the cynical ethnobotanist

“For all the ills, mezcal- for all the good, the same.” (Picture of Gallo Pelón’s menu) It’s an old saying they have in Oaxaca regarding the (superior) agave liquor. This year, North Carolina has welcomed its first mezcaleria, Gallo Pelón, right next to Raleigh’s capitol building in the heart of the city’s downtown. Gallo Pelón serves its considerable choices in mezcal with the traditional seasoned orange slice, and also offers flavored mezcals paired with another accompanying alcoholic beverage (such as a shotglass of Wahaka Manzanita with a glass of dry Irish cider) and a few cocktails featuring a range of mezcals (other alcohols, such as some fine tequilas and rums, are also available). 

© 2015 Quiroz and van Andel; licensee BioMed Central

Background

One of the main obstacles for the mainstreaming of religious traditions as tools for the conservation of nature is the limited applicability of research results in this field. We documented two different restrictions implemented by local people (taboos and sacrifices) related to the use of ritual plants in Benin (West Africa) and Gabon (Central Africa).

Methods

To see whether these restrictions reflected plant scarcity from an etic perspective (official threat status) and an emic viewpoint (perceived scarcity by local people), we conducted 102 interviews with traditional healers and adepts of traditional faiths.

Results

We documented a total of 618 ritual plants, from which 52 species were used in both countries. In Benin, the use of 63 of the 414 ritual plant species was restricted; while in Gabon 23 of the 256 ritual plants were associated with taboos and sacrifices. In Benin, restricted plants were significantly more often officially threatened, perceived as scarce, and actively protected than non-restricted plants. In the more forested and less densely populated Gabon, plants that were perceived as scarce were more often associated to local restrictions than officially threatened species.

Conclusions

These results prove the presence of a form of adaptive management where restrictions are related to resource scarcity and protection of ritual plant species. By providing baseline data on possibly endangered species, we demonstrate how plant use in the context of religious traditions can yield important information for conservation planning.

(© 2015 Begossi and Caires; licensee BioMed Central)

Background

Nature is perceived in a variety of forms, and the perception of nature can also be expressed in different ways. Local art may represent the perception of nature by humans. It can embody perception, imagination and wisdom. Local art, in particular, reflects how people interact with nature. For example, when studying the representation of fish by different cultures, it is possible to access information on the fish species found in the environment, on its relative importance, and on historical events, among others. In this context, art can be used to obtain information on historical events, species abundance, ecology, and behaviour, for example. It can also serve to compare baselines by examining temporal and spatial scales. This study aims to analyse art and nature from a human ecological perspective: art can understood as an indicator of fish abundance or salience.

Art has a variety of dimensions and perspectives. Art can also be associated with conservation ecology, being useful to reinterpret ecological baselines. A variety of paintings on fish, as well as paintings from local art, are explored in this study. They are analyzed as representing important fish, spatially and historically.

Methods

A survey regarding the fish found in different paintings was conducted using art books and museum books. Pictures were taken by visiting museums, particularly for local or traditional art (Australia and Cape Town).

Results

The fish illustrated here seem to be commonly important in terms of salience. For example,Coryphaena spp. is abundant in Greece, Nile tilapia in Egypt, Gadus morhua in the Netherlands, as well as barracuda in Australia; salience is also applied to useful, noticeable or beautiful organisms, such as Carassius auratus (China). Another aspect of salience, the diversity of a group, is also represented by the panel where Uraspis uraspis appears to be depicted.

Conclusions

Regarding the evaluation of baselines, we should consider that art may represent abundant fish in certain historic periods and geographic regions. Art could be an important temporal and geographical indicator to discover preterit information on the abundance of fish and compare it to present abundance.

(© 2015 Hopkins et al.; licensee BioMed Central)

Background

Ethnobotanical knowledge continues to be important for treating illness in many rural communities, despite access to health care clinics and pharmaceuticals. However, access to health care clinics and other modern services can have an impact on the distribution of medical ethnobotanical knowledge. Many factors have been shown to be associated with distributions in this type of knowledge. The goal of the sub-analyses reported in this paper was to better understand the relationship between herbal remedy knowledge, and two such factors, age and social network position, among the Yucatec Maya in Tabi, Yucatan.

Methods

The sample consisted of 116 Yucatec Maya adults. Cultural consensus analysis was used to measure variation in herbal remedy knowledge using competence scores, which is a measure of participant agreement within a domain. Social network analysis was used to measure individual position within a network using in-degree scores, based on the number of people who asked an individual about herbal remedies. Surveys were used to capture relevant personal attributes, including age.

Results

Analysis revealed a significant positive correlation between age and the herbal medicine competence score for individuals 45 and under, and no relationship for individuals over 45. There was an insignificant relationship between in-degree and competence scores for individuals 50 and under and a significant positive correlation for those over 50.

Conclusions

There are two possible mechanisms that could account for the differences between cohorts: 1) knowledge accumulation over time; and/or 2) the stunting of knowledge acquisition through delayed acquisition, competing treatment options, and changes in values. Primary ethnographic evidence suggests that both mechanisms may be at play in Tabi. Future studies using longitudinal or cross-site comparisons are necessary to determine the whether and how the second mechanism is influencing the different cohorts.

(© 2015 Zamudio and Hilgert)

Background

Not long ago Eugene Hunn suggested using a combination of cognitive, linguistic, ecological and evolutionary theories in order to account for the dynamic character of ethnoecology in the study of folk classification systems. In this way he intended to question certain homogeneity in folk classifications models and deepen in the analysis and interpretation of variability in folk classifications. This paper studies how a rural culturally mixed population of the Atlantic Forest of Misiones (Argentina) classified honey-producing stingless bees according to the linguistic, cognitive and ecological dimensions of folk classification. We also analyze the socio-ecological meaning of binomialization in naming and the meaning of general local variability in the appointment of stingless bees.

Methods

We used three different approaches: the classical approach developed by Brent Berlin which relies heavily on linguistic criteria, the approach developed by Eleonor Rosch which relies on psychological (cognitive) principles of categorization and finally we have captured the ecological dimension of folk classification in local narratives. For the second approximation, we developed ways of measuring the degree of prototypicality based on a total of 107 comparisons of the type “X is similar to Y” identified in personal narratives.

Results

Various logical and grouping strategies coexist and were identified as: graded of lateral linkage, hierarchical and functional. Similarity judgments among folk taxa resulted in an implicit logic of classification graded according to taxa’s prototypicality. While there is a high agreement on naming stingless bees with monomial names, a considerable number of underrepresented binomial names and lack of names were observed. Two possible explanations about reported local naming variability are presented.

Conclusions

We support the multidimensionality of folk classification systems. This confirms the specificity of local classification systems but also reflects the use of grouping strategies and mechanisms commonly observed in other cultural groups, such as the use of similarity judgments between more or less prototypical organisms. Also we support the idea that alternative naming results from a process of fragmentation of knowledge or incomplete transmission of knowledge. These processes lean on the facts that culturally based knowledge, on the one hand, and biologic knowledge of nature on the other, can be acquired through different learning pathways.