thus Cicala has lost the great favors he once enjoyed at this court.” (Again the report confused granddaughter for daughter) Dated December 10, 1580

1579: In the preceding years: Following the death of Selim II and the accession of Murad III to the throne, Ahmed Pasha emerged as a leading figure in the growing opposition to Sokullu Mehmed Pasha. Semiz Ahmed was appointed Grand Vizier the day after Sokullu’s assassination on October 13, 1579). However, his tenure as Grand Vizier was short-lived; he held the office for only six months and sixteen days until his death. During this period, he brought Siyavuş Pasha (Fatma’s husband) into Vizierate and replaced several key high-ranking officials.

French ambassador Jacques de Germigny’s 1579 reports document a pivotal harem alliance: Ayşe Sultan (daughter of Mihrimah Sultan) and Safiye Sultan (the favorite of Sultan Murad III) formed a powerful political faction to counter and oppose the dominant palace figure Valide Nurbanu Sultan. However, Safiye later clashed with Cicalazade, husband of Ayse Sultan’s two (!) daughters, (one of whom passed away before his marriage to the second one) clashed with Safiye and this faction most likely suffered.

“He is about 45 years old; (Cicalazade was born between 1543-48) his wife is the daughter of Rusten Bassa, and his mother-in-law, who is still alive—having been born to Sultan Suleiman—is held in high esteem by those in the inner circle and maintains his reputation, contrary to the wishes of his rivals, who would gladly see him brought down.” (Ambassadorial report mistakes granddaughter for daughter, the opposing political faction would be: Safiye, Ferhad, Damad Ibrahim and Halil Pasha.) (Source: Merve Biçer)

1581: In Jan 1581 Cicalazade made a comeback by marrying another one of Ayse Sultan’s daughters and regained his position at the capital. However, despite Ayse Sultan’s efforts, he couldn’t stay there for long and was sent to Safavid frontier in 1581. He clashed with Ferhat Pasha, and Ferhad Pasha wanted him to stay in Revan for 2 years and told him he could only come back to the capital after this duty. Ferhad Pasha likely wanted to keep his rival away from the capital.

Ambassador report dated January 21, 1580: (But I think the author made a mistake and it’s dated 1581, since Cicalazade’s wife died in Dec 1580)

“Cicala arrived in Constantinople last week, and they say he will take as his wife the younger sister of his late wife, which, once accomplished, will restore him to his former standing—… by virtue of the authority of the sultana who was the wife of Acmat Pasha and the daughter of Rustem Pasha. The Emperor’s ambassador, who has come to reside at the Just Gate, made his entry last Thursday with a most honorable reception, and I sent my family to meet him to perform the customary courtesy, which was granted to him…”

Alberi would highlight the distrust in Cicalazade due to his “noble born” origins:

“He is considered a man of great valor and has distinguished himself in this war against Persia, but because he is Italian, they will never fully trust him.”

Cicalazade was not really recognized as a full noble due to his mom being a Muslim convert. (Source: Merve Biçer)

1583: Safiye is banished from the palace with the efforts of Ismihan-Nurbanu Faction. Ismihan was unmarried at the time. Upon the assassination of Sokollu Mehmed Pasha in 1579, İsmihan Sultan remarried in 1584 to a younger man, the handsome governor of Budin. By 1585, Ismihan passed away during childbirth. (Source: Gulru Necipoglu)

1584: Ibrahim pasa had been betrothed to the Sultan Murad’s daughter Ayse since 1582, but Nurbanu on the other hand was against this marriage. She preferred kapıcıbaşı Mahmud, who was still a child had been given to her by Selim II as an adoptive son. Ibrahim pasha was appointed beylerbeyi of Egypt. After Nurbanu passed away, Mahmud married the daughter of Semiz Ahmed Pasha, sister of Cicalazade Sinan’s wife by December 1584. (source: Maria Pedani)

Foreign reports on Safiye Sultan’s origins:

Stephan Gerlach, who was in the Ottoman empire between 1573 and 1578:

“The sultan’s wife was a Bosnian concubine given to him as a gift by Ferhad Pasha (Humasah Sultan’s husband) while the prince was still in Manisa."

Historian Nicolae Jorga, citing Eugenio Albèri’s work, states that Safiye Sultan was of Albanian origin. Eugenio Albèri had published Venetian Ambassador reports between 1839 and 1863, compiling various accounts from 16th century Venetian diplomats.

Citing Tiepolo, Johann Wilhelm Zinkeisen notes that Safiye Sultan was a concubine from Slovenia.

Domenico Hierosolimitano, who served as physician to Murad III, is another foreign source who provides a different information regarding Safiye Sultan’s origins. Domenico states that Safiye Sultan was Venetian—Nurbanu Sultan was also claimed to be Venetian—and he based this information on the reports of the Venetian bailo. However, there is no consistency even among the Venetian reports. Venetian Ambassador Giovanni Mora states in his 1590 report that Safiye Sultan “is of Circassian origin”. Another Venetian ambassador, Lorenzo Bernardo, states in his 1592 report that “the most serene lady sultan is Albanian.”

It’s also interesting that, someone who had a quite intimate relationship with Murad and likely his “most belowed woman”, only based this information on the reports of the Venetian bailo. It provides insight into the fact that her origins were never revealed in front of him.

According to the foreign reports I’ve discussed: She’s most likely from a region in Albania, Bosnia, or Venice as these regions are geographically close to one another, there was also a Venetian-Albania with Venetian possessions in Northern Albania and present day South Montenegro, however by the end of the 15th century, the main possessions in northern Albania had been lost to the expansion of the Ottoman Empire. She might be from around this area.

