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Fols. 43v & 31v of 'The Hours of Henry VII', Chatsworth House Devonshire Collection, given by Henry VII to his daughter, Margaret Tudor Queen of Scots
"The positioning of Henry VIIâs inscriptions is also meaningful . . . Henryâs second inscription [âPray for your louyng fadre that gave you ths booke and I geve you att all tymes goddes blessing and myne henry Râ] is . . . juxtaposed alongside the âCommemoratio de sancto georgioâ (Commemoration of St George), and following a full-page image of St George slaying the dragon (fol. 31v). Henry thus asserts and authorizes his position by signing his name immediately alongside an image of the patron saint of England. Furthermore, in the background of this image stands a woman dressed in pink who closely resembles the image of St Margaret of Antioch (also portrayed with a dragon) on fol. 43v. An association is therefore forged between the two dragon-slayers, and Margaret of Antioch is co-opted into the English saintly tradition as a fitting model for her namesake, Margaret Tudor. Henryâs inscriptions transform the manuscript into a memorial volume â a way for Margaret to maintain a connection with her family once north of the border"
Emily Wingfield, Scotlandâs Royal Women and European Literary Culture, 1424â1587 (2023)
Fols. 43v & 31v of 'The Hours of Henry VII', Chatsworth House Devonshire Collection, given by Henry VII to his daughter, Margaret Tudor Queen of Scots
"The positioning of Henry VIIâs inscriptions is also meaningful . . . Henryâs second inscription [âPray for your louyng fadre that gave you ths booke and I geve you att all tymes goddes blessing and myne henry Râ] is . . . juxtaposed alongside the âCommemoratio de sancto georgioâ (Commemoration of St George), and following a full-page image of St George slaying the dragon (fol. 31v). Henry thus asserts and authorizes his position by signing his name immediately alongside an image of the patron saint of England. Furthermore, in the background of this image stands a woman dressed in pink who closely resembles the image of St Margaret of Antioch (also portrayed with a dragon) on fol. 43v. An association is therefore forged between the two dragon-slayers, and Margaret of Antioch is co-opted into the English saintly tradition as a fitting model for her namesake, Margaret Tudor. Henryâs inscriptions transform the manuscript into a memorial volume â a way for Margaret to maintain a connection with her family once north of the border"
Emily Wingfield, Scotlandâs Royal Women and European Literary Culture, 1424â1587 (2023)
In fact, when I saw Elizabeth Norton's introduction to Jane Seymour's new book, my first reaction was, would anyone write a similar book for Elizabeth of York.
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have long believed that the downfalls of Catherine Howard and Anne Boleyn cannot be treated as analogous. he was still in what he thought was the height of passionate infatuation with her. There was no prolonged period of fighting against public opinion, nor the doubts, fear and exhaustion triggered by miscarriages. As many historians have argued, through Catherine Howard, Henry sought to recapture his youth, indulging the fantasy that he remained a handsome, vibrant young man. When this illusion shattered, he naturally clung to desperate attempts to salvage the dream.
In the case of Anne Boleyn, regardless of whether he ever contemplated discarding her, or whether, as Weir suggests, he hesitated at the final moment before moving against her, Henryâs conduct throughout her trial and in its aftermath speaks volumes. It is highly likely that his words and actions toward Anne were fuelled by genuine hatred, rage, and vengeful fury.
That said, one plausible reading remains: even as he planned to cast Anne aside or have her executed, he expected her to remain endlessly, unwaveringly devoted to him. Upon discovering that Anne might in fact hold him in contempt, he flew into a fit of wounded, furious humiliation.If Anne's downfall was inevitable, why did everything seem to be developing within normal limits shortly before her arrest? Perhaps Henry VIII feared Anne and others like COA, openly questioning him
But the similarity between Jane and Anne ends here. Even though Jane was heartbroken and heartbroken, she did not leave any records; She never swore revenge like Anne did, never showed any resentment or resistance towards those who controlled her fate. Jane can only accept adversity and comply with all arrangements.
