Navigating The Subway As an Urban Commons -
⢠Part 1:
I. The Subway as an Infrastructure for Human Transport:
When it was designed, built, and released to the people of New York City in 1904, the Subway was viewed as an infrastructure for efficient and orderly transportation. In fact, it was viewed not only as a vehicle for mass transport, but as a symbol for moving forward; a vehicle that would unify the city, amplifying its economic potentials echoing with civic pride (HĂśhne 2015). Along with it, the behaviors of the yet to be determined subjects, that would ultimately become the target users of this innovation, needed to be designed. Similar to railway passengers that preceded them, subway riders needed to be disciplined, their practices homogenized through implicit design, and explicit codes of conduct plastered even before its grand opening (ibid).
II. The Subway as a Semi Public Space:
While the subway was constructed as a device, what the engineers and designers may have failed to realize was they were in fact creating a loose space (Franck and Stevens 2006), one in which, similar to victorian railway passengers, transient communities are sometimes formed (DeSapio 2013), and unpredictable behavior is bound to occur. Essentially, while it was designed with singular predictable and desirable users in mind, an approach Foucault would consider as subjectification (HĂśhne 2015), it is instead occupied by communal richness and spontaneity. Â
A privately managed public infrastructure, and arguably a right for all (Roy and Caywood 2018), the subway can thus be seen as a semi public space (Shuffield; Tonnelat and Kornblum 2017). However, can it also be seen as a modern day urban commons? Well, in order for that to be true, according to David Harvey, there must be social practices of âCommoningâ ((Kornberger & Borch 2016)
⢠Part 2:Â
Commoning is defined the âunstable and malleableâ social practice of exercising the common right to land (or space) use (ibid). In the context of the subway, this practice can be witnessed in the daily unintended uses of the infrastructure, the unspoken agreements and âminimalistic social ordersâ that NYC riders have among themselves (Tuckel et al. 2016). According to Jain and Kutler, commoning is a form of resistance and a defense of space, and includes the following:
A. The Negotiation of shared space and materialities, common practices of which are perceived in the subway in the:Â
âOn Boarding": A commonly shared agreement that riders exit before others enter. The on-boarding of a train during rush hour can somewhat be seen as a game : The winner tactically waiting near a door gets to go in first and, on a good day, gets a seat. In the case of a crowded train, players need to strategise in order to get to go in at all, calculating when and if itâs worth the squeeze. (is it ever worth the squeeze?)
âShufflingâ: A shared dance as one moves past to get in or out of a crowded car. The crammed commuters, taking micro steps, sway like the movement of an anemone. Remarkably, it is rare that one ever misses their stop because they couldnât exit the train. Â âScootingâ: During rush hours and long commutes, seating space on the subway is a valuable resource. Subway seats have gone through multiple design styles, in an attempt to implicitly communicate that:Â
   1. Your bottom, and only your bottom, should only occupy the space it truly needs.Â
   2. Manspreading is never okay.
âPole Handlingâ: A Merry Go Round. While previous designs accounted for individual strap hangers, the negotiation of space on the shared pole is obvious in the shift of hands up and down the rail to accommodate riders on a crowded car.
B. The Appropriation of the space , which in this case means the use of shared space for an individual / groupâs own interest. This can be seen often on the subway, prime examples of which include:Â
Vendors: Commonly seen by those selling hot churros or glittering gold jewelry on certain platforms. Such vendors, often familiar faces to a station regular, use the space as their workplace, appropriating the infrastructure and adding a layer of commercial functionality in order to make a living. Many are, in fact, appropriating illegally, taking risks and disobeying a process that complicatesÂ
How the MTA want you to react: Report them. If theyâre not licensed, they shouldnât be there.
How you could alternatively react:Â If you wish to navigate the space as an urban commons, then treat it like ye old market place. Appreciate their efforts, maybe buy something, or simply engage in conversation - youâd be surprised to find how interesting their stories may be. As long as theyâre not bothering anyone, they should make use this commons without external disdain. Do not be a snitch.
Performers: These include subway dancers, licensed and unlicensed musicians, the spontaneous occasional mariachi band and the sweet blind man with the speaker you may encounter ever so often. They devote the space to their music, their moves, and essentially their culture. Similar to vendors, in doing so, turn the subway into a workplace when they ask for tips, and also in some cases, marketing campaign when they ask for @follows.Â
How the MTA want you to react: Unlicensed? Report them! Or at the very least ignore them, so as to discourage their appropriation.
How you could alternatively react: Navigating these figures is, in its traditional form, quite simple. You could tip them if you enjoyed the show, or look away with an awkward smile so as to acknowledge their âserviceâ while politely declining an expected payment. However, if you wish to truly partake in commoning, you should feel free to truly enjoy their performance! It is not illegal to clap, sing or maybe even sway along. Once again, as long as theyâre not a disturbance, thereâs no need to discourage their behavior. Some people are trying to make a living, others are trying to make a commute a bit more bearable.
Panhandlers: Some walk into cars with nothing but their stories to offer, in return for money. One could argue that their stories, and often interesting personalities, play a role in the unique experience that makes the NYC subway.Â
Sleepers: This form of appropriation, no matter how subtle, transforms the character of ones social psychological relationship with the space, essentially âprivatizingâ it (Lofland 1973). These include both the early morning didnt-sleep-well or exhausted had-a-long-day nappers, as well as the donât-have-anywhere-else homeless sleepers. Letâs be real, youâve been the first subject during at least one of your commutes. Some homeless might not be asking for anything but a space for some shuteye.