The vast majority of contemporary Ottoman sources, however, not only fail to mention Safiye Sultan’s origins but often do not even use her name, instead referring to her simply as “Her Highness the Valide Sultan.” because of modesty. Selânikî Mustafa Efendi, simply refers to her as “Her Highness the Valide of the Sultan of the World and Refuge.”

When was Safiye introduced to Murad? Let’s look at Prince Murad’s early history:

Murad III was born in July 1546 while his father, Prince Selim (Selim II) was in Manisa serving as the Governor of Saruhan. He was the son of Nurbanu, who was his concubine at the time. He received his early education at the Manisa palace, and his circumcision ceremony was held there in April 1557. (Circumcision ceremony is crucial info because boys are not allowed to have their harems prior to circumcision!)

Following his father’s transfer to the Konya province in 1558 he accompanied him there and was granted the governorship of Akşehir. While there, he was stationed at the defense of Konya Castle during “The Battle of Princes” — a battle that took place between his father Prince Selim and his uncle Prince Beyazid. He traveled to Istanbul at the request of his grandfather, Sultan Suleyman.

Once the situation settled —and Beyazid and his princes executed—, Selim became the governor of Kütahya, and Murad was sent to the Sanjak of Saruhan in March 1562. He would remain there to serve as a governor until he became sultan. He was allowed to have his Harem here in his princely years in Manisa. And he must have met Safiye here after that time.

Their son Mehmed was born in 1567*, (Source: Seyyid Lokman) when Murad was around 20 years old. (So there is not a huge age gap between Safiye and Murad)

Disputed information around this. Seyyid Lokman records his birthdate as May 1567. Selaniki records his birthdate as 1566 and suggests Suleyman personally named him.

Was Safiye Sultan brought up in an elite Household just like Hurrem Sultan?

Safiye Sultan was likely brought to Ottoman territories when Murad was a prince and taken into the harem of Murad as a concubine at the Saruhan Sanjak in Manisa after March 1562.

As noted above, Venetian sources state that Safiye Sultan was sent to the Manisa Palace by Ferhad Pasha (the husband of Humasah Sultan) and presented as a gift to Prince Mehmed. Selânikî, reports that Safiye Sultan was raised in Ferhad Pasha’s household and she was provided a certain level of education. These two pieces of information clearly highlight Ferhad Pasha’s role in the Safiye’s arrival at the Manisa Palace. Since Nurbanu was not yet officially a Valide Sultan at the time, she likely didn’t object to Safiye being sent to her son’s harem even if she wanted to.

Edit: Maria Pia Pedani says Safiye was Albanian and in 1563, as a young slave at the age of 13, she was presented to prince Murad by Humasah.

I haven’t been able to find more information about the level of education provided to Safiye, but considering that Humasah Sultan was Prince Mehmed’s daughter, and Haseki Hurrem Sultan’s granddaughter, and Ferhad Pasha was her husband, the elite household she was brought up certainly was equipped to provide the top level of education a slave concubine could receive at the time. Humasah and Mihrimah were famous for copying Hurrem’s unique personal correspondence style in her letters, as Hurrem Sultan personally raised Humasah after her father passed away and Humasah was a modest, religious, family-oriented woman who was loved and adored by her grandmother. Safiye likely heard the legends about Haseki Hurrem here, and learned about the rising power and influence of the title called Haseki Sultan, and she may have dreamed a similar future for herself.

In one of her letters, Hürrem admits that she “feels uneasy until things go exactly as she wishes”:

“…May Almighty God grant you a long life and a prosperous reign. May He give you a thousand times more than you have, my sultan. By God, may it never cross your blessed mind that I am greedy for money. You know that I feel uneasy until things go exactly as I wish. By God, 2,000 akçe went toward the construction of my buildings. Otherwise, I didn’t set aside any money for myself…”

Humasah Sultan, her granddaughter (daughter of her son Prince Mehmed) shares similar qualities with her grandma!

“In her Wakf deed, Humasah Sultan meticulously planned everything from what should be done at her last breath, the number of people who would recite which prayer during the washing and burial, and how much money would be given to those people; to the prayers to be recited at the graveside, on the seventh and fortieth days, and the charitable acts to be performed, and how much money would be spent for these. She even stipulated that the people who would pray should be righteous men and women knowledgeable in the Quran; and that those who would receive alms and food should be poor, homeless, and those in prison.”

I’ve done some more research on Humasah Sultan, Prince Mehmed’s daughter, Hurrem’s granddaughter. I haven’t been able to find any Venetian ambassador reports on her marriage date, her exact death date or her stance with Nurbanu’s political faction in the 1570’s. She was married to Lala Mustafa Pasha from 1575 to 1580 and Lala Mustafa Pasha was in Nurbanu’s faction from 1574, so she might have been, voluntarily or involuntarily dragged into this faction. Please let me know if you have any more information on this, thank you 🙏

Here is why I think she might be married to Ferhad Pasha by 1559:

🦋Allahverdi has done extensive research on her, and while she says at the beginning of her paper that Humasah Sultan married Ferhad Pasha in 1566/1567 —the Islamic year of 974, she adds that according to her wakf document Suleyman gifted her a palace (near Beyazid Mosque) in late July 1559.

🦋Humasah was born in early 1540’s so the year 1559 makes more sense to me. Allahverdi says she was 2-3 years old by 1543, and there’s no way she could be born at a later date than 1543 or 1544 since her father passed away in 1543. I don’t think a princess would be married off in her mid 20’s at the time.