When Catherine's entourage was downsized, Jane may have briefly left the palace, but she returned to the palace in early 1534. Financial records show that as one of Anne's maidservants, she received a gift from Henry during the New Year.
Jane's older brother Edward also served in the court as a close attendant to the royal family and went to Calais with Henry and Anne at that time. Edward had a friendly attitude towards Anne, sympathized with the Reformation like Anne, and was meticulous, intelligent, and ambitious. At that time, his highest expectations for his sister may have stopped at becoming a queen maid - this was already a top-level political opportunity that a woman could aspire to. But Edward had exceptional insight, and when Henry turned his gaze to Jane, he had already made a comprehensive plan.âŠ
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What kind of resonance can these two completely different women find in each other? Margaret, who was devout and self-sufficient, found it difficult to identify with this woman who relied on her beauty to cling to the King of York and betray the Lancaster family; Elizabeth Woodville, who was both flamboyant and emotional, would never consider Margaret, who was simple and studious, as a confidant.
Divorced, Beheaded, Survived: A Feminist Reinterpretation Of The Wives Of Henry VIII
When I saw a book about 'feminism' that criticized women she didn't like, my expression was đ
I don't know if you know, but may Mary Boleyn not be Henry VIII's mistress? Where is the source of this statement?
âš terfs/zionists fuck off âš
she was not his official mistress, and the sources for their relationship are incredibly scarce. i think historiography of mary's relationship with henry viii has been emphasised because of her deviation from gendered expectations for sexual conduct elsewhere in her biography. consider her earlier relationship with the french king: "it has been suggested that mary fell out of favour with her family over her behaviour in france, where she had offended the code of discretion that existed even there" (wilkinson). also, her subsequent secret marriage to william stafford and banishment from court: "she had brought the boleyns into disrepute with her marriage [...] so, mary was banished from court for her misconduct, and financially cut off". (bacchus-waterman).
in their lifetime, mary's relationship with henry viii seems to have been weaponised by catherine of aragon's supporters, as a means to delegitimise anne boleyn - such seems to be the origins of rumours that her son, henry carey (born 1526), was the king's bastard, which is probably untrue. but what is clear is that their relationship was perceived as the business of the court, and was contested thusly. george throckmorton recalled bringing up the rumour that "it is thought ye have meddled both with the mother and the sister" to the king, and that thomas cromwell "standing by said `nor never with the sister either, and therefore put that out of your mindâ".
in actuality, mary's relationship with henry viii is largely unclear. that henry only denied a relationship with elizabeth boleyn ("never with the mother") is probably an acknowledgement of a relationship with mary, which is more formally affirmed by henry's request for a dispensation to marry anne boleyn from pope clement vii in 1528. but that's all we know, really. if she was his mistress, it was arguably unusual in that it took place after her marriage to henry carey, which took place in 1520, with henry viii in attendance. to quote her odnb entry:
"a series of royal grants to her husband beginning early in 1522 may indicate that it was now that she became the king's mistress. possibly mary was the lady for whom henry jousted at the tournament held in honour of imperial ambassadors on 2 march 1522, when he rode a horse in silver caparisons embroidered with a wounded heart and the motto 'elle mon coeur a navera' ('she has wounded my heart'). mary took part in the related entertainment on shrove tuesday following, the assault on the chùteau vert [where] mary featured as kindness. [...] royal grants to william carey between 1522 and 1525 can be interpreted as recognition of his wife's status as the king's mistress during these years; likewise the existence of a ship named the mary boleyn in 1523. but it is likely that the affair was over by the time mary was pregnant with her son henry carey, born on 4 march 1526." (hughes)
alternatively, in her biography of mary, josephine wilkinson interprets the relationship as genuine, and distinct â she notes that âhenryâs relationship with mary boleyn would turn out to be longer than that of any of his other mistresses; indeed, its duration would exceed that of some of his later marriagesâ.
these asks take a lot of time. if you wish to buy me a coffee, iâd be very appreciative âđ
I am deeply considering getting an in memorium tattoo for Katheryn Howard.
