"Stratonike was a prominent person in her own right, in Babylonia where she is noted in a building inscription from Borsippa, in Syria where she is associated with the development of the Atargatis temple at Hierapolis-Bambyke, in Asia Minor where she was honoured by the Ionian League, at Delos where she made numerous gifts to Apollo (as did her brother Antigonos Gonatas), at Sardis where she gave gifts to Artemis. This last example gives a clue to the reason for her prominence, for she is there described as ‘daughter of Demetrios, granddaughter of Antigonos’, to which everyone could add wife of Seleukos I, wife of Antiochos I, and by the time of her death, mother of Antiochos II and of the Queens of Kappadokia and Cyrenaica. The Babylonian diaries noted in 274 that when Antiochos went to fight the Egyptians he left Queen Stratonike in Sardis, and twenty years later he noted that she had died, also at Sardis.
Such a prominent and well-regarded woman would obviously have considerable influence at the royal court. The coincidence of her death and the peace treaty [between the Seleukids and Ptolemies] might suggest that it was her death which opened the way for the peace agreement to be made, and that she had been hostile to the new marriage [between her son Antiochus II and Berenike Phernophorus]. Her long apparent residence in Sardis will have made her a centre of power in Asia Minor, as would her ancestry and fame, and her gifts to the various deities made her influential elsewhere. Her association with Atargatis at Hierapolis-Bambyke in Syria involved the story of one of her courtiers castrating himself because his desire for her was so great. We do not have to believe the tale, but it goes along with the story of her being handed on to Antiochos I by his father, to suggest that she became the subject of male sexual innuendo and fantasy. If so, it only emphasizes her importance."
— John D. Grainger, The Rise of the Seleukid Empire (323—223 BC): Seleukos I to Seleukos III
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"Stratonike evidently retained the Akkadian royal title used for her even after Antiochos’ death, since the astronomical diary entry identifies her as šarratu, in logograms GAŠAN, which means “queen.” In earlier centuries under previous regimes this title could not be used of a royal woman unless she also ruled. As suggestive as this is, there is no direct corroborating evidence for Stratonike exercising rulership, unless we credit her influence with her children as a form of political dominance. The trope of the domineering dowager queen mother should be familiar enough from interpretations of other royal families throughout history. But the diary, normally fairly precise in noting royal family connections, does not call her “mother [or widow] of the king,” meaning that at least some people remembered Stratonike as a queenly figure on her own, without reference to male relatives. This is an interesting hint at how these royal women could carry out their duties so as to be regarded as individual rulers in their own right."
— Gillian Ramsey, "Apama and Stratonike: The first Seleukid basilissai," The Routledge Companion to Women and Monarchy in the Ancient Mediterranean World (Edited by Elizabeth D. Carney and Sabine Müller)
"No poetic celebration of a Seleucid queen survives extant, but an anecdote preserved by Lucian sheds intriguing light on Seleucid poetic practice (Pro Imaginibus 5) [...] Queen Stratonice, while still the wife of Seleucus I (c. 300-294 BCE), is said to have set up a competition to see which poet could best praise her hair:
She said that Stratonice the wife of Seleucus did something similar and even more ridiculous than this: she set up a contest for poets with a talent as the prize for whoever could best praise her hair – despite the fact that she was bald and didn’t even have a few hairs of her own. Even so, although this was the state of her head and everybody knew that it had happened because of a long illness, she listened to those wretched poets calling her hair hyacinthine, plaiting thick tresses, and comparing her completely non-existent curls to celery.
This is an intriguing passage, with many peculiar details. Stratonice had apparently lost all her locks through a protracted illness, but this did not stop Seleucid poets, impelled by the prospect of a talent’s reward, from praising her ‘hair’ in ornate and figurative terms. In particular, the description of Stratonice’s allegedly ‘thick’ (οὔλους) and ‘hyacinthine’ (ὑακινθίνας) hair recalls the beautified locks of the Homeric Odysseus, whom Athena divinely enhanced before his meetings with both Nausicaa and Penelope:
[Athena made him] taller and broader to look upon, and from his head she made the locks flow thick like the hyacinth flower.