🦋Ferhad and Humasah had 8 children, according to Selaniki. It’s pretty difficult to have 8 kids in between 1567-1575, not impossible if they were twins of course, but still 1559 makes more sense to me. Selaniki has given details about her wedding, but the above document has raised my suspicions.

🦋I haven’t been able to find their wedding date listed by Seyyid Lokman’s list of Royal marriages between 1561-1575 either.

🦋Here’s another thing, Seyyid Lokman lists her death date as 1577, but she was married for a third time after Lala Mustafa Pasha death in 1580 according to Allahverdi. Another puzzle piece. I haven’t been able to trace her death either.

🦋May 29, 1559 - Battle of Princes, Lala Mustafa Pasha, Bayezid, Selim and Sokullu Mehmed Pasha were there. Selim returned to Konya on December 4, 1559. After the Battle of Princes, this marriage could have taken place when Ferhad Pasha was Kastamonu Sanjakbey.

🦋Maria Pedani says Humasah gifted Safiye to Murad in 1563. By 1563 Humasah and Ferhad pasha must be a couple then? Because Selânikî, Ottoman source, reports that Safiye Sultan was raised in Ferhad Pasha’s household

🦋There’s also a purchase made by the stewards of Ferhad Pasha and Hümaşah Sultan, acting on behalf of Mustafa Kethüda dated 971/September 1563.

🦋Her eldest son is Mehmed bey and eldest daughter is Fatma.

🦋Hurrem passed away in 1558, it might have been a dying wish to see her beloved Humasah get married.

Hümâşah Sultan is the only daughter of Sehzade Mehmet and when he passed away in 1543, she was about 2 or 3 years old according to Allahverdi. She was raised with great care and affection in the harem under her grandmother’s (Haseki Hurrem Sultan) guidance.

Çağatay Uluçay mentions Humasah’s letters in his book “The Women and Daughters of the Sultans” (Turkish: Padişahların Kadınları ve Kızları) Humasah wrote sincere and touching letters to her grandfather during his campaigns. A letter written by Hümâşah to her grandfather can be found in the Ottoman archives in modern day. In her letter to Sultan Suleyman, she expresses her great joy at receiving a letter from her grandfather. She wishes mercy upon her deceased grandmother. She prays for her grandfather, saying, "May Allah Almighty increase your days a thousandfold." She also asks about her grandfather's health, informing him that she is well. She signed the letter with "Your Cariye (a sign of humbleness), Hümâşah." Another one of her letters that can be found in the archives, is addressed to Prince Selim (future Selim II), her uncle. In her letter, she inquires about her uncle's health and well-being. She reports that both she and her Sultan Grandfather (Suleyman) are doing very well. Her wakf documents also include simple Turkish words when addressing her relatives, suggesting an intimate, cozy, simple way of life.

Çağatay Uluçay shows that members of the dynasty were not only political figures but also a family who addressed each other with intimate titles such as "uncle" and "nephew." M. Çağatay Uluçay, in his book "The Wives and Daughters of the Sultans," has brought similar letters to the present day by simplifying or transcribing them from their original language. The work is considered one of the fundamental sources for understanding the roles of palace women in social life and within the family.

Born: According to Allahverdi, she was 2-3 years old by 1543.

Death: Seyyid Lokman record her death date as after May 25th, 1577 (But her second husband passed away in 1580 and she remarried)

First Husband: Ferhad Pasha - married in 1566/1567 (or possibly 1559 according to her wakf document Suleyman gifted her a palace that year), passed away in 1575

Second Husband: Lala Mustafa Pasha - passed away in 1580

Third Husband: Gazi Mehmed Pasha - passed away in August 1592

Will written in 1570: includes the words “my sons and daughters” suggesting multiple children alive at that year

Wakf mentions Sultan Suleyman, Sehzade Mehmet, Mihrimah Sultan.

Children: 8 kids from Ferhad Pasha according to Selaniki: Mehmet (eldest son, named after her father), Fatma (eldest daughter married to Mehmed Bey), Osman (Sanjakbey of Bolu), Mustafa (Sanjakbey of Belgrade), Hatice

And Abdülbaki (from Lala Mustafa Pasha) (total of 9)

Humasah married for the first time in the Islamic year of 974 or 1566/1567 according to Allahverdi. (However Suleyman gifted her a palace in July 1559 according to her wakf documents, 1559 makes sense if we consider the average marriage age of her time)

Her first husband was Vizier Mehmed Ferhad Pasha. He was a legendary master calligrapher with a license from Karahisar. Sultan Selim II had a palace built in Bayezid for his nephew Humasah. Ferhad Pasha sold the Qurans he wrote in his own handwriting for one hundred gold coins. According to Uzuncarsili, he is Hattat Mustafa Pasha’s son, “Hattat” means calligrapher so it makes sense that he made hand made Qurans. His will was that his funeral shall be paid for with this “halal” money when he died. (February 2nd 1575 according to Selaniki) He compiled Sultan Suleiman's poems in his own handwriting while still alive. The most exquisite example of Muhibbi's Divan has survived to this day thanks to his efforts.

Ferhad Pasha performed many charitable acts during his lifetime. He commissioned Mimar Sinan to build the "Damat Ferhad Pasha" mosque in Çatalca. Two Qurans, the product of his handwork, have survived to this day. They are exhibited in the Topkapi and Turkish Islamic Art Museums.

