Tony Gonzalez W15Branding+Capitalism

In chapter’s five and six of Anna Klingman’s Brandscapes, a thesis about the new architectural approaches spurred by the conditions of late capitalism is constructed. Kilingman opens the chapter by invoking the canonical Koolhaas essay Junkspace. In the essay, Koolhaas offers a feverish critique of modernity and it’s relation to capitalism. He argues that the primary product of modernity is not manufactured commodities, but the associated spaces from which they are manufactured and sold. Junkspace has a neutralizing effect, dampening intense experience under its even wash of fluorescent lighting. These types of spaces are easy to construct, and easy to re-skin.

Klingman offers several counter-strategies which take seek to leverage the neutralizing effects of the postmodern architecture of late capitalism. In one approach, so called lowbrow architecture is manipulated to transcend the aesthetic differentiations between it and the ‘highbrow’, in another, architecture is made liquid so as to adapt to the turbulent change of market forces. In yet another, time is appropriated by architects as a material, and in two others, parametric or pure data generate form. The final, and perhaps most interesting, is the technique used by Rem Koolhaas, called The Accommodating Critique. This technique, by way of programmatic manipulation, allows for the architect to simultaneously provide of the needs of the client while delivering a sometimes scathing critique of the project type, or the economy in which the project is suspended.

Here, we might look to Learning from Las Vegas for a way to unpack Koolhaas’s subversive technique. Venturi’s text explains the way that architecture can be understood as a vehicle for semiotics. By flattening architecture into an interplay of signs, Scott-Brown and Venturi open the discourse of architecture to transcend formal and functional considerations, assuming a new cultural agency. Koolhaas, appropriating techniques of pop-art posited by Warhol, et al, finds new interest in the previously banal. In the case of Prada stores, the act of shopping is elevated to an important human institution. The ‘epicenters’ become highly flexible stage sets from which performances of the brand-identity can be enacted.

Ironically, Koolhaas illuminates both the disease and one possible treatment. It seems that if late capitalism demands the production of junkspace, one way for the architect to operate is to generate meaning by destabilizing the preconceived notions of activities which are fundamental to the postmodern condition.

For me, this raises a few key questions:

1. Does the architect have a responsibility to destabilize certain social binaries that are unreachable by other cultural agents?

2. Would Koolhaas argue that Disneyland, as we have come to understand it in this class, is and example of junkspace?

In Death of Modern Architecture, Jencks indicts the project of Modernism in architecture by pointing out that it produces inevitably bland buildings. “First, in the economic sphere [architecture] is either procured for a public welfare agency which lacks the money necessary to carry out the Socialist intentions of the architects; or it si funded by a Capitalist agency whose monopoly creates huge investments and correspondingly gigantic buildings … economic imperatives determining size and predictability of the result [building] have coerced the architecture into becoming so relentlessly uptight (11).

Indeed, the now familiar example of Pruit Igoe is offered as a the key failure and cessation of Modernist thought in architecture. The building’s rational aspirations were at catastrophic odds with the qualitative needs of its residents, and the architecture decayed as a product of their dissatisfaction with the dangerous design. Jencks goes on to explain that this triggered a canonical Crisis in architecture.

Extrapolating Jencks’ point here, it may be seen the the homogeneity of the very goals of buildings constructed by Capitalists, i.e. to make money or to solve problems which stand in the way of making money, have synthetically produced rarity of rich spatial experience. This is associated with Deborah Gans' writing about the demonization of leisure time by Le Corbusier and others. This rarity, in true Capitalistic form, renders rich experience intensely valuable. Indeed, the industrial quality of buildings, contingent to the efficiency of function which is contingent to the project of Modernism, generates public demand for the spatial experience which cannot be provided by the purely semiotic response to a design problem. Thus, one might be able to build the argument that the staleness of Modernism, as it was incarnated by architecture, was the key agent in the genesis of the Experience Economy described by such characters as Pine and Gilmore.

Indeed, it seems that the laws of supply and demand may function not only on a macro and micro economic level, but on a paradigmatic level.

For me, this raises a few key questions:

1. In the case of the Capitalist client, could it be the responsibility of the architect to imbue the building with ‘shadow programs’ that is, programs and features which are unrelated to the client’s desires, but also beneficent to the buildings’ end users? (I could imagine, for example, an extended lobby space in a public building which serves as a gathering space for some underrepresented group of people, or perhaps park benches which improve the lives of homeless populations without the explicit knowledge of the city.)

