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Having a loved one in Israel is weird bcs I have every personal reason to want this war over as soon as possible, but I can't hang around and talk with other people against the war, bcs most of the people against the war in the west kinda want the person I love dead, and yeah.
A lot of people's idea of being anti war is desiring one side to completely obliterate the other through conquest, and thinking they'll be no war after that because the enemy race has been neutralized, which is definitionally the most pro-war thing you can think.
you have to understand that my body does not work by default. âohhh so many medications means so many chemicals inside you. i could neverâ well if i did not take these things i would not be able to function. i respect and have made peace with the chemical. Get out of my face
Listen Barbara but your body already HAS the Chemicals I need. When I take my meds I have increased the amount of Chemicals to the Normal Amount, the amount that you have by default. The reason it's a disease is because not having the Normal Amount of Chemicals makes things stop working. Not everyone can make their own, Barbara. Some people need store bought, Barbara.
I don't normally post photos or talk about the protest actions I participate in, but I was at the Chicago Stand Up For Science rally on behalf of my job recently and this sign took me out at the knees.
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The problem with being low support needs is that people mentally autocorrect that to âno support needsâ and then proceed to give you absolutely nothing and then get surprised when you implode after six months.
Reclamation: taking a pejorative word used to dehumanize you and emptying it of its negative connotations by claiming it for yourself and using it as a positive descriptor
Not reclamation: taking a pejorative word used to dehumanize you and keeping its negative connotations intact by using it as a pejorative against more people
And is that "high functioning" person actually able to highly function or are you ignoring their disability because it's inconvenient for you and they've learned to not be inconvenient?
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âit is antisemitic to automatically assume a jew is a zionistâ
it is antisemitic to automatically assume that being a zionist â defined as the belief that jews have a right to self determination in their ancestral homeland â makes someone a bad nasty evil genocidal bloodthirsty killer actually
UNPOPULAR OPINION: A lot of "mental health issues" disappear when bills are paid, rent is secure, and the fridge is full. Peace is expensive. And pretending money doesn't affect mental health is privilege.
And the mental health issues that don't disappear under those improved conditions are much easier to manage. A poor quality of life is effectively a comorbidity.
A war of choice has turned into a strategic disaster for Washington.
At his second inaugural, U.S. President Donald Trump pronounced his hope âthat our recent presidential election will be remembered as the greatest and most consequential election in the history of our country.â By losing his Gulf war, Trump has achieved that goal. His choice to launch a campaign against Iran was encouraged by others, but fully his own. It has led to a reversal that marks a strategic calamity far greater than the U.S. defeat in the Vietnam War.
Defeat in the Iranian war looks, on the surface, nothing like other U.S. military defeats. The speed of the war and its remoteness have lent an air of unreality to the whole endeavor. The White House has not been burned, as it was in 1814; there have not been protests against a nonexistent draft. Even from my perch in Doha, where for the first weeks I could see and hear the war of missiles above my head, the past several weeks have been confusing. While shopping for groceries, filling my tank up with still-cheap petrol, and carrying on a Zoom call with distant co-authors, I have asked myself repeatedly, âIs this a war zone?â
The absence of substantial U.S. casualties in this conflict also masks the scale of the U.S. defeat. To be sure, the war has been deadly: Thousands of Iranians, combatants and civilians, have died in the fighting. Americans, however, have endured far fewer deaths: To date, fewer than 20 U.S. soldiers have diedâand many of those in a single strike.
By comparison, the scale of what the Vietnamese call the American War is breathtaking. Millions of people, mostly civilians, died in more than a decade of fighting waged over much of the skies and jungles of Southeast Asia; of those, just under 60,000 were Americans.
So bitter was the experience that, for a generation, when Americans mentioned the word âVietnam,â they did not refer to the actual country or society that bears that nameâabout whom they remained largely ignorant even after years of struggle. In American usage, Vietnam was understood to be primarily a metaphor or a symbol for an American experience.
To many ordinary Americans, it meant personal grief. For some elites, Vietnam was a cautionary tale about the hubris of power; for others, it was an error that hindered proper strategic calculation in the present. There was, however, a national consensus that Vietnam was a stain on the national fabric: A 2014 Chicago Council on Global Affairs poll found 58 percent of Americans described it as a âdark momentâ and only 12 percent as something to be proud of.
The most difficult point to grasp about that conflict today may be why the United States fought so hard given how little the conflict turned out to matter to Washington. For all that U.S. policymakers waging war tolerated what would now be almost unimaginable casualties, U.S. failure in the war ultimately mattered little to broader American strategic objectives. As early as 1964, internal U.S. government debates questioned the âdomino theoryââthe idea that one country becoming communist would lead to its neighbors followingâthat would become popularly identified with the U.S. war in Vietnam.
That the war was ultimately irrelevant to Americans is not to say it was unimportant. The destabilization of Southeast Asia mattered: The mass graves of Cambodia bear mute witness to the toll of a conflict whose consequences spread beyond Vietnamâs borders and after a peace had been officially signed. The result of the war mattered to Vietnam, as did the desperation of the refugees who fled in the years to come.
Yet those observations do not change the fact that, for the United States itself, the consequences of a costly defeat were, in the long run, relatively minor and inward-looking. The United States emerged from the wider Cold War triumphant. Vietnam itself is a power surprisingly friendly to the United States today.