From her marriage to Ferhad Pasha, Hümâşah had 8 children according to Selaniki. (I’ve listed the names I was able to find)

Humasah’s life wasn’t exempt from tragedy. Two of her sons died in battle: Osman Bey, the Sanjakbey of Bolu, died in front of Baghdad.

Mustafa Pasha, the Sanjakbey of Belgrade, was another son of Humasah who died in battle. (Sons of Princesses were generally not the target of fratricide, as they were not considered the direct descendants of the Ottoman royal male line, but as they were promoted to higher government positions in the state, their duties sometimes led them to their death as we can see in this case. On the contrary, the only Ottoman Sultan to have died in battle was Murat I, or Murat Hudavendigar.)

Her daughter from this marriage, Fatma Sultan, sadly did not live long. She passed away in her twenties while married to Mehmed Bey.

All of Hümâşah's children are buried in the cemetery of the Şehzade Mosque. (Her father Mehmet’s burial ground) She is also buried here but her exact burial in the mausoleum is unknown. Ayvansarâyî says she lays on the left side of Prince Mehmet.

Ferhad Pasha passed away in 1575. Hümâşah married for a second time to Lala Mustafa Pasha. From this marriage, Abdülbâki Bey was born. Lala Mustafa Pasha passed away in August 8th 1580, five years after her first husband’s passing, and Humasah was widowed for a second time.

Gazi Mehmed Pasha became her third husband. From her endowment deed, we can make an analysis of her personality and spirit, and get a little bit more information about her parents.

In her endowment deed she requested that no one interfere between her children, neither “her mother”, nor her siblings or relatives…

These statements indicate that her mother was alive and that she had other siblings from her mother’s side, as her father passed away young. Additionally, this critical piece of information suggests that her mother remarried after her father's death and Humasah did not leave anything to her half siblings from her mother’s side or mother in her will.

According to Mrs. Allahverdi, we are not certain about the identity of Hümaşah Sultan's mother. When Prince Mehmed died in 1543, we can assume that she returned to the palace in Istanbul with Hümaşah Sultan, who was only 2-3 years old at the time, but she later left the palace. (*I’m confused about this part of her article. The information about Humasah’s age at the death of her father Mehmet from Allahverdi and Ozguldur doesn’t match. I can’t be sure if she was born before Mehmet’s passing, or some months after, but considering the time Mehmet was given Manisa province she can’t be much older than 2-3 years old.) Her daughter Hümaşah was raised by her grandfather, Sultan Suleyman, and her grandmother, Haseki Hürrem Sultan. Although we have no record of Hümaşah's mother remarrying after leaving the palace, the fact that Hümaşah Sultan mentions her mother and siblings in her will, written in 1570, suggests that her mother remarried.

It is also possible to gain insight into Hümaşah Sultan's personality from the endowment deed. She was a person so knowledgeable in Islamic sciences and such a devout Muslim that she could plan a funeral ceremony step by step according to Islamic principles, knowing and writing down all the prayers to be recited. After a lengthy prayer section in the endowment deed, there is a section where Hümaşah Sultan wrote about what should be done during and after her death. She meticulously planned everything from what should be done at her last breath, the number of people who would recite which prayer during the washing and burial, and how much money would be given to those people; to the prayers to be recited at the graveside, on the seventh and fortieth days, and the charitable acts to be performed, and how much money would be spent for these. She even stipulated that the people who would pray should be righteous men and women knowledgeable in the Quran; and that those who would receive alms and food should be poor, homeless, and those in prison.

In the continuation of the endowment deed, after stating that her children could choose to either live alone or together, however they wished, she advised them to get along well with each other. She also added clauses anticipating potential problems and disagreements in the coming years. For example, if they were living together and the house needed repairs, she clarified this issue with the sentence, "They should all work together in agreement, or the one who lives more in it should pay more for the repairs." We can tell Humasah Sultan was a person who paid attention to detail, and who could foresee various possibilities that may occur in the future.

In her will, she did not forget about her servants, leaving them a certain amount of money and mentioning their names individually.

According to the endowment deed, her servants included a total of forty people, including thirty-two concubines and eight gatekeepers. Humasah addressed to her daughters and sons:

"…These thirty-two concubines and gatekeepers, totaling forty, and all those who are present, whether big or small, concubines or gatekeepers, are not freed; they are all the pure property of my sons and daughters."

Sources:

CÜMLEDEN DESTUR İSTEYİP BAĞA HOŞÇA GİRİŞ: KANUNİ SULTAN SÜLEYMAN’IN OĞLU ŞEHZÂDELER GÜZİDESİ BAHTSIZ MEHMED’İN MANZUM HİKAYESİ — Serdar ÖZGÜLDÜR

Çağatay Uluçay “The Women and Daughters of the Sultans” (Padişahların Kadınları ve Kızları)

Reyhan ŞAHİN ALLAHVERDI “An Orphan Sultan: Foundations of Şehzade Mehmed’s Daughter Hümasah Sultan”

“The news of the birth of his son, Prince Mehmed, arrived during the siege in Rhodes in the year 1522.

Following the death of Sultan Mehmed IV’s infant son and daughter in 1660, his first son by Gülnuş Sultan, Mustafa, was born in Edirne on June 2, 1664. His second prince, Ahmed, was born on December 2, 1673, in Hacıoğlupazarı, as Haseki Gülnuş Sultan, who was pregnant, had accompanied him on his campaign to Poland. Upon the prince’s birth, birth celebrations were held in the town of Babadağ and in the Bilâdi Selâse (Istanbul, Edirne, Bursa). (Source: Abdurrahman Abdi Pasha’s Chronicle —Arnavut Abdurrahman Abdi Pasha who lived between 1616–1686 was an Ottoman politician and military leader of Albanian descent.) Both princes of Mehmed IV were raised in a free environment, enjoying outdoor activities with their father who enjoyed hunting expeditions, unbothered by the otherwise limiting, confining and sometimes even mentally challenging nature of the Ekberiyet (seniority) system.

