People with diabetes and hepatitis C are not routinely denied kidney transplants, even though their conditions dramatically increase the risk of complication and death.

Also, when they are on dialysis, fat people have a survival advantage over thin people. Does this mean we should deny thin people dialysis until they can gain weight? Wouldn’t that be prudent?

“If you give a fat person a kidney, you’re throwing away an organ that could save someone’s life!” 

Providing kidney transplants to fat people saves lives. Fat people who receive a kidney transplant experience a 48 - 66% reduction in the risk of death in the year following the transplant, compared to fat people who do not receive a transplant.

“Fat people have higher rates of complications sweaty, that’s why they are denied transplants <3″

Haitian immigrants are fleeing the dictator the US propped up. How is this 👇🏿 any different from "Build that Wall"?

I just want you shitlibs who told everybody "Vote Blue No Matter Who" to explain how this differs in any material way from Donald Trump's policies?

and don't even try your 'but he's only been in office for +-3 months"

in the interview biden literally states:

months later y'all see 👇🏾 happening and still silence... disgusting

ask ya boy biden

--------------------------------------

liberals be like:

I will keep on saying this: If the mass deportations of Black and Brown people was considered racist under Trump, it doesn’t magically stop being racist just because a Democrat™ is doing it now. The silence from “allies” who were screaming bloody murder about immigration abuses under Trump is as deafening as it is hypocritical.

     Dr. Carol Anderson is a professor at Emory University 

This is one of her class lectures on 

white rage - defined

Since the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment, every time African Americans have made advances towards full participation in our democracy, White reaction has fueled a deliberate and relentless rollback of their gains. 

The end of the Civil War and Reconstruction was greeted with the Black Codes and Jim Crow. Then there was the so-called Southern Strategy and the War on Drugs that disenfranchised millions of African Americans while propelling presidents Nixon and Reagan into the White House.

Anderson carefully links these and other historical flashpoints when social progress for African Americans was countered by deliberate and cleverly crafted opposition.

She pulls back the veil that has long covered actions made in the name of protecting democracy, fiscal responsibility, or protection against fraud, and renders visible the long lineage of White rage, adding an important new dimension to the national conversation about race in America. Excerpt from Professor Anderson Book White Rage

I tried.

Again.

Misinformation is also a virus and our country is just as infected with it as it is with COVID-19.

Bunk thinks he is perfectly innocent publicly posting his bad information. That he is not harming anyone. But he has influence over his loved ones and his friends and maybe even strangers that see his nonsense.

He is a potential superspreader of misinformation.

And that is dangerous.

https://www.mayoclinic.org/diseases-conditions/coronavirus/in-depth/coronavirus-vaccine/art-20484859

https://www.nejm.org/doi/full/10.1056/nejmoa2035389

https://www.cdc.gov/mmwr/volumes/69/wr/mm6950e2.htm

NBC News: Facing revolt from police chiefs, U.S. Marshals agree to change body camera rules.

Facing a revolt from police chiefs, the Justice Department has agreed for the first time to allow local police assigned to federal fugitive task forces to release body camera video to the public after officer-involved shootings, according to memos obtained by NBC News.

The task forces, led by the U.S. Marshals Service, target people wanted on arrest warrants on suspicion of crimes from drug-dealing to murder. The encounters can be violent, leading to dozens of officer-involved shootings every year. But the federal agents don’t wear body cameras, and local police on the task forces had lacked the authority to release their video after violent encounters.

The move to give police departments control over body camera video is a major shift for an agency that has come under fire by critics calling for greater transparency. It also highlights the willingness of local police officials to stand up to federal authorities in an era of police reform.

“The U.S. Marshals has done the right thing in embracing the fact that this is not something that we want — this is something that we are demanding,” said Orlando, Florida, Police Chief Orlando Rolón, who began to pull his officers off the U.S. Marshals Florida/Caribbean Regional Fugitive Task Force late last year.

The 65 or so Marshals Service task forces in the U.S., which include about 3,500 local officers, have the authority to cross state lines to chase suspects.

The task forces apprehended nearly 78,000 suspects last year, according to the Marshals Service. But they have also come under scrutiny over the high number of encounters that result in shootings and deaths.

An average of 22 people a year were killed in encounters with Marshals Service task forces from 2015 to September 2020, according to The Marshall Project, a nonprofit newsroom that focuses on the criminal justice system.

In the last few years, an increasing number of police departments pulled their officers off the Marshals Service task forces over a policy banning the use of body cameras. In October, the Trump administration took action, allowing local officers on federal task forces to wear cameras when they make “planned” arrests or execute search warrants.

But some police brass said the changes didn’t go far enough, noting that federal authorities still retained ownership of the body camera video. That meant that if one of the local police officers shot a person while teaming up with the marshals, the officer’s police department wouldn’t have the power to share the video with the public.

“You would need prior approval in all circumstances by the federal government to release video,” said Ashan Benedict, the executive assistant chief of the Metropolitan Police Department in Washington, D.C. “It was too restrictive.”