Such an underlying Homeric analogy renders this praise doubly culpable in Panthea’s eyes: not only does it falsify the truth of Stratonice’s bald state (it is not ‘appropriate’ to her nature, cf. προσόν, Pro imag. 2), but it also associates the queen with a major figure of the heroic age, transgressing Panthea’s sense of encomiastic decorum (cf. Pro imag. 7). The whole scene is a travesty of κολακεία σαφής, ‘outright flattery’. In such a context, the verb ἀναπλεκόντων is particularly appropriate, since it not only denotes the plaiting or garlanding of hair, but also evokes a common metaphor of poetic production: the Seleucid poets ‘weave’ Stratonice’s locks into existence, fashioning a deceptive and poetic εἰκών (cf. εἰκαζόντων). Like the goddess Athena, they are purveyors of artifice.
Despite (or because of) its oddities, this anecdote is particularly alluring for our exploration of the poetic celebrations of Seleucid queens. Before going any further, however, we must assess the reliability of Lucian’s account. What should we make of this anecdote? And is it any truer than the author’s playfully apocryphal ‘True Stories’? Lucian is a difficult source, frequently inventive and creative in his handling of the (literary) past, so we must be extremely careful. […]
Nevertheless, however tempting it is to see Lucian up to his old tricks, in this case I believe there are substantial grounds for seeing the Syrian author building on some kind of prior tradition and not just freely inventing. For a start, it is significant that Lucian names Stratonice explicitly here, unlike the anonymous noblewoman of his first anecdote. Such specificity requires explanation. Either Lucian chose her as the butt of an invented joke (perhaps through fondness for her character and a sense of geographical kinship), or rather he drew on a pre-existing tradition attached to her name. Given the degree to which this episode maps onto other accounts attached to this Seleucid queen, the second of these options seems more plausible. Daniel Ogden has noted how well the whole episode coheres with Lucian’s account of Stratonice in the De Dea Syria, in which the queen (again, while still married to Seleucus) suffers from a serious illness after failing to heed a dream-request from Hera Atargatis to construct a temple in Hierapolis Bambyce (μιν μεγάλη νοῦσος ἔλαβεν, Syr. D. 19). Such a ‘serious illness’ (μεγάλη νοῦσος) parallels the ‘long illness’ (νόσου μακρᾶς) which caused her baldness in the anecdote and which ‘everybody was aware of’ (ἁπάντων εἰδότων, Pro imag. 5). In both these passages, Lucian appears to be building off different elements of the same Stratonice story.
Nor is the cohesion of this Stratonice story restricted to Lucian’s own corpus. As Ogden has further noted, the ‘healthy sense of self-deprecating humour’ which Stratonice seems to show in Lucian’s account is paralleled by another anecdote concerning the queen’s portrayal by a different creative artist, in this case a painter:
innotuit … Ctesicles reginae Stratonices iniuria. nullo enim honore exceptus ab ea pinxit volutantem cum piscatore, quem reginam amare sermo erat, eamque tabulam in portu Ephesi proposuit, ipse velis raptus. regina tolli vetuit, utriusque similitudine mire expressa. (Pliny, HN 35.140)
Ctesicles became famous as a result of his insult to Queen Stratonice. Because she did not receive him in honourable fashion, he painted her rolling around with the fisherman with whom she was rumoured to be in love. He put the picture on display in Ephesus’ harbour before making a quick escape by sail. The queen forbade its removal, because he had represented each of them with amazing accuracy.
Here too, we find a playfully subversive Stratonice who seems to revel in her unqueenly behavior (adultery with a fisherman), just as in Lucian she revels in her unqueenly appearance (baldness). This Pliny passage further highlights a recurring aspect of Stratonice’s character which is only implicit in the Lucianic anecdote: her erotic allure. The queen’s amatory escapades with the fisherman parallel other accounts of her alleged liaisons with her step-son Antiochus (Syr. D. 17-18; Plut. Dem. 38) and the courtier Combabus (Syr. D. 19-27), all of which seem to reflect her cultic association with Aphrodite. This same element is present in Lucian’s account, but on a more implicit level through the poet’s description of Stratonice’s ‘hair’. Flower similes are a staple feature of erotic literature, a topos which lends an underlying amatory flavour to the comparison of her locks to hyacinth and celery, especially given the erotic association of both flowers. And this is reinforced further by the Seleucid poets’ Odyssean echoes, which point to two specific Homeric moments in which Odysseus’ beauty is divinely enhanced before his encounters with Nausicaa and Penelope (scenes endowed with a great deal of erotic potential).