Arrival in Istanbul on September 24, 1566:

According to Selânikî, Selim II arrived in Istanbul on September 30th 1566 (15 Rebîülevvel 974) Feridun Bey say its September 23th, (8 Rebîülevvel), Vüsûlî say it’s Monday September 21th. (6 Rebîülevvel) However on the Islamic calendar Monday is 9 Rebîülevvel. (September 24th) Contemporary historians such as Lokman, Cenâbî and Mehmed b. Mehmed all agree it’s September 24th.

When Selim II arrived in Istanbul, he first ordered the Topkapı Palace to be cleaned, and was greeted there by his sister, Mihrimah Sultan. Upon his accession to the throne, Şeyhülislâm Ebüssuûd Efendi, the Governor of Istanbul İskender Pasha, and other state officials and members of the ulema pledged allegiance to Selim II.

Marcantonio had read the following to the Venetian Senate in 1562 about Mihrimah Sultan, some years before Selim’s accession to the throne, soon after the assassination of Bayezid:

“…yet, a few months later, Mihrimah relieved these acts to His Majesty (offering financial support to Beyazid) by telling him that she carried these actions out of the wishes of her dying mother. The same Sultana, upon being informed of the death of her brother and nephews, displayed no visible grief, not wishing anything except to return to the Old Palace, in which she was already staying after her return to Constantinople, and from where, in these days, are coming out the Most Serene Sultan Selim’s three daughters (Ismihan, Gevherhan and Sah), who are making preparations to move to the new homes of their husbands. Mihrimah does not show any sign of happiness concerning these weddings. His Majesty Süleyman is greatly displeased with all this, a fact which is affirmed by those persons who are in his inner circle, yet Mihrimah does not seem to be taking note of it. As for Sultan Selim, who is said to be aware of all this, and who is known not to love either this Mihrimah Sultan nor his mother, nor the aforementioned magnificent Rustem Pasha, his brother-­ in-law, he seems to be of a different opinion from Sultan Suleyman, which stems not as much from the disdain caused by these acts, but from the Sultana’s great wealth, which will probably serve Selim to endure this indignity with more ease.”

Secretary’s prediction proved accurate, Mihrimah’s influence persisted even after the end of Süleyman’s reign and she made use of her great wealth. The royal treasury had been emptied by Sultan Suleyman the Magnificent and carried to Hungary to wage the Szivetgar campaign. Mihrimah rushed to her brother’s aid, lending him the desperately needed gold coins to cover the obligatory accession donation. Selim II took the 50.000 gold coins from his sister upon his accession and Mihrimah proved to be a power broker through Selim’s reign.

From his accession to October 25th, 1566:

While traveling from Edirne to Belgrade, he received a letter from Sokullu Mehmed Pasha. The letter reported that they were trying to keep the Sultan Suleiman’s death a secret to prevent unrest amongst Janissaries, but news of his accession in Istanbul had reached the troops and was spreading among them; Selim was urged to come immediately and join the army.

According to Selânikî, who was with the army at the time, Selim had come as far as Vukovar to join the army but was forced to return to Belgrade upon receiving a new letter from Sokullu. Sokullu had informed him that if he met the army, the soldiers would demand an accession bonus (cülûs bahşişi), that the appropriate time window for a campaign had already passed, that immediately leaving right after arrival would not be appropriate. On October 21, the army set out from Sigetvar for Belgrade; on October 24–25, the news of Kanuni’s death was officially announced.

First disagreement with the Janissaries as a new Sultan:

To appease the soldiers, promises of an accession bonus (cülûs bahşişi) and promotions (terakki) were made. Following this, Sokullu sent a memorandum to the sultan with the following instructions: 1. the imperial tent should be set up 2. the sultan should come before the tent and ascend the throne (an Ottoman ascension ceremony called cülûs) 3. everyone should kiss the hem of his robe 4. he should personally announce that he would grant the soldiers bonuses (cülûs bahşişi) and promotions (terakki).

Selim II—who had already ascended the throne in Istanbul—did not wish to hold another ceremony. As a result, upon realizing their bonuses were at stake, the “kapıkulu askerleri” (Janissaries and troops) started to become restless.

The Janissaries got furious when Selim indeed made no mention of such compensation in Belgrade at the conclusion of his father’s funerary prayer. When the Janissaries vented their anger toward Selim, the Sultan gave up and paid, but paid them less than what they expected, with a promise that he would pay the remaining amount once the soldiers returned to their barracks and Selim to his palace. (Source: İsmail Hakkı Uzunçarşılı, Osmanlı Tarihi)

The Janissaries’ rebellious demeanor intensified when the procession reached Istanbul, as they demanded to be paid before the Sultan reached the palace. Selim appeased the Janissaries with great difficulty, and he owed this to his late father’s grand vizier, Sokollu Mehmed Pasha. (Source: Selânikî) After reaching the inner palace, Sultan Selim II offered the donations, not only to the Janissaries, but also to the provincial troops who had fought on his side against Prince Bayezid at the Battle of Konya (Şehzadeler Muharebesi) and to the members of the ulema class. (Source: Şerafettin Turan, “Selim II”):

Jannissaries block the roads on December 5th:

The Janissaries who demanded higher pay and promotions were dissatisfied when Selim paid them less than they expected and threatened to settle the matter in Istanbul. Furthermore, the Janissaries reacted harshly toward the Anatolian soldiers who had accompanied the sultan, going so far as to attack them. Thus, facing a serious crisis even during his accession and having been tested by Grand Vizier Sokullu Mehmed Pasha through this incident in some sense, Selim II eventually yielded to the demands of the Janissaries. Indeed, upon arriving in Istanbul on December 5th, the Janissaries blocked the roads, using the lack of promotions and bonuses as an excuse.