The first official headquarters of the Harley-Davidson Motorcycle Company was located inside the work-shed of Aurthur Davidson’s Milwaukee home. The first sales of Harley-Davidson brand motorcycles took place in Chicago in 1904. As sales began to grow, the company began to spread out into an eastern market sector. In 1912, the company would begin construction on their iconic red- brick building located in Milwaukee. The construction of this building cemented the company to the city of Milwaukee. Production was moved to the Milwaukee location at this time. The company continued to grow, and manufacturing was soon decentralized from the Milwaukee location.

The building, at the corner of Juneau and 37th Street in Milwaukee, has since become a mecca for motorcycle- enthusiasts, offering factory tours, a brand-education facility, and conference centers. The plant was recently added to the national historic register.

Retail Locations

As mentioned earlier, the first sales of Harley-Davidson products were conducted by a private contractor in Chicago in 1904. Just three years later, the company would begin to deploy branded dealerships. The first locations were set in the north eastern region of the United states. These small shops were typically found on primary streets, showing three to four motorcycles outside the store. Stores were typically built into existing buildings, with large sign posts and windows dominating the facades. The form of the stores adopted art-deco forms in the 30’s and streamlined forms in the 50’s. As time progressed, the stores began to swell in size, offering repair services and the sale of replacement parts. These new sales prompted later experiments with branded products, such as leather jackets, in the 60’s. In fall 2014, an experimental Urban Entertainment District was opened in Ft. Myers, Florida. ‘6 Bends’ covers some 16.5 acres and offers 45,000 square feet of retail space outside of the 54,000 square foot Harley- Davidson dealership, education course, Riding Academy, and entertainment venue. The name of the development was derived from the ‘six bends’ found in a Harley- Davidson motorcycle handlebar. The development was completed as a partnership between the Harley- Davidson Motor Company and Scot Fischer Enterprises, an independent developer. The development represents Harley-Davidson’s new form in the Experience economy. Now, the process of purchasing a Harley involves weeks of visiting the development, attending classes and entertainment events. While the development does have other brands, the awnings and various other building accouterments are conform to the Harley-Davidson Brand.

Tourist Attractions

On January 20th of 2015, the Harley-Davidson Motor Company and the city of Sturgis, South Dakota, completed a 75-year agreement to continue to feature Harley-Davidson as the official motorcycle of the Sturgis Rally. The agreement was completed in order to celebrate the 75th anniversary of the Sturgis Motorcycle Rally.

In what could only be described as a bizarre quasi-religious ritual, the deal was sealed by the removal of a brick from the company’s Milwaukee headquarters and delivering it, along with 74 other bricks, to the city of Sturgis, South Dakota. A 2015 Motorcycle was used to remove the brick. The Sturgis Rally has been held in the eponymous town since it’s inauguration in 1938. The rally began as a stunt and race festival, but has since evolved into a social gathering site for motorcycle enthusiasts. In 2015, some 739,000 people were in attendance. The town of Sturgis has a population of only 6,627 people.

Alignments The architecture of dealerships, the design of the logo, and the design of the Motorcycles themselves have colluded over the years as the Harley-Davidson brand has evolved. As the architectural form of the brand evolved from the purely authentic ‘backyard’ production in the early 1900’s, it has reflected the brand’s ability to adapt to changing economic paradigms. Notably, from the beginning, the design of the dealerships have featured a prominent place for the logo of the brand to hover above a line of motorcycles. The products are usually placed in a way that invites attention. In the 1930’s, the product, the logo, and the stores took on a streamlined look, following the advent of Art-Deco. 

1. How will fake urbanisms, such as the example described on page 78 of the Klingmann reading, fare during the transition from the Experience Economy to the Meaning Economy? What is the meaning-value of these kinds of synthetic urbanisms?

The example of Celebration, Florida, is one of a corporate-synthesized urbanism which seeks to position itself as a ‘real’, or organically occurring urbanism. In actuality, the city was planned, constructed, and operated for quite some time by the Disney Corporation. The city, in this way, represents a bizarre mutant of the Disney Parks, such that reality is essentialized, sanitized, and staged for consumption. That being the case, Our readings suggests that such an environment should thrive in the experience economy.