A big part of the reason she was manipulated into becoming queen was that she liked pretty and fine things, so I want to get a flash tattoo of the prettiest and finest crown possible. I'm trying to choose between these
(Also, that is a Dumbass Reason because she was a literal child. Not because she was an idiot. She was a teenager.)
I also am thinking of adding a K in her handwriting underneath it alongside a V (because she was the fifth wife.) This is her signature and the K I would be stealing.
She also favored silver and almost exclusively danced in silver gowns, so ideally Id like a silver tattoo. But that isn't really possible, so I'm thinking of either Tudor Green or the crimsons or violets she regularly wore. I lean toward the latter because I don't want to heavily lean into one of her abusers in the tattoo design.
What do yall think? How can I improve this? Which crown do you think is best?
Tagging @thevagabondexpress because I know you dig history, but PLEASE everyone weigh in.
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Is Katherine Howardâs ghost truly haunting Hampton Court Palace?
If you know anything about Tudor history, you are probably aware of the story where Katherine Howard runs down the corridors screaming for mercy from Henry VIII. One popular depiction of this event can be seen in The Tudors Season 4, Episode 5, titled âBottom of the Pot.â Where Katherine is played by Tamzin Merchant.
A quick Google search of the story will tell you that when Katherine Howard realized the danger she was in, she escaped her guards and ran down the corridor screaming for mercy from Henry, who was in the nearby chapel attending Mass. However, she was caught and taken back before she could reach him, and that was the last time she ever saw Henry. According to legend, her ghost now haunts that gallery.
(Here are photos of the nearby chapel taken by me)
This story has been told countless of times that at Hampton Court Palace, the corridor has officially become known as âThe Haunted Gallery.â It is said that at times a woman dressed in all white can be seen running down the hallway in distress, but when she reaches the end of the corridor, she turns around in shock and disbelief before shrieking in fear.
But what evidence is there for this story? Is it true, or is it simply one of the many tales about the Tudor era created by the Victorians?
Many historians and biographers of Katherine Howard are deeply skeptical of this event. One example is Antonia Fraser, who states that âthe original incident is unconfirmedâ and argues that âa reconstruction of the first floor of the Tudor palace shows that Queen Katherine Howard could not have reached the Chapel from her own apartment in this manner.â
Another example is David Starkey. In his biography of all of Henry VIIIâs six wives, he states: âThere was no time for hysterics or for her last, desperate attempt to see him in the chapel gallery. Indeed, when her husband left the palace, she was aware neither of his departure nor that anything was wrong.â
Not to mention this whole event wasnât ever written about until 1881 by Ernest Law. If the Queen of England was running, screaming, and crying for mercy from the king whilst hundreds of court residents were watching wouldnât this whole event be national scandal?
So, considering the geographical layout of the palace and the timeline of events, it is very likely that this story is not historically accurate.
However, there are still many visitors who claim to feel a strange energy or experience chills while visiting the gallery. But, when someone has been given information beforehand that a place is haunted, they may be more likely to perceive something unusual. For example, if someone near you says, âI feel something strange over here,â you may become more likely to feel something as well. This is known as behavioral contagion.
My Personal Experience
I visited Hampton Court Palace in March, and personally in the Haunted Gallery I did not feel or see anything unusual. However, I absolutely loved visiting Hampton Court Palace, and I highly recommend it if you ever have the opportunity to go. <3
Here are some photographs of mine!
Cites:
Six Wives: The Queens of Henry VIII by David Starky
The Wives of Henry VIII by Antonia Fraser
Centuries of ghosts and grim tales
Does Catherine Howard's Ghost Really Haunt Hampton Court?
Sir Henry Irving as Cardinal Wolsey for a production of Shakespeareâs âHenry VIIIâ
His productions were noted for their high-quality design, and he was the first to darken an auditorium in order to focus attention on the stage. In 1895 he became the first actor to be knighted â the result of his long crusade to see the theatre recognised as an art form.
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