The Janissaries became violent: They knocked the Second Vezir, Pertev Pasha, and the Kaptan-ı Derya, Piyale Pasha, off their horses and struck the Third Vezir, Ferhad Pasha, with the butt of a rifle. Sokullu Mehmed Pasha had to intervene, and they convinced the new sultan to accept their demands for additional bonuses and promotions. Selim II was only able to enter the palace after they calmed down. Having witnessed the power and capabilities of the Janissaries firsthand, Selim II entrusted all affairs to the Grand Vizier. However, as his first act, he appointed his son-in-law Piyale Pasha and the Anatolian Beylerbey Zal Mahmud Pasha to the office, and his tutor Hüseyin Pasha to the governorship of Anatolia.

In Costantino Garzoni’s 1573 relazione, Sokollu Mehmet Pasha’s unilateral power would be highlighted and Selim II’s gratefulness to Sokollu Mehmet Pasha’s help during the days of his accession would be mentioned briefly:

“Selim leaves the management of the state and the faring of wars in the hands of Grand Vizier Mehmed Pasha, although the latter would never put into effect any act of great consequence without consulting with the Grand Signore. While Selim wants to be briefed on the opinions of each and every vizier-­pasha, he fully trusts the Grand Vizier Mehmed Pasha on the basis of his long experience in the affairs of state, his mature age, and his being a son-­ in-law. In addition, the Sultan wishes to prove his gratefulness for Mehmed’s help in connection with the death of Süleyman.”

The Venetian bailo Barbaro will mention Grand Vizier Sokollu Mehmet Pasha as the only competent member of the Imperial Council in a 1573 Relazioni:

🩵Around 14 years old, she was presented to Suleyman in late 1521, to a 26 year old Suleyman who was born in late 1495

🩵Mother of Mehmet, Mihrimah, Selim, Abdullah, Beyazid, Cihangir and possibly other unknown daughters

🩵Legal wife of Sultan Suleyman the Magnificent. Letter written by Genoese Bank of Saint George representative describes Hurrem Sultan’s wedding.

Haseki title being created for her for the first time, Hürrem Sultan had an unprecedented the role amongst the imperial women in the 16th century Ottoman Empire. By acting as a major patron of the arts and architecture, she utilized the Islamic tradition of endowments.

Her Patronage:

The Haseki Sultan Complex (also Hürrem Sultan Complex) (Turkish: Haseki Sultan Külliyesi) in Avratpazari (the former female slave market in Istanbul (1537-1551)

The buildings were designed by the architect Mimar Sinan. It was his first imperial project but it’s possible his predecessor is credited for some design elements.

Haseki Hospital is still an active hospital in Türkiye, named after her.

The Haseki Hamamı in Bahçekapı (also historically referred to as the Eminönü Haseki Hamamı or Çarşı Hamamı), was a public bathhouse — again built by Mimar Sinan. (1537-1540) plan drawn by Heinrich Gluck

Eminönü Daye Hatun Neighborhood Halıcılar Hanı (kervansarai) (1540)

Haseki Sultan Mosque in Ankara (1540)

Haseki Mosque was located in Ulus, Tahtakale Neighborhood. It was destroyed by fire during the fire known as the Tahtakale fire (on July 18-19, 1929).

Her complex in Macca and Medina (1548-1552)

Haseki Sultan Complex in Jerusalem (1549-1557)

Ayasofya Hürrem Sultan Hamamı (also known as Haseki Hürrem Sultan Hamamı) is a Turkish bath situated directly between the Hagia Sophia and the Blue Mosque in Sultanahmet, Istanbul. The bathhouse was commissioned in 1556 and was designed by the legendary Ottoman architect Mimar Sinan.

Edirne Haseki Waterways (Haseki Suları) are an engineering network designed by Mimar Sinan. Commissioned in 1530 by Hürrem Sultan and completed in 1556, the system channeled fresh spring water from the Taşlımüsellim and Pravdi regions, located about 45 km northeast of Edirne, into the city.

Her commissioned projects were spread across the empire and were not limited to the capital.

She was also behind the patronage of a couple of repair works.

The poems written by Prince Bayezid to his father, Suleyman the Magnificent, in which he sought forgiveness (but was denied by his father) are famously known as “Prince Bayezid's Response” poems.

They are considered amongst the saddest texts in Ottoman literature, and the poem exchange happened during his imprisonment in Safavid Empire, shortly before his imminent execution…

Suleyman’s poem to Beyazid

O son, you who have become the embodiment of rebellion and defiance,

O son, you who have never heeded my command, Would I have harmed you, O my Bayezid Khan, my son?

At least do not claim innocence; repent, my dear son.

For the sake of the prophets and saints, the great souls,

For the sake of Noah, Abraham, and Moses, son of Mary,

For the sake of the Seal of Prophecy, the Pride of the World,

Do not say you are innocent, my dear son, repent.