Compare that situation with the aftermath of Trumpâs war. The United States is inarguably in a weaker position than when it began this war of choice, with core U.S. strategic objectives harmed.
Contrast how its military performance has seemed during this conflict with the U.S.-led coalitionâs war to reverse Iraqi President Saddam Husseinâs conquest of Kuwait. In the 1990-91 conflict, the seeming ease with which Iraqâs military was dismembered stunned the world.
By contrast, the technically superior performance of U.S. arms in the Iran conflict has been overshadowed by the shallowness of U.S. arsenals, calling into question U.S. preparedness for a conflict with any foe more powerful than the Islamic Republic. The lasting image of high-tech combat from this conflict will be the blood-spattered bags of Iranian schoolgirls killed as the result of an apparent database error. And although U.S. defensive systems have performed well against Iranian missiles and one-way attack drones, Iran was nevertheless able to penetrate those systems to great effect, calling into question how those systems would fare against a more focused enemy or over a longer conflict.
Strategically, the outcomes are far grimmer. The United States achieved regime change of a sort: Rather than turning Tehran into a pliable client, the war made Iran more hard-line, leaving the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps effectively in charge of the country. Israeli and U.S. arms, however brutally effective in the first days of the war, ultimately demonstrated the limitations of kinetic solutions, to Iranâs great benefit. Iranâs nuclear program has now endured two rounds of joint Israeli-U.S. airstrikes. It seems unlikely a third would fare much better.
The effects on U.S. leadership in the global system have been more profound. Regional allies, many of whom reportedly argued against the venture, bore the brunt of the costs of the fighting. Most tellingly, Iran learned that its capacity to throttle the Strait of Hormuz could deliver economic leverage on a worldwide scale.
Freedom of navigation has been a core U.S. strategic objective for more than two centuries; President Thomas Jefferson dispatched the Navy to halt tributary payments to Mediterranean powers in the early 1800s. The potential end of free passage of the Strait of Hormuz could portend a weaponization of trade routes with enduring and potentially grievous harm to world commerce.
The manner in which a war ends can tell as much as how it begins. After the American War, the United States could largely turn its back on Vietnam and its neighbors and concentrate on areas of greater strategic importance. Although some combination of a global shift to green energy and the hydrocarbon production of the United States might make a similar exit from the Gulf region attractive to at least some in Washington, it will be difficult to copy the post-Vietnam departure.
The world economy is, after all, more interwoven today than in the 1970s, and the Gulf plays a greater role in economic networks today than Indochina did decades ago. Global supply chains are wired to depend not only on Gulf hydrocarbons but on its helium, fertilizer, and aluminum. The linkages are not only economic. Continuing U.S. ties to Israel make a complete exit from the region unlikely and raise the prospect of further, perhaps more intense, fighting. The development of Iranâs missiles, and potentially its nuclear program, makes the prospects for the 2030s much more dire not only for the region but for Europe and South Asia as well.
The United States, under whatever management, will confront these consequences while being itself weakened at home and abroad. Its allies will have less confidence in its capabilities; its public will be less willing to bear the costs of even productive engagement; its rivals will be likelier to challenge Washingtonâs will. Those results will be far more lasting and severe than the U.S. failure in its war in Vietnam.
One thing will be similar, however. Decades from now, students looking back to understand this American conflict will raise the same question I asked about the U.S. war in Vietnam: Why? Scholars will provide many well-researched answers, but none that will ultimately prove satisfying.
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Kurt Vonnegut wrote: âWhen I was 15, I spent a month working on an archeological dig. I was talking to one of the archeologists one day during our lunch break and he asked those kinds of âgetting to know youâ questions you ask young people: Do you play sports? Whatâs your favorite subject? And I told him, no I donât play any sports. I do theater, Iâm in choir, I play the violin and piano, I used to take art classes.
And he went WOW. Thatâs amazing! And I said, âOh no, but Iâm not any good at ANY of them.â
And he said something then that I will never forget and which absolutely blew my mind because no one had ever said anything like it to me before: âI donât think being good at things is the point of doing them. I think youâve got all these wonderful experiences with different skills, and that all teaches you things and makes you an interesting person, no matter how well you do them.â
And that honestly changed my life. Because I went from a failure, someone who hadnât been talented enough at anything to excel, to someone who did things because I enjoyed them. I had been raised in such an achievement-oriented environment, so inundated with the myth of Talent, that I thought it was only worth doing things if you could âWinâ at them.
joining the war on kids reading any book they want on the side of kids reading any book they want. simply you will be fine. it's even good to be confronted with things you don't understand and even find upsetting, uncomfortable and difficult. it's a surprise tool that will help you later.
literally ok so not a funny story but kind of funny? when I was nine I encountered rape in a book and I was like hey mom whatâs this mean and she explained it and I was like oh. gross. and then like two weeks later a girl on the bus abruptly disclosed her csa and we were all like ????? what ???? but I was like wait hang on thereâs a word for that âď¸đ¤Â and explained what it meant and that it was illegal and that you could talk to a teacher or my mom if it had happened to you and everyone was like ohhhhh I see I see and very somberly comforted the girl (she was safe she was removed from her home and living with my neighbor at the time so it wasnât Urgent)