How the MTA want you to react: Completely ignore to discourage begging, and report the sleepers.
How you could alternatively react: If you have some change, a snack, and are feeling empathetic, hand em a couple. Otherwise, practice some decent civil inattention, and glance up if only to have them feel seen.(Goffman, 1963 quoted in Van der Schraaf 2018). If you donât feel threatened by their presence, and theyâre not taking up precious space on a crowded vehicle, just let them be.
Protesters: Throughout its history, the subway has been a space for congregation post adversity or blessing. When twin towers fell on 9/11, it became a safe space for mourners. After an iconic win by the Mets, the 7 train becomes a space for communal celebration. Recently however, it has become a space for contention. Through organized turnstile jumping and urban interventions like zip tying emergency doors open, protesters essentially fight for their right to the city by appropriating the space as one for civic dialogue and participation.
How the MTA want you to react: Do not partake in such activities, and report turnstile jumpers.
How you could alternatively react: Participate in simple forms of peaceful protest, to show solidarity against unjust policing (Stophler and Jones 2017) . Turn a blind eye to turnstile jumpers, and perhaps, when you exit the station, feel free to use the emergency door, perhaps even holding it open for just that little bit longer.
⢠Part 3: Hierarchy
It is argued that appropriations of a space often occur in an implicitly hierarchal manner within an urban commons (Jain and Kuttler). It seems like, when it comes to the appropriation of the space, hierarchies within the context of the subway explicitly exist among the private entities that govern the space over the riders, ie. The MTA officials and policing force are clearly up on the ladder of authority.
 Between those negotiating the space, however, these hierarchies can also simply be an embodiment of privilege and power amongst the riders (Ruivenkamp and Hilton 2017). In this case, is the hierarchy defined by age and ability, favoring the elderly or differently abled? Or is it just as simple as first come first serve? Are the hierarchies defined by the riderâs sense of belonging to the space, âowningâ a line or a station they frequent (Tonnelat and Kornblum 2017), or just determined by the userâs sense of purpose, projecting confidence onto others? Â
Are hierarchies implicitly in favor of those with bigger builds, intimidating figures? To what extend are they determined by the hexis of those subconsciously influenced by gender? As stated by (Ingrid Getreuer-Karg 2012, 181-197) gender-informed demeanor is internalized behavior, acquired over a long period of time, that people hardly ever become conscious of. When it comes to hierarchies of those that navigate the subway space, there seems to be questions that still need examining.
& Social Relations
According to some, social relations must exist to some extent between the group sharing the resource that is the commons. Now, in the case of the subway, social relations between individual riders may appear nonexistent. Nevertheless, passive social acts can be seen in the regular negotiations of the space (Van Der Schraaf 2018). Active socialities, on the other hand, can often be triggered, albeit temporarily, by instances such as delays and similar unexpected events (DeSapio 2013). Shared experiences can be considered space activators, drawing attention to the reality of sharing common confined space, and thus creating transient communities in the process.
Simultaneously, however, while some worry that social relations may be threatened by increasing reclusiveness on the subway with technology making it easier for us to remain within our own bubble, others believe the subway will always be a space for opportune social encounters. (Vanderbilt 2009)
⢠Part 4: Access & Exclusion
With the current (loud) campaigns around fare evasion, noticeably stricter policing on vendors and De Blasioâs project to counter homelessness on the subway, issues of access may be nothing new. However, how can we understand these in the context of a commons?
Well, one one hand, one could argue that plans to eradicate such forms of commoning on the subway - even through simpler methods like century old codes of conduct - as efforts to focus on the efficiency and safety of its utilitarian function threaten its richness as a modern day urban commons.
On another hand, Harvey (2012) believes that concerns of the enclosure and exclusionary methods of a commons are contradictory and always contested, since it is often the case that âconflicting social (and political) interests underlie who can access a given commons, and therefore who benefits.â (Zapata and Campos Zapata 2017)
Does this just mean that the stateâs exclusion of certain publics is an inherent part of any urban commons? In the case of the subway, rising fares and a straining economy has essentially meant a gradual exclusion of previously included groups. How does one navigate such a shift, especially when there is an undeniable sense of a right this service? And, most importantly perhaps, to what extend does this pose as a threat to the value generated by these figures producing meaning and sharing a distinct atmosphere (Lofgren, 2017) in the space?
Conclusion?
The idea of the commons as a common-pool resource that is collectively governed doesnât seem to be feasible in the scale of shared urban resources, like the subway for example. In the context of the subway, one may argue that it offers two kinds of resources: Â
Transportation (a subtractive resource, as space for mobility in a car depletes with the addition of bodies)Â
Experience, atmosphere and cultural exposure (Lofgren 2017) (a non-subtractive resource, which in fact increases with the increased variety of those in the space)
So, if the subway is a commons produced by the social practices of the people that occupy its space , as well as the atmosphere which they create, then it could be said that, while the MTA regulates the resource, it is the people that create and effectively co-design the experience that is the subway ride. This experience is one that has value beyond its basic utilitarian function of transport, emphasizing the importance of these practices of commoning