For Mecnun, who did not bear Adam’s name, the deserts are a resting place,

Those who flee from the proximity of devotion always fall far away,

If you say, “Alas, the pain of separation,”

Do not say you are innocent, my dear son, repent.

(The poem continues)

Beyazid’s poem to Suleyman

O Sultan Suleiman, my father, ruler of the entire world,

The life of my body, the beloved within my soul, my father,

Would you harm your beloved Bayezid, my father?

I am innocent; God knows, my mighty sultan, my father.

For the sake of Adam, the first of the prophets,

And also for the sake of Moses, Jesus, and Mary,

And for the sake of the Great Spirit, the Lord of the Universe,

I am innocent; God knows, my mighty sultan, my father.

God Almighty has made you the king of the world;

Do not kill your servant and make your enemy laugh, O King.

Do not separate me from the light of my eyes, my sons.

I am sinless; God knows; my noble sultan, my father.

Let my two hands be drenched in blood from head to toe.

This is the saying: “What if a servant commits a sin?”

Forgive Bayezid’s sin; do not slay this servant.

Seyyid Lokmân recorded that upon Murad III’s accession (cülus), fratricide of five Sehzades of Selim II took place on December 22nd, 1574 Wednesday, and they were buried next to their father on the next day.

Selânikî also writes that the princes were killed on Wednesday and then buried next day on Thursday.

According to Seyyid Lokmân, Selim II’s Sehzades are named:

Murad, Süleyman, Osman, Cihangir, Abdullah, Mustafa, Mehmed and Mahmud (he recorded a total of eight princes)

😨He literally named a prince after every single brother of his except Beyazid! He really hated that man. One prince is named after his father as it’s the custom!

Mehmet passed away in 1572, sharing the same fate with his namesake Prince Mehmet “peerless amongst princes”, Suleyman’s son, who died 1543.

Lokmân doesn’t give the names of the five princes who were still alive at the time of their father’s death in particular, but since Mehmet died in 1572 and Murad took the throne, we can assume the victims of fratricide are Süleyman, Osman, Cihangir, Abdullah, Mustafa because Karaçelebizâde ve Atâyî only records seven total princes and doesn’t name Mahmud. Mahmud may have died young.

Picture: Mustafa II, Abdulcelil Levni, early 18th century

Shaykh al-Islām Feyzullah Efendi is a key figure in Mustafa II’s reign, as he was a corrupt man who placed his sons or other family members in nearly all important governmental positions. Rumors also begun to circulate at this time, that he was making efforts to increase his wealth through various fraudulent means. Count Pyotr Andreyevich Tolstoy served as Tsar Peter the Great’s first permanent envoy to the Ottoman Empire from 1702 to 1709, observed this corruption well and actually even predicted that soon there will be a revolt. (However, he thought the revolt would take place in Istanbul — not in Edirne, where the revolt took form)

Shaykh al-Islām Feyzullah Efendi was so influential, there was this constant stream of Grand Viziers who were dismissed one after another after displeasing him.

It was well known that Shaykh al-Islām Feyzullah Efendi exerted influence over nearly every decision Mustafa II made. He had served as Mustafa’s tutor and Mustafa harbored a great sense of loyalty towards him. In the end, this blind loyalty would lead to his deposition.

“…When Sultan Mustafa Han ascended the throne, his teachers, led by Seyyid Feyzullah Efendi, were in Erzurum; they sent an imperial decree inviting him to Edirne. Subsequently, he was appointed Grand Mufti, and by placing the reins of authority in his hands, they secured a degree of complete independence such that, to this day, no one has been able to speak a single word against him; whichever of the Dârüssa’âde aghas or the distinguished viziers intended to speak out, no good came of it for them. To secure their positions, the viziers, commanders, and other officials would seek refuge at their doors and, through their intercession and pleas, attain high offices…”

(Source: Özcan, Anonim Osmanlı Tarihi, p. 223.)

Shaykh al-Islām Feyzullah Efendi was so influential and corrupt that he would famously say:

“…the vizier is our own apprentice…” (vezîr bizim kendi çırağımızdır) (Source: Silahdâr Fındıklılı Mehmed Ağa)

The Edirne Incident: The new Grand Vizier Rami Mehmed Pasha was trying to find a way to get rid of him. On July 18th, 1703, after a series of events that started in Georgia, the movement swelled into a massive coalition of janissaries, tradesmen, and citizens who demanded the dismissal of the Grand Vizier and the execution of Feyzullah Efendi. Ambassador Tolstoy’s reports indicate the palace didn’t envision these event would lead to the deposition of the Sultan as “one correspondence was postponed for only five days”

Since Valide Gülnus Sultan had already witnessed the deposition of Mehmed IV (Mustafa’s father) in her lifetime, she was extremely distressed and worried about her son Mustafa’s fate from the very beginning of this uprising.

Mustafa II, aware of his mother’s concerns, tried to reassure her with the words, “…they have deposed me from the throne and made my brother Sultan Ahmed sultan in my place; may Allah bless my children and my beloved servants, may they be entrusted to Allah…” and had indicated that he abdicated.

Furthermore, the account of how Sultan Mustafa II was forced to abdicate and was betrayed by the viziers and soldiers whom he trusted shows us the pain caused by betrayal: “… No, no, it’s over, words have run out, my viziers and my loyal officers are in unison with those wicked bandits of ill character; I seek refuge in the Almighty from their evil. May he destroy them all…” (Source: Silahdâr Fındıklılı Mehmed Ağa)

He passed away about five months later, due to sadness and urinary issues and cirrhosis (Source: Abdülkadir Özcan, “Mustafa II”)

On August 24, 1703, Mustafa’s full brother Ahmed III first visited the Chamber of the Holy Mantle (hırka-i şerîf) and after offering prayers, sat on the throne set up before the Babü’s-saade where the customary accession ceremony (cülus) was held.