 As the global economy shifts to a meaning based system, I would suggest that institutions such as Celebration need either re-frame themselves. In our example, one could imagine Celebration re-branding itself from the offering the experience of a more sanitized urbanity, to offering the meaning of a more sanitized urbanity. This may include such techniques as creating a situation in which the moral and ethical purity of the town is championed as the primary meaning for sale.

2. How does Jerde’s Model for the designing of Stage-Urbanism differ from Disney’s?

For Jon Jerde, the designing of malls was about creating non-centralized nodes around and in-between which conversation could happen. That being the case, his model allows for guests to wander between various nodes at will. Rather than construct disparate buildings, a Jerde mall deploys semi-autonomous structures, like Aedicula, Facades without buildings behind them, and the like.

 In the case of Disney, similar elements are deployed, but they are orchestrated in such a way as to construct a non-linear narrative. Staff, sale items, food, and all other elements are arranged in such  way as to reinforce this overall structure of the narrative. Moreover, elements existing outside of the park, but inside of the brand ‘disney’ work to reinforce and focus attention and narrative information back on the brand itself. In this way, the scale of the narrative eclipses the physical space of the park. On that matter, it is worth mentioning that the park deploys numerous tromp l’oeil tactics to soften the urban experience as well as imply vast and nonexistent distances.

3. In what ways is localized production and meaning being replaced by consumption?

Initial impressions of the “Harley-Davidson’ Brand

Having never owned either a motorcycle nor the desire to own a motorcycle, my understanding of the Harley-Davidson brand, and the culture that surrounds it, is likely rife with misconception and ill-informed assumption. That being said, I’ll use this opportunity to sketch out my misconceptions and assumptions about the brand, later comparing my assumptions to my research, as a way of understanding the dissemination of information that surrounds branding and branded cultures.  

My initial impression of the brand is that it seeks to express an overt, traditional masculine identity. The brand’s project is, in my mind, to construct the concept of the ‘Biker’: a kind of pioneer who seeks to trade the comforts of established society for the freedoms and pleasures associated with a more independent life. “Off the Grid” That being the case, these individuals are expected to be ‘rough’ or ‘course’, either physically or psychically. In addition, I associate a certain curiosity or wanderlust with these individuals. One imagines this individual as being highly skilled in mechanical arts, such that their independent lifestyle is not impeded by the unpredictability of one having access to a repair facility.  Characters from Dennis Hopper’s 1969 film, Easy Rider, encapsulate this counter-culture lifestyle. In addition to the ‘Biker’, the ‘Hobbyist’ also comes to mind. The ‘Hobbyist’ is an individual who wishes to partake in the independence associated with the ‘Biker’ lifestyle, but only for short periods of time, as a form of recreation. The ‘Hobbyist’ may experience a kind of ‘bell curve’ of interest, climaxing in the purchase of a motorcycle, and resolving in the sale of said motorcycle.

A CONDENSED HISTORY

COMPANY’S VISION/MISSION STATEMENT “We fulfill dreams through the experience of motorcycling, by providing to motorcyclists and to the general public an expanding line of motorcycles and branded products and services in selected market segments.”

ABOUT: “Fulfilling dreams of personal freedom is more than a phrase. It’s our purpose and passion. We bring a commitments of exceptional customer experiences to everything we do - from the innovation of our products to the precision of our manufacturing - culminating with our strong supplier and eager networks. We are Harley-Davidson”

A history of the Harley-Davidson Motor Company:

In 1901, William S. Harley completes the blueprint drawing of an engine designed to fit into a bicycle. In 1903, Harley and Arthur Davidson make the first Harley-Davidson motorcycle available to the public. A year later, the first dealer opens in Chicago. The company would slowly grow, and by 1908, the first motorcycle is sold to the city of Detroit, for use on the police force. In 1909, the company would release it’s iconic v-twin motor, and the company begins to sell spare and replacement parts for their products. At this time, the company begins involvement with motorcycle racing, which would serve as a primary branding and advertising vehicle up to this day. By 1910, the company would roll out the iconic ‘Bar & Shield’ logo. In 1912, construction begins on a new Milwaukee corporate office. The building is still used for the same purpose today. The company would sell it’s first international bike by that time, as well. In 1916, the first ‘Harley-Davidson Enthusiast’ begins publication, and to this day remains the longest running motorcycle magazine in the world. In 1925, the distinct ‘teardrop shaped gas tank’ would become a staple of the brand. In 1938, the Jack Pine Gypsies Motorcycle Club holds the first Black Hills Rally in Sturgis, South Dakota. In 1941, the company began to produce motorcycles for the WWII effort, producing nearly 60,000 bikes for military use. In 1960, H-D would merge with Aeronatica-Macchi, forming the apparatus for a European division of the company. In 1981, the H-D portion of the company would be bought back by the senior executives, and the phrase ‘The Eagle Soars Alone’ is adopted as a branded phrase. In 1987, the company would be listed on the NYSE. To this day, the company continues to develop its brand through racing, the production of licensed goods, and numerous ‘alternative culture’ events like the Sturgis rally.

