The university is, in the prehistory of communism, a place for the accumulation of cultural and intellectual detritus. the student is a subject of ambiguous class affiliation, both in material and aspirational terms, and consequently, student political life suffers from a pathological inconcreteness. The symptoms of this ailment include extreme spontaneity and organizational impernanence; one day the university sees a 90%+ strike attendance, and the day after it is as if nothing happened. Every new student who went to the strike's actions seems completely satisfied, as if everything had been solved, an overwhelming number more simply slept in and masturbated that day. The university student is defined by a constant tension between the awareness of everything that is denounceable, what ought to be done, and the gaping space where a will is supposed to be found. The few of us who don't stew in inaction are, thus, bad students.
You'll find an unending stream of students who fancy themselves nihilists, nietzscheans, marxists, hegelians, aristotelians, romanticists, empiricists, rationalists, absurdists, classical liberals, jacobins, disciples of spinoza, or enlightened intellectuals who don't burden themselves with labels and exist above and below politics. They all pay their tuition diligently, they all end up with a "useful" ballot in hand, they all avoid dirtying their perfectionist intellectual unoriginality with compromise to their beliefs. They find themselves infinitely more preoccupied with debating what "production" a student "strike" is able to halt, through an intellectual effort which inverts their compass and they travel towards the equator looking for the pole. Only the few who involve themselves in the organization of these strikes have found the necessity of those strikes to be intimately linked with a university worker's strike. Nevertheless, nobody is consequent about this discovery.
It is for this reason that the criticism of the student movement can only venture into the hypothetical unity with the worker's movement, and not include the university workers in the criticism of university political life. An object that doesn't exist cannot be criticized. While the only actually concrete revolutionary subject of the university remains entrapped by a solipsistic unionism, but still warmed by the plate tectonics of class division, the pretension of the class conscious student renegues from their only possible alliance blinded by its class indefinition and an imagined generational divide. The "class" conscious student is an intellectual necrophiliac, seeing in the philosophies relegated to the cemetery of history a novel object, systematically ignorant that history cannot ever stop advancing forward. A bakuninist horizontal coordinator there, the Young Trotskyists there, the deputies of the parliamentary arch over there, and the communists who fear history past 1917 here. It is only when the student gains their titles and they're forced into the workplace that they stand hope of taking part in contemporary history, when the gates of the ideological cemetery are shut off.