…another one of Gulnus’s sons had become the Sultan.

Gulnus would pass away in 1715, and luckily, wouldn’t witness yet another deposition, but both of her sons would share their father’s fate…

In this post I’d like to make a list of purchases made in early 18th century Ottoman Empire. These purchases include various concubines; and I will compare their cost and purpose.

Ahmed III’s daughter Fatma Sultan’s “kethuda” (stewardess) depicts Ahmed III visit to her new palace in September 1709 in her own words: “When our revered and venerable master (Ahmed III) went to the palace of the blessed Fatma Sultan …” With this information, we can safely assume Fatma Sultan had already moved to her new residence by September 1709 at the age of five after her marriage to Silahtar Ali Pasha. Her disappearance from a palace record also indicate she was already granted a new residence for herself. Fatma had her own household with her servants and slave concubines. Her marriage to the reportedly handsome Silahdar Ali Pasha would last from 1709 to 1716, until his death in a battle, but the Paşa Kapisi Palace would become her forever home and even after marrying her second husband Nevsehirli Damat Ibrahim Pasha — who was a whole four decades older and whom the young princess had trouble getting used to—, the couple would continue to live in this residence.

Fatma’s father Ahmed III had spent 21.000 kuruş for the renovation of the Paşa Kapisi palace which had minimum 20 rooms and four pavillions.

Let’s compare the House renovation costs in this period (early 18th century Ottoman Empire) to the price of a concubine:

Ahmed III sent her daughter Fatma four skilled concubines who would each serve as cook, and one of them was a skilled embroidery artist. We can assume Ahmed III wanted these women to provide the little Fatma the same comforts and luxury worthy of an Ottoman princess in her new home, and unlike the slave concubines that served reproductive purpose these ladies were there to guide, protect and raise the little Sultan who was only 5 years old at the time. (As Silahtar was barred from spending time with her alone until she came of age— which never happened due to his death in battle.)

In this sense, her first husband Silahtar Ali Pasha also took some responsibility as it was customary in Islamic tradition for a man to provide for his wife, and purchased three concubines for his young wife in 1714:

Russian concubine: cost 670 kuruş

Circassian concubine: cost 950 kuruş

A concubine named Alemsah: cost 930 kuruş

Total cost for 3 concubines in 1714: 2550 kuruş

Fatma’s house renovation cost before 1709: 21.000 kuruş

(I’m not knowledgeable about the inflation rates during this time, but the purchases happened more or less within the same decade)

Around this time, a concubine purchased for Imperial Harem would cost around 120-325 kuruş, and this price was deemed “reasonable”. That said if the concubine had any spectacular skills, like if she played any musical instruments, this would tremendously increase her price. For example, around this time a concubine who played “kanun” had a cost of 1200 kuruş, and a “neyzen” concubine had a cost of 1100 kuruş.

Cost for a regular concubine in Imperial Harem: 120-325 kuruş

Cost for a concubine who was skilled at a musical instrument: 1100-1200 kuruş

👸 The fact that these individuals are referred to as ladies in the relevant record suggests that they may have been purchased for specific purposes, such as serving as governesses to the young Fatma Sultan, educating the sultan, and teaching her the rules of etiquette. This information proves not every slave concubine served for reproductive purposes, and some of them built their careers with their specific talents and education, in a degree that would be considered appropriate to teach a young Ottoman Princess.

👸 Some questions popped up in my mind: Were they raised from their childhood specifically to serve as musicians, teachers, childcare workers, cooks or embroidery artists and strictly forbidden from serving a male master? Or, did they earn their way up by studying these skills while occasionally entertaining a male master? Did they “graduate” from sexual slavery at some point in their life, and started to focus on other purposes while continuing to live their life as a slave? That’s a mystery.

French traveler Aubry de La Motraye suggests that when Ottoman Princesses were married off as children, until they would come of age and consummate their marriages, the sultan would offer their husbands an “Odalik” and would let the Vizier husband entertain himself with her until the young princess was ready. We don’t know whether this would apply to Silahtar Ali Pasha or not, as we cannot know what exactly happened in his personal residence. Although Fatma met Silahtar on certain occasions, they weren’t allowed to consummate their marriage or spend time alone and before she came of age her husband would die in battle.

Silahtar Ali Pasha had purchased three concubines for his Ortakoy villa:

Russian concubine: 236 kuruş

Another concubine: 800 kuruş

Georgian concubine, purchased with her son and daughter: 444 kuruş

There is no way of knowing if Silahtar Ali Pasha used any of these concubines as “Odalik”, however.

Source:

Have you heard of Lady Mary Wortley Montagu?

As the wife of the British ambassador to the Ottoman Empire (1717–1718), she became one of the first Westerners to access elite Ottoman women's quarters, and has some very nuanced, open-minded, emotionally mature and at times vivacious opinions of the women and their living quarters she has seen. I’ve seen her depictions being cited by historians and I would like to share this brilliant English woman who quickly adapted to this completely foreign culture and learned the subtle cues of Ottoman society. She provides insight into interiors, upper class Ottoman women, slave women, and various Ottoman traditions of that time.

She also observed the Ottoman practice of variolation to prevent smallpox during this time.

You can read more about her cheerful and exciting depictions of the women in Ottoman society!