1. What is the new role of aesthetics in the experience market? (p. 44)

“‘[T]he importance of ‘aesthetic skills’ has grown along with lifestyle oriented service businesses, in which aesthetic environments attract customers and good-looking employees function as ‘human hardware enhancing the company image.’” - Daniel Goleman, Working with Emotional Intelligence.

For both Goleman and Klingmann, aesthetics are a new kind of quasi-commodity. Delivered through the experiences which surround products, as in the case of Apple, aesthetics operate as an environment in which consumers live and identify themselves through. Klingmann offers the example of Peter Zumthor’s Therme Vals as a quintessential aesthetic experience, in which the building was design to elicit a very precise experience of bathing through the deployment of a quasi-religious aesthetic experience.

2. How does architecture construct the ‘gut feeling’ people have about a brand? Aaron Betsky calls the branded icon an “object of adoration, and a fetish, and in all of these ways it creates something we can see that condenses and makes physical the invisible or the unnamable forces that control our world… Icons are objects that represent the unpresentable.” Architecture, by both providing experience and by providing icon to which experience is attributed, serves as the physical manifestation of the ‘unpresentable’ material which generates the ‘gut feeling’ in the consumer. In addition, the consumer instantaneously identifies other people who share their ‘gut feeling’ about certain brands when they see the relationship that those people have with certain brands.

3. What responsibility might architecture have in the ‘fragmenting’ nature of the hyper-modern brand-saturated society?

“In our media-saturated times, it falls to architecture to have the direct [a]esthetic experience of the real at the center of its concerns.” (Michael Benedikt)

Logorama is a short film directed by the French animation collective H5. The film presents a character-driven narrative by manipulating and anthropomorphizing various well established  United States product Brands. In doing so, the video strips the branded imagery of its ‘mythological associations’, thereby allowing room for the insertion new associations by the audience.

Giles Lipovetsky discusses this phenomenon in his essay “A branded World”. For Lipovetsky, the  ultimate goal of any brand is to engender love. A brand accomplishes this by building a mythology, through advertising and other communication techniques, which reinforce that brand’s identity. Lipovetsky offers the example of Nike: the brand frames itself not as a mere manufacturer of shoes, but as a “force which seeks to make the world a better place through sports”. The mythology of a particular brand is so strong that often times an individual’s perception of a brand is deeply polluted by the associated mythology, and one cannot see the brand itself. Additionally, an individual operating in what Lipovetsky terms the ‘hyper-modern’ world completely saturated by brands, finds that a large component of their individuality and self-worth is derived from the brands with which one associates one’s own self.

In the film Logorama, these powerful associations are stripped away as a function of the characterization and objectification of the brands. Props, setting and characters all take the form of familiar brands, such as Michelin and McDonalds, but the accompanying mythology of the brands is suspended. This suspension occurs as intense violence, which plays out both on the characters involved and their hyper-saturated brand-landscape.

Ultimately, the strength of the film is drawn from it’s ambivalent attitude toward the process of branding. The ‘branded-ness’ of the characters factors little into their actions. This being the case, the audience free to absorb their own perspectives which are subconsciously reflected back towards them.

A plurality of new associations can be made in the myth-less brandscape. First, one may understand the ubiquity of the branding in the film’s landscape as a commentary on the ubiquity of branding in the physical realm.

The primary plot-arc of the film follows a criminal Ronald McDonald as he attempts to perform an act of terror within what seems to be downtown Los Angeles. (A large Hollywood sign can be seen crumbling in the background) Ripples from his actions cause various environmental trauma which later spells the end of the town. One could interpret the violence of the landscape in a plurality of ways. It may be that H5 wishes to make a commentary on the role that metabolic forces within capitalism consume and mar the environment at increasingly violent rates. One need not read the situation that way, however.