Stratonice’s ill health (νοῦσος, Syr. D. 19; νόσου, Pro imag. 5) may also reflect this erotic association. It is well known that the noun νόσος/ νοῦσος can refer to lovesickness as much as a real disease. Indeed, this meaning dominates the story of Antiochus’ love for Stratonice, in which the doctor explicitly recognizes the prince’s ‘illness’ as ‘love’ (ἔγνω τὴν νοῦσον ἔρωτα ἔμμεναι, Syr. D. 17). But one particular symptom of such extreme desire is hair loss. […] The whole story of Stratonice’s long illness and hair loss thus complements and resonates fruitfully against the queen’s larger association with immoderate passions.
Considered against the larger backdrop of the ‘Stratonice tradition’, therefore, Lucian’s anecdote in the Pro Imaginibus does not seem so fanciful. Indeed, it reflects key aspects of her character and story that can be found elsewhere: her illness, sly humour and erotic allure. Taking the evidence together, I think it likely that Lucian drew this episode from a pre-existing source.
Of course, this conclusion does not prove the strict historicity of the episode, something which is ultimately unprovable on current evidence. Rather, it suggests that traditions surrounding Stratonice were already circulating in antiquity before Lucian’s day, part of the larger canon of Seleucid legend which has been so well charted by recent scholars. Like many other elements of that legend, however, it is likely that this tale too can be traced back to the myth-making of the Seleucid court itself. At various other points in his works, Lucian appears to treat Seleucid myth in a way that seems to echo Seleucid ideology and literature. The romance of Antiochus and Stratonice (Syr. D. 17-18), for example, has been traced back to Seleucid propaganda, while Lucian’s account of Antiochus’ Elephant victory (Zeux. 8-11) also appears to reflect Seleucid commemorations in the wake of the battle. Given these parallels, it is likely that Lucian’s account of Stratonice’s baldness can also be traced back to Seleucid traditions, even if perhaps in a comically distorted form."
— Thomas J. Nelson, "The Coma Stratonices: Royal Hair Encomia and Ptolemaic-Seleucid Rivalry?", Women and Power in Hellenistic Poetry
"While queen Apama’s diplomacy was regime-building, resolving problems and grounding Seleukid sovereignty over the east in the older forms of rule, Stratonike operated in a sphere of escalating conflict, with mounting risks as parties marshalled their resources for the competition over Asia Minor. This – the centre of an incipient conflict – was the natural place for diplomacy in the Hellenistic world, and by participating in foreign affairs during the two Syrian Wars, Stratonike faced all the risks concomitant with the type of self-interested and dominance-seeking interactions occurring among the kingdoms. The later phase of this took place during a little-understood, but undoubtedly painful, period of succession transition within her immediate family. Stratonike’s enduring reputation as a good queen, albeit more memorable for her romantic characterization as a twice-over bride than for her later career, is testament to the power she wielded and the status she brought to the Seleukids through her diplomatic action, although this was not a point for much celebration during her life."
— Gillian Ramsey, "The Diplomacy of Seleukid Women: Apama and Stratonike, Seleukid Royal Women (Edited by Altay Coşkun and Alex McAuley)
"Antiochos’ and Stratonike’s activities in the eastern part of the [Seleukid] empire are largely shrouded in mystery, but, as Engels has argued, Antiochos was far from idle since he embarked on a large building programme and was active in securing the frontier. There is some evidence to suggest that his new bride accompanied him for much of this period. We can perhaps identify Stratonike’s presence with her new husband in the Upper Satrapies through the gold coinage minted in Susa and Baktria in c . 287. The two gold coin sets are of the same type, the obverse features the laureate head of Apollo facing right and the reverse features Artemis in an elephant biga facing left with the legend ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ ΣΕΛΕΥΚΟΥ in exergue.
Figure 1: Coin of Seleukos I from Baktria Depicting Apollo on the Obverse and Artemis with Elephant Biga on the Reverse (Houghton and Lorber 2002, SC I no. 163).
Figure 2: Coin of Seleukos I from Baktria Depicting Apollo on the Obverse and Artemis with Elephant Biga on the Reverse (Houghton and Lorber 2002, SC I no. 257).