But last month, the Justice Department reversed course.

A Marshals Service memo, dated July 12 and obtained by NBC News, shows that the agency now allows its law enforcement partners to share the camera video if an officer kills or seriously injures a person while working with federal agents.

“The goal is to improve transparency with the public as well as to work to meet the needs of our partner agencies who help make our federal task forces possible,” Justice Department spokeswoman Kristina Mastropasqua said.

The change applies only to the Marshals Service task forces. Local police departments that assign officers to work with other federal agencies under the Justice Department — such as the FBI, the Drug Enforcement Administration and the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives — still won’t have the authority to release body camera video, a Justice Department spokesperson said.

Police officials said their opposition to the policy largely focused on the marshals, because the assignments often involve chasing down suspects in private homes and on public streets.

Christy Lopez, a Georgetown University law professor, said the policy shift shows how a change in presidents can affect policing practices on the ground.

“It really shows the difference in leadership,” said Lopez, a Justice Department official in the Obama administration who led investigations into police departments accused of widespread abuses.

But Lopez said she believes the reform is still too narrow. She said it should allow for the expedited release of video whenever there are questions about a violent encounter, not just when a person is shot or seriously injured.

“The federal government should be leading on issues of accountability and transparency, and far too often they have been trailing behind,” Lopez said.

The Justice Department is also moving toward requiring federal agents to wear body cameras during planned arrests. In a June memo, it gave federal law enforcement agencies under its purview 30 days to come up with plans to implement the directive.

A Justice Department spokesperson said the plans are still in the works.

The new body camera rules have yet to spur a mass return to partnerships with the marshals by the police departments and sheriff’s agencies that dropped out over the dispute.

Image: Police in Minneapolis

Police stand guard after protesters set fire to dumpsters in Minneapolis on June 5 after a vigil for Winston Boogie Smith Jr.Christian Monterrosa / AP

Several sheriffs in Minnesota pulled their deputies off the North Star Fugitive Task Force in June after officers fatally shot Winston Boogie Smith Jr. in Minneapolis. Smith was wanted on a gun charge. His death sparked protests in a city still reeling from the death of George Floyd.

At least three Minnesota sheriffs said they withdrew from the task force in response to the shooting, frustrated over the continued delay in getting body cameras for their deputies on the federal team.

Tierney Peters, a spokesperson for the sheriff’s office in Anoka County, which is about 20 miles north of Minneapolis, said the agency is still reviewing the Marshals Service’s latest body camera proposal to make sure it doesn’t conflict with state law.

Minnesota rules say the video generally can go public if it features an officer shooting someone or using another form of force that causes serious injury.

“Until control of our own body-worn camera footage resides with the Anoka County Sheriff’s Office, we feel the need to cease participation in the task force,” Peters said.

Orlando City Council members are expected to vote Monday whether to allow the police department to return to the Marshals Service team.

IMAGE: Casey Christopher Goodson Jr.

Casey Christopher Goodson Jr.via Facebook

Among the more high-profile incidents involving Marshals Service task forces was the fatal shooting of Casey Goodson Jr. in December.

Goodson, 23, a Black man, was shot five times in the back by a deputy sheriff in Ohio who was finishing up an unsuccessful search for a fugitive as part of a Marshals Service task force, according to a coroner’s report and the Marshals Service.

Goodson was carrying a gun at the time, but in the absence of body camera video, questions remain over what led to the shooting. Local and federal prosecutors are still determining whether the deputy sheriff, who has retired, will face charges.

Sarah Gelsomino, an attorney for the Goodson family, said the new body camera rules are a step in the right direction, but she said she believes it’s too early to tell whether the change will increase accountability or reduce unnecessary deaths at the hands of Marshals Service task forces.

This country hasn’t seen this kind of dystopian legal bullshit since Salem.

Access to almost all abortion has just been cut off for millions of people. The impact will be immediate and devastating.

The law bans abortion as early as six weeks into pregnancy — before many people even know they’re pregnant. The result is that many Texans will be forced to carry pregnancies against their will.

Private individuals — including anti-abortion activists with no connection to patients — can now sue ANYONE who they believe is providing abortion or assisting someone in accessing abortion after six weeks. 

This could include: 

Health care workers

Clergy

Rideshare drivers

The law doesn’t just allow these lawsuits — it actively encourages private individuals to act as bounty hunters by awarding them at least $10,000 if they are successful.

This is a racial and economic justice catastrophe. Decades of racism and structural inequality within the health care system have left Black and Latinx people and anyone trying to make ends meet with few alternatives to the cruel reality that Texas politicians have created.

This is a full-scale assault on patients, our health care providers, and our support systems. This abortion ban is blatantly unconstitutional. We won’t stop fighting until it’s blocked.

The next crucial push forward in the fight against racism isn’t what you think. 

And it has to do with the difficulty in literally policing what you wear.

