#yugoslav

"The term “Balkans” is not merely a geographical designation, but also the result of European intellectual and political representations, as well as a space of internal recognition and resistance to those representations. In this analysis, the Balkans become a symbol of “otherness” in relation to the European West, a space perceived simultaneously as partially European and as something that disrupts, challenges, or threatens Europe itself.

The crisis of Yugoslav society in the 1980s entered global media discourse. At first, the causes of the crisis were examined within the framework of socialism; over time, however, Western politicians and intellectuals adopted an “Orientalist” rhetoric in order to create a sharper distinction between East and West. Orientalism is a pattern through which European cultures and societies are portrayed as progressive, rational, and modern, in contrast to the countries of the Orient, which are seen as backward, irrational, and traditional. It has functioned as a means of asserting dominance and reinforcing the supposed inferiority of Eastern cultures and religions.

While Orientalism defines the East as the opposite of the West, Balkanism emerges as an internal European mechanism of distancing, that is, a way for Europe to construct its own “other” within its borders. Hence the sudden use of the label “Balkan,” which carries Orientalist implications once attached to certain peoples. In this case, Orientalist rhetoric was primarily applied to regions that had been under Ottoman rule. A value system developed within the rhetoric directed at this part of Europe: “Balkan primitivism,” “Balkanization,” “Balkan mentality,” terms often used even by those who are themselves harmed by them. In Western discourse, the Balkans are frequently presented as a place of contradictions: a crossroads between civilization and barbarism, tradition and modernity. This constitutes a symbolic geography intersecting in the former Yugoslavia and across the Balkans - a meeting point of empires (Eastern and Western Roman, Ottoman and Austro-Hungarian), alphabets (Cyrillic and Latin), religions (Catholicism, Orthodoxy, Islam), and political blocs (the Warsaw Pact and NATO). During the Cold War, this ideological and political geography divided the democratic, capitalist West from the totalitarian communist East.

Modern economic geography continues an older political geography, according to which the underdeveloped and poorer South is compared to the developed and wealthier North. It also generates hierarchies among religions. The division between East and West is symbolized by the split within Christianity into the Eastern Orthodox Church and Western Roman Catholicism and Protestantism. Islam is often regarded with greater suspicion than Orthodoxy, Orthodox is less in favour than Roman Catholicism, but even Catholicism is sometimes viewed less favorably than Protestantism. The distinction between “northern” and “southern” republics overlaps with that between “western” and “eastern.” The privileged position is attributed to Catholic regions, former parts of the Habsburg Monarchy, in contrast to Orthodox and Muslim areas of the Ottoman Empire. By deepening differences and accepting such categorizations, two goals are achieved: a) the claim that Yugoslavia was an unviable construction; b) the assertion that its northwestern parts were essentially European and forcibly trapped within the Balkans.

The policy of non-alignment is rejected in favor of colonial and post-colonial interpretations. Europe is portrayed as excluding the Orthodox Church, Byzantine culture, or the Balkans altogether. Serbia, according to such rhetoric, cannot become a “civilized” society as long as it retains a “Balkan-type church and Orthodoxy,” due to the alleged connection between the Church and authoritarian regimes. A fundamental characteristic of this discourse is its supposed “self-evidence.” Parts of the former Yugoslavia that consider themselves outside the Balkans attempt to “Balkanize” other regions.

We have a Hatsune Miku flag on our wall.

She regarded it and said, "My friend has a Teto Flag in their home," except Maeve is a rivethead from New Jersey and doesn't really do weebery, so she pronounces "Teto" as "Tee-Toh" vice "Teh-Toh".

I stood there like, "A Tito Flag?"

"Yeah, a Tito Flag."

"Like—... Is she a Yugoslav Nationalist?"

"No. No — Tito, like the Vocaloid girl. The red one."

Anyways, here's Josip Broz Teto.

Serbian Language

Ljudi preziru sve one koji ne uspiju, a mrze one koji se uspnu iznad njih; Navikni se na prezir ako želis mir, ili na mržnju ako pristaneš na borbu... People despise all those who fail, and hate those who rise above them; Get used to the feeling of contempt if you want peace, or that of hatred if you decide to fight...

Vera Jocić (Serbian: Вера Јоцић; Macedonian: Вера Јоциќ; 21 August 1923 – 22 May 1944) was a Yugoslav partisan and People's Hero of Yugoslavia from the Republic of Macedonia 🇲🇰.

She was born in the village of Sindjelić, Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, in a Serbian colonists' family and fought in the Yugoslav People's Liberation War. She was wounded near Sasa in the Bulgarian occupation zone of Yugoslavia, (today North Macedonia), where she died. She inspired the famous song "Eyes" by Aco Šopov. Via Wikipedia