The reverse image of Artemis in the elephant biga is within the same design type as a large range of other coinage issued by Seleukos I celebrating the success of his elephants and thus his eastern campaigns. The appearance of Artemis is however unique to these coin types. This suggests the emphasis on the close links between the twin gods, Artemis and Apollo, depicted on the obverse and reverse of this coinage . Since there appears to be as a close link between Apollo and Antiochos as there is between Zeus and Seleukos, the presence of Artemis could be seen as a symbol for Stratonike. This would create a series of parallels: Seleukos/Zeus, Antiochos/Apollo, and Stratonike/Artemis. The first two reflect what we see for these two kings at the list of priests of Seleukid kings in Seleukeia in Pieria . Additionally, it may be notable that the sister-wife ideology [...] appears to be evident later in the reign of Antiochos.
As all of the Apollo/Artemis cointypes were produced on high value gold coinage, this suggests that it was issued in order to commemorate a significant event. While the type was similar to other Seleukid coinage, the shift from Athena to Artemis was clearly discernible and unique. The arrival of the new joint-King and Queen in the region to take up residence would have been a suitable moment for the issuing of the new coin type. This advertisement of their new rule certainly falls in line with Seleukos’ wedding speech which confirmed their new roles."
— David Engels & Kyle Erickson, "Apama and Stratonike – Marriage and Legitimacy" Seleukid Royal Women (edited by Edited by Altay Coşkun and Alex McAuley). The pictures of the coins are screenshots from the book.
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"Stratonike’s marriages in the Seleukid dynasty were further steps in experimenting with legitimacy. Her role as an Antipatrid and Antigonid basilissa brought authority in the Mediterranean sphere, just when relationships between the royal families needed to be redefined after her father’s defeat and Seleukos’ victory at Ipsos in 301. Plutarch gives the account of her marriage, how Seleukos requested Stratonike in marriage because he needed an alliance with Demetrios to counterbalance other marriage-alliances being forged by Ptolemy I. Phila joined her daughter and the two kings at Rhosos, Syria for several days of festivities before departing to handle a political dispute with her brother Kassandros, and then Seleukos helped the already polygamous Demetrios broker another marriage with Ptolemaïs, daughter of Ptolemy. Turmoil between the kings erupted almost immediately after; nevertheless it is clear that Stratonike’s first marriage fits into a complex sequence of inter-state negotiations, for which the physical and familial movements of basilissai were integral.
Stratonike’s second marriage [to her stepson Antiochus] was an experiment internal to the Seleukid family, laying the basis for the representation of dynastic cohesion and a stable succession. Setting aside the romantic reading of motivations, in purely political terms, Stratonike transferred all her weight as basilissa to Antiochos, bringing it to bear on his new responsibility for ruling the eastern Seleukid empire. This in itself is interesting: that the Seleukids at this time saw feasibility in dispatching a western basilissa to become a very successful Eastern leader. Stratonike had had [several] years already in which to grow into her role as a Seleukid dynasty founder. Her move to be with Antiochos perhaps represents the point when those years of work came to fruition for her own benefit, plus the benefit of both her husbands, and Apama too."
— Gillian Ramsey, "Apama and Stratonike: The first Seleukid basilissai," The Routledge Companion to Women and Monarchy in the Ancient Mediterranean World (edited by Elizabeth D. Carney and Sabine Müller)
"Concerning Stratonike, there is one reference to her in the Astronomical Diaries, stating that in 274 during the build-up to the First Syrian War she was stationed at Sardis, one of the Seleukid royal capitals, with a high-ranking general. She could have been playing a role in the wartime strategy, since the fight concerned territories in southern Anatolia."
— Gillian Ramsey, "Apama and Stratonike: The first Seleukid basilissai," The Routledge Companion to Women and Monarchy in the Ancient Mediterranean World (Edited by Elizabeth D. Carney and Sabine Müller)
"The concentration of Stratonike’s public appearance within the Antigonid milieu introduces a frisson to the notion of her voiceless compliance with Seleukos’ schemes for dynastic succession. In her public appearances on Delos she is distant from her affines; in her own words she was the daughter of a king and a queen, not wife of two kings. Clearly the evidence is not fulsome and does not provide the personal motivations for such decisions or the emotional attachments present in these relationships, and neither can we say that Stratonike never attended to Seleukid interests nor Apama to Baktrian ones. The Antiochos Cylinder’s portrayal of Stratonike shows that her persona as divinely appealing consort got good traction in Babylonia, at least, and she could have exploited it elsewhere.”
— Gillian Ramsey, "The Diplomacy of Seleukid Women: Apama and Stratonike", Seleukid Royal Women, (Edited by Altay Coşkun and Alex McAuley)