Gifs: TEDx Talks

(No hate to this dude, he's just telling the truth)

Lil Nas X is letting y'all know that queerness is not a “white people thing.” 💁🏾‍♀️🌈

Queerness is ancestral || queer folks existed in pre-colonial spaces, struggled and resisted under colonialism, and are kicking down barriers in the 21st century.

Here are some must reads by scholars, poets, and activists who are sharing the histories, lived experiences, and ancestral-liberation work of those who came before and those blooming and yet to come~

Find their works listed below on my Neighborhood Historian bookshop.

Top Picks

Sister Outsider: Essays and Speeches - Audre Lorde (1984)

Freedom To Love For ALL: Homosexuality is not Un-African - Yemisi Ilesanmi (2013)

Black on Both Sides: A Racial History of Trans Identity -  C Riley Snorton (2017)

On Earth We’re Briefly Gorgeous - Ocean Vuong (2019)

Black Girl, Call Home - Jasmine Mans (2021)

The Transgender Issue: An Argument for Justice - Shon Faye (Pre-Order)

Queer History, Activism, and Liberation in the United States (by time period)

Female Husbands: A Trans History - Jen Manion (2020)

Arresting Dress: Cross-Dressing, Law, and Fascination in Nineteenth-Century San Francisco - Clare Sears (2014)

We’ve Been Here All Along: Wisconsin’s Early Gay History - R. Richard Wagner (2019)        

Welcome to Fairyland: Queer Miami Before 1940 - Julio Capó (2017)

Her Neighbor’s Wife: A History of Lesbian Desire Within Marriage - Lauren Jae Gutterman (2019) 

Queer Clout: Chicago and the Rise of Gay Politics - Timothy Stewart-Winter (2017)        

The Deviant’s War: The Homosexual vs. the United States of America - Erin Cervini (2021)

We Are Everywhere: Protest, Power, and Pride in the History of Queer Liberation - Matthew Riemer and Leighton Brown (2019)

Queer Twin Cities - collected by Twin Cities Glbt Oral History Project (2010)

Queerness Across Borders and Generations

We Have Always Been Here: A Queer Muslim Memoir - Samra Habib (2019)

Queer and Trans Migrations: Dynamics of Illegalization, Detention, and Deportation - (2020)

Tolerance and Risk: How U.S. Liberalism Racializes Muslims - Mitra Rastegar (Pre-Order)

Lived Experiences and Memories in Marginalized Spaces

Visibility Interrupted: Rural Queer Life and the Politics of Unbecoming - Carly Thomsen (2021)

Living Queer History: Remembrance and Belonging in a Southern City - Gregory Samantha Rosenthal (Pre-order)

Girl, Woman, Other: A Novel - Bernardine Evaristo (2019)

On Being Different: What It Means to Be a Homosexual - Merle Miller (1971)

Black Girl Dangerous on Race, Queerness, Class and Gender - Mia McKenzie (2014)

Steel Closets: Voices of Gay, Lesbian, and Transgender Steelworkers - Anne Balay (2016)

Rust Belt Burlesque: The Softer Side of a Heavy Metal Town - Erin O'Brien and Bob Perkoski (2019)

Study Resources

We Will Always Be Here: A Guide to Exploring and Understanding the History of LGBTQ+ Activism in Wisconsin - Jenny Kalvaitis and Kristen Whitson (2021)

New Daughters of Africa: An International Anthology of Writing by Women of African Descent - edited by Margaret Busby (2019)

Before 1995 the poorest half of the population of the United States earned a greater share of national wealth than the richest 1%, he points out. But that year the tables turned - the top 1% earned more than the bottom 50%. And the gap is continuing to widen.

In 1965, CEOs in the US earned 20 times more than the average worker but by 2015 it had risen to 300 times (in the UK, the bosses of FTSE 100 companies now earn 117 times the salary of their average worker).

After crunching the numbers, he arrived at the figure of $70,000. He realized that he would not only have to slash his salary, but also mortgage his two houses and give up his stocks and savings. He gathered his staff together and gave them the news. Since then, Gravity has transformed. The headcount has doubled and the value of payments that the company processes has gone from $3.8bn a year to $10.2bn. But there are other metrics that Price is more proud of.

“Before the $70,000 minimum wage, we were having between zero and two babies born per year amongst the team,” he says. “And since the announcement - and it’s been only about four-and-a-half years - we’ve had more than 40 babies.” More than 10% of the company have been able to buy their own home, in one of the US’s most expensive cities for renters. Before the figure was less than 1%. The amount of money that employees are voluntarily putting into their own pension funds has more than doubled and 70% of employees say they’ve paid off debt.

Rosita Barlow, director of sales at Gravity, says that since salaries were raised junior colleagues have been pulling more weight.c"When money is not at the forefront of your mind when you’re doing your job, it allows you to be more passionate about what motivates you,“ she says. Senior staff have found their workload reduced. They’re under less pressure and can do things like take all of the holiday leave to which they are entitled.